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We are duty bound to act, and France stands ready, working in concert with all those who wish to act in defense of the principles enshrined in the charter. All those who do not wish to remain powerless. The coalition of the willing on Ukraine, together with the UK and Germany, a coalition which brings together everyone who stands ready to guarantee peace and stability in the very heart of Europe, the very place where two world wars began, something no one can ignore and many in the room today know better than anyone what a return of war to Europe could mean. We will not yield an inch. The coalition of the willing will continue fighting. We also have an independent multinational coalition aimed at restoring the freedom of navigation in the Hormuz Strait. This should not be used for blackmail. It's a cardinal principle of international law, and it is in the interests of all of us for vessels to be able to transit through the strait securely and for the energy interests of all of our countries to be secured. The reopening of the Hormuz Strait is a priority. Respect for international law is also a priority. It is in everyone's interests and France is committed to it. Moving on to Africa, we shoulder a collective responsibility for the crises which are piling up without any answers, without any responses. Peace operations must be more effective and to this end they must be enabled, endowed with adequate funding and better coordinated with the United Nations as well as host nations. Back in 2018, I already mentioned the role played by regional organizations and better coordination between these regional bodies and the UN. At the Africa Forward meeting in Nairobi with over 30 African heads of state, and in Addis Ababa, the headquarters of the African Union, together with the UN, we stated clearly that the African Union and regional organizations should be fully equipped to play their role as regards peace and security on the African continent. In Paris in November we will hold a meeting aimed at replenishing the African Union Peace Fund. This will be on the sidelines of the Paris Peace Forum. I call on all potential funders to make robust and concrete pledges. We will not yield in the face of war. We must recommit and seek solutions that are in keeping with the spirit of the charter. Second, we must not give in to the permanent temptation to espouse double standards.
In short, a United Nations that delivers for all. If multilateralism is to deliver, it must first secure the peace upon which all human progress depends. Without peace, sustainable development is an illusion. Conflict destroys lives, uproots communities, and diverts vital resources away from health care, education and climate resilience. We must reject the normalisation of perpetual conflict and the selective application of international law. International law must apply equally to all, without exception, bias or double standards. This principle is vital to maritime security. The oceans are the lifeblood of global trade. When maritime routes are threatened by piracy geopolitical friction or armed aggression, the shocks ripple far beyond regional waters, devastating vulnerable island economies. Freedom of navigation and maritime security must be preserved under international law. Small and vulnerable states like ours should never bear the collateral economic costs of conflicts in which they have no part.
For decades, resolutions have been adopted, yet occupation and violence have continued. We cannot speak of peace while ignoring Palestine. Lasting peace in West Asia is impossible without justice for Palestine. As long as occupation, aggression, and injustice persist in the world, resistance will continue. If it is weakened in one form, it will reemerge in others, perhaps stronger still. Gaza, despite relentless killing and widespread devastation, has strengthened the people's faith in resistance. And resistance cannot be destroyed by bombs and siege. This is human nature. If a human being is driven from his or her land, they will resist. If their homes are subjected to bombings and aggression and attacks, they will resist. What other choice do they have? Succumb to bullying? To be driven from their homes, from their lands, and remain silent in the face of these threats and dangers? And when they defend themselves, they're labeled as terrorists? The language makes it, unfortunately, clear the type of world that we're living in today. Our regional issues must be resolved in the region, at the hands of the countries in the region, without becoming a toy in the hands of outside aggressors. No relationship with a foreign power can become the tools of threatening neighboring countries in the region. And now, a few words with those who are responsible for having planned and carried out aggressions against our country and our people have experienced firsthand the result of their deadly aggression. And they have tested the strength and the steadfastness of Iran, and they have learned that Iran cannot be made to surrender. Iran has never, ever been an aggressor, has never started a war, and has always shown her commitment to the negotiating table. They imposed the war on us, but we proved—we have proven—that we're not afraid of fighting, of war, a war that is defensive in nature. And we will stand in defense of our beloved Iran, our homeland, until our last breath. Ladies and gentlemen, the topic of this gathering is mutual trust. That cannot be achieved through words only, but by abstaining from using double standards.
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Finally, this motto is part of diplomatic cohesion between three states shown by this speech made on behalf of the States of the Confederation, on behalf of the peoples of the Confederation, and in behalf of the diaspora of the Confederation. Mr. president, the Alliance of Sahel States welcomes the theme of this session of the General Assembly Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Now, this theme is an undeniable admission. It's an admission of an erosion of trust between the members of the organization, double standards, biased positions, institutionalised injustice, and the instrumentalisation of institutions and procedures, and its admission that our organization is struggling to adapt to the changes, the huge changes that we're seeing of a world in constant evolution and an admission that our organization, unfortunately, is no longer there for everyone, but belongs more and more to actors chosen according to their power and their vested interests, the promises of hope enshrined in the United Nations Charter, which extolled peace, are disregarded, international law is being martyred and tortured by members whose propensity for domination, neocolonialism, and hegemony is all too evident. Yes, we need to rebuild trust. It's an ambition that we all share. But this suggests that our organization has to stop being the microphone or an organisation that upholds some powerful actors in order to become the common house of all of the peoples, equal in dignity, equal in rights, and equal in sovereignty.
It applies to the international system and it applies to Europe. We will not abandon the European idea because the European path has been difficult. The European Union remains for us our natural political, economic and institutional home, and we have work to do at home. We must strengthen the rule of law, build more effective institutions, build a more competitive economy and strengthen our citizens' confidence in their own state. That is our responsibility, and we will not shift it to Brussels. At the same time, we expect European integration to remain a merit based process based on measurable criteria, not a process in which bilateral issues can continually move the goalposts. We are not asking for an easier path. We are asking for a path governed by rules. We are not asking for lower standards. We are asking for standards to remain standards. This is equally important for Europe's credibility at a time when its geopolitical weight will increasingly depend on its ability to translate its commitments into tangible political outcome, and on its resolve to uphold the values it espouses and to remain steadfast in advancing them despite the many challenges it faces. Excellencies, the future international order will not be shaped only on battlefields or in diplomatic halls.
Multilateralism equipped to address the defining challenges of today peace, the climate emergency, economic insecurity and artificial intelligence. On artificial intelligence and its governance, we need an accountable, transparent and regulated architecture. We need an AI that serves humanity, not controls it. We must always be in the driving seat, setting a safe and secure pace of innovation and development. The artificial intelligence industry cannot be regulated by a few major global companies, and the United Nations must play a central role in setting global standards through the United Nations Global Digital Compact, the Independent International Scientific Panel, and the Global Dialogue on AI governance. Excellencies, the United Nations must remain at the center of the multilateral system. The United Nations is under pressure from geopolitical polarization, financial constraints, and institutional shortcomings.
We stand at the dawn of an unprecedented technological era. Harnessed responsibly, frontier technologies and AI can accelerate sustainable development, optimize resources and bridge deep global divides. But AI also presents profound and systemic risks. Without robust governance and enforceable ethical standards and strong legal guardrails, it could deepen inequalities and become an existential challenge. We echo the growing call across industries that we need robust AI governance with enforceable standards, and we need it now. Advanced capabilities must never be allowed to pose unacceptable risks to human lives, human rights or democratic integrity. Effective governance must also address deep developmental asymmetries. We are not entering the AI era from the same starting point. Managing this revolution requires closing critical gaps in digital infrastructure, computing resources and technical expertise so that developing countries are not left behind. We need AI systems that uplift the vulnerable, strengthen national resilience, promote gender equality, and foster human centered partnerships, not exclusion and fragmentation. Put a face to the tireless migrant workers and seafarers who keep the global community afloat. Millions of migrant workers leave their homes to search for a better life, contributing immeasurably to the sustainable development of countries of origin, transit and destination. They are entitled to full human rights and fundamental freedoms, regardless of status, and deserve steadfast protection from trafficking and exploitation along perilous migration routes. Among them, our seafarers form an indispensable lifeline of global commerce. Nearly 90% of world trade moves by sea, supported by close to 2 million seafarers, more than 25% of whom are Filipinos. They are essential workers, yet increasingly vulnerable to conflict and attacks at sea. Just recently, an incident in the Strait of Hormuz claimed the lives of Filipino seafarers and injured many others.
End of quote. This was 14 years ago, after 14 years. I note that despite the great initial support, our initiative has not been realized. And we can all say that today world is not better. It's worse. This initiative has been drowned in new crises, in the incompetence and ignorance of the individuals and institutions responsible, and in the double standards that have further marked the behavior of our United Nations. And sadly, today we are even further away from the goal we tried to achieve 14 years ago. The theme of this year's session therefore is actually very well chosen. Restoring trust. A United Nations that is here for everyone. Because trust begins with a simple question do we apply our principles consistently or only when it is politically convenient? The United Nations was founded on universal principles sovereignty, equal dignity, the rule of law, the peaceful settlement of disputes, and the protection of human rights. But principles lose their meaning when they are applied selectively. So, Mr. President, distinguished delegates, let us be concrete. For decades, the United Nations has devoted significant institutional attention to the question of Palestine.
Australia stands for a safer world where no country dominates and no country is dominated, crises are prevented, disputes are settled through rules and dialogue, and institutions deliver outcomes. There are so many issues to confront urgently and cooperatively. Last year at this assembly, Australian parents spoke to world leaders about their campaign, resulting in our nation's social media ban for under 16. Those parents channelled their personal grief into a powerful call for global action. And the world has answered. Already, more than 20 countries are bringing in or have brought in age restrictions on social media. And with the European Community taking action, there are many more to come. More recently, our government has announced a Digital Duty of Care. Its purpose is to deliver control back into the hands of people by empowering them to determine what appears in their feed, giving them the choice. The technological development that must now be the subject of public discussion is artificial intelligence. AI can improve lives, boost growth and productivity, provide revolutionary breakthroughs in healthcare and other fields. But leaders of AI companies themselves have warned of the potential risks to allow frontier AI to develop too fast without guardrails. Recently, an artificial intelligence agent infiltrated an Australian government website. This is unacceptable, and it is why Australia has been leading the way in establishing Australian Standards for AI. Standards to ensure that AI will work and deliver for people, not the other way around. We can't ignore AI or prevent it. And it's why we joined with other nations this week to call for action to shape artificial intelligence development, rather than be passively shaped by it. Australia is a nation built on fairness and opportunity that promotes equality and respect for all people. We work to prevent conflict, protect civilians, and defend the rules that protect us all. We uphold international law, including the UN Charter, and support bold, practical reform to ensure the UN can best fulfill its mandate into the future.
When we condemn Russia's clear violation of international law in Ukraine, it is equally important to speak out of Israel's violations of the same rules in Palestine. International law is only relevant if it's enforced. There is no alternative to the two state solution. At this General Assembly, there has been a record number of Palestine related meetings. The support for a Palestinian state has never been stronger. Yet the situation on the ground is more dire than ever. We must act now with moral clarity and ensure that the coming year becomes a year of implementation. My message is this: only if we apply international law to all people in all places and at all times, can we claim that these are universal rules. Double standards quickly translate into no standards at all. Secondly, the UN is in a financial crisis. Major contributors are withholding or delaying payments. Wars and security concerns diverts resources away from the fulfilment of our Sustainable Development Goals. And when resources are available, they too often come with strict earmarking.
Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the Global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars justice and representation and decision making, justice and the application of the law and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes. Notably, sovereign equality among states respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. president, if justice in the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction.
It is Arab in its identity and language, African in its geography, destiny, and belonging, Mediterranean in an intrinsic part of its culture, interests, and partnerships, and Islamic in its civilizational values, which incline toward peace, security, and building bridges with its neighbors. The multiplicity of these circles is not a contradiction but a source of strength, responsibility, and opportunity. From this geopolitical vantage point in particular, we have learned a harsh lesson in recent years. When the state weakens, the vacuum does not remain empty; competing interests fill it, armed groups become active within it, criminal and smuggling networks spread, illicit funds seep in, and institutions themselves become arenas of struggle for influence. At that point, the state does not merely lose part of its security. Its national decision-making begins to lose its independence. This brings us to the essence of what sovereignty means to us. Sovereignty is not merely a flag raised or borders drawn on maps, nor is it slogans repeated while judicial and oversight institutions fail to exercise their roles independently and responsibly. Sovereignty means that national decision-making is free. It also means that our cooperation and integration with United Nations bodies are based on transparency, seriousness, and impartiality, free from selectivity and double standards. Sovereignty means protecting the rights and dignity of the Libyan people from violations, whoever the perpetrator, and ensuring that no one is above the law and no one escapes accountability. Sovereignty means that state institutions are stronger than individuals and groups, and that weapons are subject to the law. It also means that the country's wealth remains the property of the people, not spoils to be divided among parties, networks of interest, or dubious partnerships that exercise some sort of custodianship over the state. Sovereignty means preventing corrupt money from buying influence. It means preventing influence from becoming an immunity that shields corrupt money. If that cycle becomes entrenched, it weakens the state from within and threatens the survival of its institutions.
Madam President, excellencies, our world is undergoing a profound disruption characterised by great-power contestation, the wars in Ukraine, the Middle East, Africa. We're witnessing the rise of trade barriers, supply chain disruptions, worsening climate change, and a new industrial revolution driven by digital technologies, biotechnology and renewable energy. This means we face both great peril and great promise. Yet we are in a more polarised and fractured world, and one that may be unable to protect the global commons at precisely the moment that we need that protection. Our inter-state relations are increasingly dictated by raw power, where the outcomes are determined on the basis of size, leverage and coercion. And this poses obviously, a clear and present danger for smaller states like Singapore. But the point I wanted to make is that even the more powerful states would ultimately pay a price, because hard power on its own cannot secure supply chains, protect populations from pandemics, or stabilise a warming planet. Even big powers need partners to secure their long term national interests. The bilateral and regional arrangements can complement global frameworks, but on their own, they cannot replace shared rules that apply universally. A system built on individual coercive bargains would inherently be more volatile and more unstable. And therefore, our thesis today is that multilateralism offers a different bargain, one that is, in every state's enlightened national interest. These shared rules and norms provide predictability. They constrain the capricious exercise of power, and they maximize autonomy even when power is unequally distributed. Actually the multilateral system today still works more often than the headlines would suggest. A few examples. The World Food Programme feeds over 100 million people a year. The common ICAO standards enable 100,000 flights to operate safely every day. With the ITU, our telecommunications networks and the internet continues to operate safely, smoothly on a planetary scale. The question is, therefore not whether we need multilateralism, but how to make it fit for purpose. And I suggest three priorities. First, we all have to consistently comply with international law and the norms of multilateralism. Second, we need to reform existing institutions where needed. And third, we need to collectively formulate new rules and create new institutions for new technologies.
They resolved to save succeeding generations from its scourge. They reaffirmed faith in human dignity and in the equal rights of nations, large and small. And they pledged social progress, better standards of life, and the economic and social advancement of all peoples. These were not mere words; they were the foundations of a new global order: peace over war, law over force, sovereign equality over dependency, cooperation over division, and human dignity over ambitions of power. On 16 December 1963, four days after our independence, Kenya took its seat in this Assembly. We arrived with one vote and the same sovereign rights as every other state. The promise made in San Francisco now belonged to us as well. And that promise changed the world.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
I also thank Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her stewardship of the 80th Session, and wish to thank the Secretary-General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to the United Nations." Mr. President, eighty-one years ago the United Nations was established in the aftermath of the Second World War to foster international cooperation and prevent future armed conflicts. As we convene here today, we must confront the reality of living in very uncertain times, shadowed by the persistent threat of global conflict. It is imperative that we work together to avoid warfare. We must reflect on the founding principles of the UN Charter and recommit ourselves to saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity of human person, ensuring equal rights for all large nations and small, establishing conditions for justice and respect for international law, and promoting social progress alongside better standards of life. Uganda firmly believes that multilateralism and international cooperation remain the most vital mechanisms for addressing our shared challenges. Accordingly, we remain and reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the UN Charter as the cornerstone of global diplomacy, supporting the interconnected pillars of peace and security, human rights, humanitarian affairs, and sustainable development. We believe the United Nations must remain agile and adaptive to evolving global realities. Uganda is committed to working with the entire membership to build consensus on necessary systemic reforms, particularly within the UN Security Council. We call for a comprehensive reform to render the Council more equitable, transparent, democratic, and representative. In this regard, we demand Africa's rightful representation in both the permanent and non-permanent categories to correct historical imbalances in line with the common African position articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. Regarding the ongoing UN80 Initiative, Uganda commends efforts to streamline the UN system to make it cost-effective, efficient, and well-coordinated.
In recent days, the debate has acquired a new sense of urgency and gravity. The message from the UN's Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, researchers in leading AI companies, and independent experts is increasingly clear: our ability to govern this technology is not keeping pace with its development. AI can bring enormous benefits to humanity, but without effective safeguards, it can also cause immense harm. We must therefore hold on to a basic principle: human beings must remain in control of technology, not become a subject to it. Technology should advance our common goals, and no system should ever operate beyond human responsibility and accountability. Nor we can allow an unchecked race for technological dominance to determine the future of AI, with the pressure to move first, pushing safety, oversight, and responsibility aside. More than 80 years ago, the Manhattan Project showed how rapidly a scientific breakthrough can transform the balance of power, and how difficult it is for politics and international rules to catch up. Artificial intelligence confronts us with a different technology and different risks, but with a similar lesson: governance that comes only after the fact may come too late. If AI is to serve humanity, it must develop within a framework of international rules. No country and no company can meet this challenge alone. We need common standards, meaningful public oversight, and clear mechanisms of accountability. The choice is not between innovation and rules.
Madam president, excellencies, distinguished delegates. A compass does not change with the weather. It helps you find a way in fair weather as well as in storm. 81 years ago, the world gave itself a compass. We named it the United Nations Charter. It has helped us stay the course even when the seas have been anything but calm. It has pointed us toward a world of equal rights, self-determination of peoples and territorial integrity of all states, large and small, towards a rules based international order. The progress has been real. More than a billion people lifted out of poverty. Standards of living transformed. Colonial empires brought to an end. Independent nations emerged. Peoples gained the right to shape their own future. That progress was made possible because we kept consulting the compass, because we stayed the course. Today it seems we are losing our way. Wars and conflicts are at the highest level since World War Two. Extreme poverty is on the rise. Extreme weather and climate related disasters are hitting record highs. Mistrust, polarization and divisions are growing both among states and within societies. Even the most basic principles of international law, including international humanitarian law, are violated with impunity. To get back on track, we must turn our attention to the compass. Excellencies, respect for the charter, for Human Rights, for international law is not a courtesy we extend when convenient. These are binding obligations we all agree to. Respecting them is the precondition for international peace and security.
Guided by our sovereign and self-reliant economic policy, the Lao PDR has adopted its 10th national socio economic development plan for the period of 2026 and 2030. The 10th National Socio-Economic Development Plan focuses on six core national outcomes. First, executing a sovereign and self-reliant economic policy, aiming for steady annual GDP growth of 6% or higher. The second, developing high quality human resources capable of driving technology transition. Third, improving living standards, ensuring balanced urban rural development and alleviating poverty. Fourth, protecting natural resources, building climate resilience and mitigating disaster risks. Fifth, enhancing regional and global economic integration and connectivity. And six, strengthening the efficiency and transparency of public administration and governance. Central to this strategy is the transforming the Lao PDR from the landlocked countries into land-linked regional gateway. Strategic infrastructure including the Lao China Railway the Laos Vietnam Railway Project, expanded transit corridors and access to the sea via Vung Ang International Port are actively driving regional trade and integration. Our long term vision towards 2055, aims to firmly establish the Lao PDR as an upper middle income nation with sustainable, inclusive growth at its core. Mr. president, this year marks a landmark milestone in our national development.
I will switch— The same principles that underpin international law, human rights, the rule of law, and democratic governance are the principles that helped transform my country. Romania's evolution over the past 37 years proves the crucial importance of upholding these principles. Millions of Romanians know, from their personal experience, the difference between a communist system that oppressed them and stifled their initiative and freedom of choice, and a democracy that rewards work, innovation, and personal responsibility. This choice has turned Romania into one of Europe's most dynamic destinations in Europe for investment and industrial development. Romania has aligned itself with the standards of the OECD: leading global companies have established manufacturing, engineering, technology, and service centers in my country, attracted by our conducive business environment and highly skilled workforce. Our most important strategic asset is our people: Romanian scientists, engineers, physicians, and technology specialists are shaping the industries of the future—artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, defense technologies, advanced manufacturing, and robotics. Moreover, Romania is strengthening Europe's resilience: we are developing significant reserves of natural gas, critical minerals, and other strategic resources essential for securing supply chains and reducing dependence on unpredictable energy sources. Next year, we will begin extracting and exploiting 100 billion cubic meters of natural gas in the Black Sea. Romania is a gateway between Europe and the rest of the world, located at the intersection of the Danube, the Black Sea, and major trade corridors. My country serves as a strategic hub for trade, energy, and transport. Economic growth is all the stronger when it is based on partnership. Our message is simple: Romania is open to business and innovation.
Mr. President, Botswana supports reforms that strengthen the effectiveness, coherence, and responsiveness of the United Nations system. We also believe that efficiency gains should be redeployed to strengthen the capacity of the organization to prevent conflict, address emerging security threats, and deliver meaningful results in program countries in line with the UN80 vision. It is in this spirit that Botswana accords the highest priority to its partnerships with the United Nations Office of Counterterrorism, UN-Habitat, the International Trade Center, the International Organization for Migration, among others. We particularly recognize UNOCT's leadership role in strengthening the United Nations' collective efforts to prevent and counter terrorism and violent extremism, and in translating international commitments into practical support for member states. Botswana remains committed to further deepening its cooperation with UNOCT and the wider United Nations system through capacity building, technical assistance, knowledge sharing, and the exchange of good practices. Such partnerships demonstrate that a responsive United Nations can build trust, strengthen national capacity, and foster peace and security. Mr. President, no reform agenda, including UN80, is complete without addressing the long-standing inequities within the Security Council. In this regard, Botswana reaffirms its support for comprehensive Security Council reform and aligns itself with the common African position as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. We believe that a Security Council that continues to exclude Africa and Latin America from permanent membership cannot credibly claim to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. We also call on the United Nations to continue to explore the creation of an inclusive international framework on emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence. We recognize technology as a bridge that narrows global inequality. This extends to critical minerals, rare earths, and energy resources that power the technological revolution, many of which come from developing countries. Therefore, developing countries must have a meaningful voice in setting the standards and safeguards that will govern these technologies, ensuring that they expand opportunities, support decent work, and strengthen public services while protecting human dignity, rights, and security. Mr. President, I wish to reaffirm Botswana's commitment to multilateralism. We believe that shared challenges require shared solutions. We also believe that implementing the Pact for the Future, together with the UN80 initiative, offers an opportunity to translate our shared commitments into practical improvements in the functioning of the United Nations. In conclusion, Mr. President, I reemphasize that restoring trust, managing transformation, and delivering for all are interconnected. We restore trust when we uphold our commitments, respect the UN Charter, and apply international law consistently. We manage transformation when change creates opportunity rather than deepens inequality, when developing countries have a meaningful voice in shaping the systems that affect their future, and when technological and economic progress serve humanity as a whole. And we deliver for all when our decisions translate into tangible improvements in peace, security, development, health, and human dignity.
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we are here today at a unique moment in the history of our organization. At a time when the UN is discussing crucial reforms and multilateralism is at a crossroads, the topic of this 81st session, restoring trust, managing transformation is a very relevant topic. It summarizes the expectations of member states and the peoples of the world in all of their diversity vis a vis the UN. Each year we adopt new resolutions and we reaffirm our commitments. Each year, we renew our faith in multilateralism. Nonetheless, conflicts persist. People are still awaiting justice. Will generations still grow up with fighting as their backdrop? Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Security Council reform illustrates alone this situation and this crisis of confidence. For decades now, positions have been well known. Calls for reform have stacked up and consultations have multiplied. But progress still remains insufficient. Chad reiterates to this end, its complete support for the common African position, as stipulated in the Ezzelini consensus and the Sirte declaration, and taken up in the African model for reform of the Security Council, presented in April by Sierra Leone on behalf of the Committee of ten of the African Union. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Chad considers that those difficulties facing multilateralism stem in part from the cynicism of the most powerful and from double standards policies. My country remains committed to multilateralism that is based on the UN charter, the sovereign equality of states, the respect for their independence, cooperation and international solidarity.
But nowhere is the need more pressing than in the area of artificial intelligence. It is our collective responsibility to ensure that this technology serves human dignity. This is particularly urgent because technologies are already changing the foundations of our societies. AI is not waiting for our institutions to catch up. Our institutions have to catch up with AI. At the beginning of my remarks, I asked three questions who controls new technologies? Who sets the rules and who's accountable? We cannot answer them by simply trusting that those with the greatest capabilities will always act in the interest of everyone else. We need to ensure that technological progress is guided by a framework that we all have a say in shaping. That means building the capacity to understand and assess increasingly capable AI systems. It means making sure that all regions can participate in shaping the rules. And it means moving from voluntary commitments towards increasing transparency, as well as developing common standards. That is why Germany calls on UN member states to work towards common safety requirements for the most capable AI models. Providers should be required to test these models before release and report serious safety failures. These requirements should be supported by effective national and regional oversight. The industry will have to play its role in this and continue to bear a responsibility in shaping the trajectory of this technology. At the same time, we need to ensure accountability, in particular when global peace and security are potentially affected. In the course of this week, we have intensified our conversation about these questions. How we address AI together is one of the clearest tests whether we have the strength and the will to build a United Nations for today's world.
Ladies and gentlemen, as global challenges become increasingly complex, no country can address them alone. And yet the growing limitations of multilateral mechanisms continue to undermine our collective ability to respond effectively to current and emerging threats. Meeting these realities requires joint action but true transformation is impossible without first restoring trust in the international order and demonstrating that multilateralism can once again deliver tangible results for all. In an era marked by division, growing intolerance and stark double standards, Azerbaijan advocates for a reinvigorated and reformed multilateral system underpinned by strict adherence to consistent and non-selective application of universally accepted norms and principles of international law. Azerbaijan supports a more effective UN capable of delivering tangible results for member states, especially in peace and security development, climate resilience and humanitarian action. Through inclusive multilateralism, all states, large or small, particularly developing countries, must have the opportunity to participate equally in global decision making. In this context, reform of the UN Security Council is essential to make it more representative, effective and responsive. Ladies and gentlemen, restoring global trust begins first and foremost with respecting international law, sovereign equality, and peaceful coexistence.
Today the world needs not only more dialogue, but also more trust, more accountability, and greater capacity to act together. Humans must be at the heart of this collective response: human life, dignity, rights, and opportunities. This requires an international order based upon the UN Charter and international law, as well as the United Nations that not only formulates principles but also has the power and capacity to uphold them. This means a global order of rules by and for all, for countries small and large, without double standards. Bulgaria will continue to be a staunch defender of this order and of a strong, effective, and active UN. Ladies and gentlemen, today the UN must prove not only its capacity to bring states together but also its capacity to act. Thanks to collective efforts, it is our duty to transform a world in disorder into a world of international law and lasting peace. The Pact for the Future provides an important guideline, but it must be supported by real reform. The Security Council ought to reflect the world of today, with more equitable regional representation and greater legitimacy and effectiveness. Bulgaria is in favor of an enlargement of the Council's two membership categories, including with at least one additional non-permanent seat for the group of Eastern European states. The upcoming election of a new Secretary-General will also be a choice for the UN's leadership. We thank Mr. António Guterres for his dedication to serving the UN.
And in this regard, the Republic of the Congo is following very closely the selection process for the next UN Secretary General. We believe that Africa a continent at the centre of many UN challenges and global geopolitical issues, must remain at the heart of the future Secretary-General's agenda. The next Secretary General must embrace a truly universal vision of the United Nations, one that leaves no continent at the margins and which fully takes into account Africa's place, responsibilities and legitimate interests. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, for the Republic of the Congo, restoring trust and managing transformation of our international institutions is a collective imperative. The theme of this session, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation, resonates as a call for clarity and courage in a world where trust is eroding, tensions are rising and double standards and relationships of force threaten to replace both the spirit and the letter of the UN charter. Humanity has never needed a renewed, inclusive and representative multilateralism more than it does today, a multilateralism that can reflect the realities of a multi-polar world in which Africa occupies its rightful place. This renewal requires a deep reform of international institutions, foremost amongst them the Security Council. Africa, strengthened by its history, its demographic dynamism and geopolitical importance, can no longer remain on the sidelines of decisions that shape its destiny. It must become a full and legitimate actor in accordance with the consensus. Africa's demand for two permanent Security Council seats with veto power is not a request, but a right, a legitimate right, grounded, which reflects the realities of the 21st century. The world has changed and our institutions must evolve with it. This is an imperative, and Africa is not asking for a favor. It is claiming its rightful place. The Republic of the Congo is a member of the Committee of Heads of States and Governments of the African Union on Security Council reform. The C10 Committee will not compromise on this shared demand. Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of the Congo reiterates its willingness to serve the international community. With your support, we renew our aspiration to serve as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council for the 2030 2031 term. This candidacy of ours is rooted in a long diplomatic tradition, our sustained commitment to peace and a strong sense of international responsibility.
Croatia will continue to support merit based EU enlargement. EU membership can turn borders of division into lines of cooperation and reforms on paper, into stronger institutions and better living standards. But European transformation requires honesty about the past. Reconciliation becomes possible when responsibility for the crimes of the past is acknowledged and their glorification rejected. That standard allows no national exceptions. That means respect for victims and clear rejection of historical revisionism, not the glorification of war criminals. Ratko Mladić was a convicted war criminal responsible for the Srebrenica genocide, the first genocide in Europe since the Holocaust. While his criminal record reached its nefarious culmination in Srebrenica, his trail of war crimes stretches further back to the shelling of Croatian cities, the murder of civilians the mining of dams and the destruction of cultural heritage and industrial facilities. The military and official honours accorded to Mladić in Serbia were an affront to his victims and to the judgments of international courts. The participation of state representatives and the public acclaim that accompanied the ceremony is totally incompatible with the values of a Union Serbia seeks to join. The same commitment to equality and reform should guide Bosnia and Herzegovina. As a signatory to the Dayton Peace Accords, and a neighbour and a friend of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia is one of the strongest advocates of its European future. The Dayton Peace Accords ended the war and established the constitutional framework for Bosnia and Herzegovina. One state, two entities and three constituent peoples Croats, Bosniaks and Serbs. That balance is the foundation on which peace was built. Yet the Croats of Bosnia and Herzegovina are still being denied legitimate representation, including in the presidency of the country. That is unjust, destabilizing and contrary to the spirit of Dayton. The solution is neither division nor domination.
Ladies and gentlemen, one thing is clear there is a global trust deficit. Restoring trust will take time but greater trust will not just appear like magic. It's a result of increased, not decreased, international cooperation. And we must build it. The system of international cooperation we call multilateralism, in whose famous hall we stand today depends on us, just as we depend on it. True, the institution of multilateralism must deliver tangible benefits. But equally true, we, the Member States, must honor our commitments, adhere to global standards, and work together. Kazakhstan will remain a reliable partner for peace, security and sustainable development. We will continue to choose cooperation over confrontation and work with all member States to strengthen the United Nations and turn our shared commitments into meaningful action. And I thank you.
President, Liechtenstein joined the United Nations 36 years ago as its 160th member. We did so driven by the conviction that we, as one of the smallest members of the international community, should be part of the most important conversation on global governance, with the participation of all states, big or small, in developing international norms and standards, and also in upholding respect for them. Sovereignty was a key theme of our domestic discussions, resulting in our UN membership. We joined out of enlightened self-interest the belief that we need the UN to secure respect for our sovereignty through upholding international law as the basis for our security and prosperity. To this end, we also decided to make our own contribution to make best use of the opportunity offered to us as a small state, to be an active part of the biggest peace project in the history of humankind. President, our belief in the United Nations remains steadfast. This is the place where we can make our voice heard, where we can put ideas forward, and where we can gather to try to solve the issues that affect us all. We have greatly benefited from our membership, and the UN has consistently been a key platform for our foreign policy. Our membership has consistently enjoyed high levels of support in our population. But today we also find ourselves in a moment where instability and uncertainty dominate the conversation. Our organization no longer seems able to deliver on the key promises of the UN Charter to save future generations from the scourge of war. It can no longer count on the unconditional support of its most powerful members for the guiding rules of international law. It is increasingly ignored or sidelined in efforts to address both the traditional and new challenges, such as the regulation of artificial intelligence. It is permanently squeezed financially. Legal obligations to pay are turned into tools to exercise political leverage. As a result the United Nations has moved down the foreign policy agenda, even of states who have a strong history of supporting it. We can no longer take it for granted that our people will continue their strongly positive views of our organization. President. This is the difficult moment in which we find ourselves. But rather than engaging in doomsday scenarios, we have to find the opportunities hidden in the challenge. The overwhelming majority of the states present in this room believe in the United Nations. They want to see positive change for the UN to emerge stronger, more effective, more relevant. But we all have to be prepared to be part of the change that we want to see. Resisting the temptation of collective inertia and of waiting for positive change to happen on its own, will require our active political investment. We are grateful to Secretary-General Guterres for his service to the organization, and for his proposals to adapt the organization to the needs of today. On the basis of his ideas, our delegations here have done good work that will show positive results over time. This is important. It shows that we can come together also during times of deep political division. It is also not enough. The steps we have taken are just the beginning of what we need, a political agreement that combines significant structural change with a reliable financial commitment and firm support for the UN Charter from all. This is also the vision we are looking for in the person that will be appointed as the next Secretary-General. We hope that this decision will come very soon, in order to give the new Secretary-General the time she needs to prepare for this most unique of jobs. And we remain convinced that having a woman at the helm of the United Nations is long overdue for an organization that prides itself on its role in gender equality. President. At its core, the United Nations is a peace organization.
As President Putin said the dictatorship of one hegemon is spiraling out of control. It's dangerous for everyone else. At the start of this year in contravention of all norms, including moral norms, the US invaded Venezuela, resulting in the abduction of President Maduro and his spouse, held in an American prison without trial. And this despite the fact that international law clearly states that the highest ranking public officials of any state should enjoy immunities. We insist that the Venezuelan leader and his spouse be liberated immediately, and that such excesses do not come to be repeated. It is unacceptable the fact that force was used to kill the Supreme Leader of Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and members of his family, members of the military and political leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We're particularly disquieted by the fact that the U.S. and Israeli aggression, which began in June of last year, also seeks to target the civilian infrastructure in Iran and civilian nuclear infrastructure under IAEA safeguards. This dealt an irreversible blow to the authority of the agency and the entire nuclear non-proliferation system. Repeated armed confrontations in the Persian Gulf and the Strait are ongoing, despite the fact that this is dealing a blow to global navigation and trade. We need the prerequisite for the settlement of this crisis. We need trust in the relationships between the Gulf states, the Arab states and Iran. We need stable regional architecture. This is what drives our concept for collective security in the Persian Gulf. Russia, together with other responsible states, stands ready to constructively contribute to stabilizing this strategically important region. We stand convinced that it's time to resolve the main issue in the Middle East ensuring Palestinian statehood on the basis of countless UN decisions. Almost a year ago, the Security Council approved the peace plan for the Gaza Strip. But peace does not reign there. Older persons, women and children continue to perish. The humanitarian situation is critical. The situation in the West Bank continues to deteriorate, where Israel is stepping up its settlement activities. If the situation continues, it won't be possible to set up a Palestinian state. There won't be any room. But if that were to be the case, Israel's security would also be constantly under threat. Experts understand this full well. The UN and all its member states absolutely need to think outside the box so as to buck these unfavorable trends in the Middle East and nearby areas. I'm not just referring to Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Sudan, Somalia, South Sudan, and other countries in Africa where conflicts rage. We need urgent measures to be taken to address the terrible humanitarian situation in Cuba, which is under extreme, unprecedented pressure on the part of its northern neighbor. We stand in solidarity with the Cuban people and its government. We insist that the U.S. lift its siege on the island of freedom and lift all restrictions on trade with Cuba striking it off the list of that vile list, list of state sponsors of terrorism. This is a stark example which requires the attention of the international community. But there are many other issues as well. The use of force and double standards espoused by the West are destabilizing the situation all over the map. In the Balkans, the EU is flagrantly ignoring U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, compelling Serbia to accept the fact that it has lost Kosovo, part of its history, and Belgrade is basically being forced to impose sanctions against Russia in exchange for nebulous prospects of Euro integration. There are attempts for Bosnia and Herzegovina to be unitarist the Serbs to be unionized and forced to give up their constitutional powers, which were guaranteed by the Dayton Agreement, together with the Security Council. In this spirit of running roughshod international law and security, there are reckless actions being taken in Ukraine in order to supposedly constrain Russia. The US has destroyed the European security system and created a russophobic regime in Kiev. Understanding how vain this is, Europe is doing everything it can to thwart peace talks in which the Trump administration is interested. The West is pumping the Ukrainian regime full of weapons, helping Kiev to target drones and missiles to target them at civilians and civilian infrastructure. The West aspires to inflict strategic defeat on Russia, but these aspirations will result in the warmongers being led into a strategic dead end. Colleagues. A year ago, we marked the 80th anniversary of the victory over German Nazism and Japanese militarism. Next week, on the 1st of October, we'll be marking the 80th anniversary of the completion of the work of the Nuremberg Tribunal.
relationships with the states and institutions that benefited from these systems. Mr. president, technology is the new form of power that is rapidly transforming the world. And while it offers enormous opportunities for mankind, it can also create a new hierarchy in which a small number of corporations and powerful states control the systems on which the rest of humanity depends. We must ensure that artificial intelligence does not widen the gap between the powerful and the vulnerable. Technology must strengthen aspirations, not quietly erode them. Saint Lucia, therefore, calls for strong global standards on data protection, privacy and artificial intelligence; equitable access to digital infrastructure, cyber security and affordable connectivity; fair technology transfer; transparent algorithms; protection from surveillance, disinformation and cyber exploitation; and meaningful participation for small states in shaping global digital rules. The digital future must not be owned by a few. It must be governed for the benefit of all. Managing transformation means ensuring that no nation is left powerless in the face of technological change. Mr. president, my country, Saint Lucia, is a small, open and vulnerable state, but our people refuse to impose limits on their aspirations. History has blessed us with unimaginable natural beauty, ambitious, friendly people, and two Nobel laureates.
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Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 12 min1 mention
Artificial intelligence can improve, of course, education, health, agriculture, and public administration. It can also widen the inequality if infrastructure, knowledge and rule making remains concentrated in a few countries. Developing nations must help shape the standards that will govern technologies affecting their people. Climate change presents the same moral question in harsher form.
Because the question before us is not whether any new inequalities may arise. It is whether the old ones will be written into the code, into who owns the data, who sets the standards, who captures the value, and who once more is left to carry the cost. We do not have to accept that outcome. A development framework is a choice.
One of my favorite bands when I was growing up was Talking Heads. And little did I know at the time that David Byrne iconic song We Are On a Road to Nowhere would ring so prescient four decades later. For the first time, for the first time in the history of our species, we have created a technology that openly challenges the supremacy of the human mind as the pinnacle of our evolutionary development. I will not dwell on the positive, transformational potential of this revolutionary technology, whether in disease eradication, productivity enhancement or fighting climate change. However, it is simply impossible to ignore the fact that at present, the risks of an unchecked and unregulated advance in artificial intelligence could greatly outweigh its potential benefits. When the people developing the technology tell us openly that, left unchecked, AI could outrun our ability to control the systems, the same people admit that we only understand a tiny fraction of what goes on in these models, alarm bells should ring very loudly for all of us. In simple words, the AI bosses are telling us that they have no idea on how recursive self-improvement, the ability of AI to constantly create better versions of itself, actually works. Add to that the possibility of massive job destruction, the likelihood of unprecedented wealth creation in the hands of very few, and the impact that AI may have on the very nature of human relationships, especially for our kids, and you have all the ingredients of an unprecedented political and social upheaval. The idea that big tech companies will find some voluntary arrangement to self-regulate the development of AI is naive. It flies in the face of everything we know about the history of capitalism. The prize for the winners is simply too great to believe that benign consideration for the well-being of humanity will outweigh the relentless drive of capital to constantly seek better returns. And given that the leading AI models are being developed here in the United States, this is primarily an issue for the US government to address. Fortunately, there are precedents from which we draw lessons. In the 1940s and the 1950s, the American government heavily regulated another technology so powerful that its creators believed it could bring about either a golden age in human flourishing or the end of the world. That technology was nuclear. The same needs to happen now, and it needs to happen fast. AI companies need to be licensed based on specific requirements, adherence to human values, transparency, and most importantly, safety. In order for a new plane to fly, it has to undergo a myriad of rigorous tests approved by the regulator. The same is not true for a frontier artificial intelligence model. At the same time, I take the call by leading AI executives for a voluntary pause in the development of their models very seriously. But only, I repeat only as a temporary measure to buy time for a powerful regulatory authority to be set up. Liberal capitalism has a history of reining in market excesses, whether it was breaking up powerful monopolies, or setting rules and standards to allow the market to operate with an eye on the common good. And the same needs to happen now. And as much as the cooperation of China and the rest of the world is necessary to address this huge challenge, the fate of artificial intelligence and the impact it will have on humanity as a whole will not be decided in Brussels, in Tokyo or Brasilia. It will be decided primarily here in the United States. With great power comes great responsibility.
On exactly 66 years ago, six days only after becoming independent and sovereign Mali, under the leadership of President Modibo Keïta, was admitted to the UN with the support of the Republic of Tunisia and of Ceylon, currently Sri Lanka. We welcome the theme of the 81st session of the General Assembly, namely restoring trust, supporting Transformation, a United Nations organization that delivers for all. This theme is very timely and relevant because beyond encouraging reflection on how our organization can regain credibility and effectiveness amid multiple crises and challenges to multilateralism, it especially calls on member states to restore trust and seek common solutions to the many challenges of our time. And how can this be achieved? For its part, Mali reaffirms its unwavering commitment to reformed multilateralism founded on strict respect for the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, particularly sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-use of force, mutual respect, and non-interference in the internal affairs of a state. The further we move away from these principles, the closer we come to cycles of conflict. And we all know that the blatant violations of international law its selective application, double standards in the management of crises throughout the world, abusive recourse to force and threats and policies of hegemony and domination in violation of the charter of this organization have seriously undermined public confidence throughout the world in international institutions, especially the United Nations. We therefore call for the lifting of unilateral coercive measures, which undermine state sovereignty and endanger the well-being of populations in approximately 30 countries throughout the world, which are affected by such sanctions. To these practices, which undermine the current governance, we need to add the slowness of anticipation within the United Nations, which too often leaves the organization reduced to observing crisis after they have erupted. That's the case in the Sahel, where for several decades we had a security crisis for. Also the crisis in Libya provoked by the NATO interference in 2011.
We believe that a just and lasting peace must be achieved through dialogue and diplomacy. In Gaza, our responsibility begins with the protection of human lives. Civilians must be protected, and humanitarian assistance must reach those in need safely and without any obstruction. Israelis deserve lasting security, and Palestinians deserve dignity, freedom, and a viable state of their own. Montenegro supports a two-state solution, with the State of Israel and a viable state of Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and mutual recognition. The disarmament of Hamas remains an important element of a sustainable settlement, while full respect for international humanitarian law must guide us throughout. Different conflicts have different histories, but human dignity cannot have different standards. Neither can international law. The same commitment to international law applies to freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, a route whose security has implications far beyond the region. Disruptions affect energy markets and global trade, but they also affect food security through the supply and price of fertilizers and other critical agricultural inputs, with particularly serious consequences for vulnerable import-dependent countries. At the same time, we must not allow conflicts that receive less international attention to become forgotten conflicts. In Sudan, in Myanmar, in Haiti, and elsewhere, civilians continue to endure violence, displacement, and profound insecurity.
I also commend the tireless efforts of Secretary General Antonio Guterres. Since he assumed the leadership of our organization amid the major divisions the world has experienced over the past decade, he has emerged as a voice of wisdom, consensus and pragmatism, defending tirelessly and courageously the United Nations system and international law as the two fundamental pillars for the maintenance of international peace and security. Mr. Guterres has remained a symbol of multilateral diplomacy and of international cooperation in overcoming the turmoil and obstacles facing our world today. Mr. president, the most apt description of our international reality is the one expressed by His Majesty King Mohammed the Sixth, may God assist him, when His Majesty said, and I quote, the world is changing at an unprecedented pace and certainties are steadily receding. This has led to a blurring of standards and concepts. Alliances have become open to question. International law is frequently violated. And its capacity to regulate international relations faces numerous challenges. End of quote from His Majesty the King. We are therefore facing a world whose fundamental features are the following. First, the escalation of acute and diverse international crises military, economic, energy related and environmental. Second, the spread of confrontational tendencies as a key determinant of relations between states. Third, the difficulty of predicting the outcome of crises. We know when they begin but not when they will end. Fourth, the diminishing capacity of existing regulatory structures to play the role in preventing and managing crises in this complex international context. Mr. president, I wish to focus on three areas to which the international community must accord priority. First, confronting non-state armed groups as a threat to international security and stability.
The next Secretary-General must work with member states to chart an ambitious vision for the next phase of reform, while ensuring implementation of the decisions already taken. At a time of multiple and overlapping crises and growing constraints, we need a United Nations that is focused on its core tasks disciplined and accountable, one where every dollar delivers maximum impact, one that measures success not by the number of mandates it creates or the meetings it holds, but by the difference it makes in people's lives. Meeting this challenge means exercising your powers to achieve the most impact from the resources available. It means demanding a culture of continuous improvement, one that focuses on effective implementation and results. It means setting the highest standards for performance within the Secretariat and holding staff accountable for delivering. In this regard, we ask you to demonstrate independence in your senior appointments. New Zealand has never accepted the right of any country to assert ownership of UN positions by virtue of power or status. We encourage Secretary-General candidates to commit publicly to making senior appointments on the basis of merit. Reform is a joint responsibility. We as Member States must avoid the trap of regarding reform as something that others will deliver for us, and instead live up to our own responsibilities in building the organisation we need. We cannot expect the UN to continue to lurch on in a state of constant financial crisis. Member states must meet their financial obligations in full on time and without conditions, in accordance with their obligations under the charter. We need to focus our attention on the issues that really matter, and that can genuinely deliver benefits for our citizens. Resolution 80/251 equips Member states to tackle the long standing challenge of mandate accumulation and overload. It commits us all to take a more disciplined approach to setting the organisation's priorities. It provides the framework we need to create a more focused, coherent and impactful UN. Yet its success will depend on whether we are willing to act differently. If we aren't prepared to make the necessary choices, we will be left with an ever growing set of responsibilities, supported by an ever shrinking pool of resources. That will do nothing to strengthen confidence in the UN's relevance and effectiveness. Reform begins with us. It requires member states to make the decisions that only member states can make. That is the only way we can truly achieve an organisation that is fit to meet the challenges that lie before us, and that our citizens need and expect. Fourth, and finally, we urge the next Secretary-General to ensure that the UN works for all states. The sovereign equality of states is one of the most central principles of the UN Charter. It must be central also to your approach. The fundamental premise of the United Nations is that every state, regardless of size or circumstance, has a stake in shaping our shared future. We also call on the president of the General Assembly to remain a steadfast champion of the voices, prerogatives, and interests of the entire UN membership across all pillars of its work. The next Secretary-General's leadership in these areas will be essential, but we must also find it in ourselves to demonstrate leadership. Ultimately, the health, relevance and effectiveness of the United Nations depends primarily on its members, not its Secretary-General. As member States, we must acknowledge our role in the financial and legitimacy crisis facing the UN. We must ask whether we have the collective will to change our behaviour. Do we have the discipline to focus our attention and resources on the issues that really matter to our citizens and deliver impact to their lives? Do we have the honesty to admit what is working and what is not? Do we have the will to invest in the multilateral system, both politically and financially, to enable it to deliver results where we can truly make a difference, coupled with the courage to make bold and consequent decisions on UN reform that can deliver a more effective organisation. Collective action has changed the course of global challenges before. These achievements were not inevitable. They were the result of political leadership, persistence and a willingness to work together despite differences, to build understanding and compromise. The most fundamental step we can all take to revive this organisation is to unequivocally recommit ourselves, both in words and deeds, to the principles that the charter requires us to follow in our relations with other states. Respect for sovereignty, international law, the pursuit of dialogue and cooperation, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. At a time when conflict is rising, trust is eroding and geopolitical competition is intensifying, we should not conclude that multilateralism has failed. We should conclude that it is needed more than ever. Thank you.
Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen one year after the International Peace Conference and the adoption of the New York Declaration, I say to you today with full confidence and responsibility, we have fulfilled our pledge. We have fulfilled our pledge. We completed the National Reform programme to which we had committed before our people and the international community. We strengthened institutional governance, public financial management, transparency, accountability, anti-corruption measures and the rule of law. We established a unified, needs based national system for social protection and social welfare. Abolished the previous laws and regulations on this matter. And obtained an independent international audit confirming the validity of our measures. We also continued to reform the education system and develop criteria and curricula in accordance with international standards and in cooperation with Unesco in a manner that promotes the values of peace, tolerance and respect for others while preserving our national identity and the rights of our people. We also proceeded along the path of democratic revival and the empowerment of women and youth. We have held local council elections and elections for the General Union of Palestinian Students. We are headed towards our legislative elections on the 28th of November of this year. And this will be followed by the completion of the renewal of the institutions of the Palestinian National Council, followed by the Palestinian presidential elections. On behalf of the State of Palestine, I reaffirm the commitments in which we believe. We seek security and peace for all. We reject attacks against civilians by any party whatsoever.
He stood firm in defending our organization against attempts to undermine its foundations. He worked tirelessly to strengthen its role whenever efforts were made to diminish it, he devoted himself to keeping the voice of multilateral action strong whenever attempts were made to silence it. Today we meet at a crossroads. In many parts of the world, tensions are rising, conflicts are expanding, and crises are deepening. Meanwhile, trust among nations is declining. Isolationism and polarization are intensifying. Whereas selfishness and exclusion are prevailing at the expense of cooperation. Unilateral coercive measures are increasingly being imposed, and the logic of power is once again reasserting itself, eclipsing the virtues of dialogue and disregarding the benefits of consensus and understanding. In such a turbulent international context, the danger lies not only in the outbreak of wars, but also in the normalization and acceptance of war itself. It lies in the transformation of the exception into the rule, to a situation where the rules of international law become applicable at times and suspended at others, subject only to the dictates of power balances. What sort of international order can function properly when principles are selected according to the identity of those who violate them? What confidence can remain in international law when the aggressor is granted the right to self-defense, while the victim is required to justify even the right to survive? And what future await humanity if imposing fait accompli and once again becomes a tool for managing conflict or determining their outcome. This matter is not simply a temporary crisis facing the international system. Rather, it is a profound review of our collective conscience and our capacity to preserve and develop the order we established after two world wars, so that future generations would not suffer the scourge of war. Because we fail to learn the lessons of a not so distant history, and because we did not heed these lessons, and we did not transform them into measures that would protect us from the catastrophes of the past finally and in full. And because we built a system of international relations whose central purpose was to reject war. And to safeguard a lasting peace, but without providing the system with the means and instruments necessary to achieve an ambition of this size. For this reason, the theme that was chosen by the president of our General Assembly for this session, namely restoring trust and managing transformation: a United Nations delivering results for all, this theme not only reflects the challenges of our time, but also presents us with a fundamental question how do we restore confidence in an international system whose rules and institutions have lost credibility? Algeria believes that the starting point must be from the place where the will of the international community must be embodied, namely the United Nations itself, this very place and this very hall. Particularly reforming the United Nations system is no longer an institutional luxury, nor is it a choice that can be postponed indefinitely. It has become a necessity imposed by the profound transformations the world has undergone. It is imposed by the need for a more just international order, an international order that is more representative and more equitable. We cannot ask peoples to trust in multilateralism if its institutions continue to reflect the balances of a bygone era. We cannot speak of international justice without addressing the historical imbalances that still mar the structure of international decision making. Nor can we advocate for international peace and security while the system of international relations continues to favor war as a means of resolving dispute. Accordingly, Algeria calls for strengthening the role and the authority of the General Assembly. We call for a profound reform of the Security Council that would make it more representative, more equitable and more effective, and that would put an end to selectivity and double standards in the application of international law. In this regard, Algeria reaffirms its steadfast support for the common African position. We stress that correcting the historical injustice suffered by Africa requires permanent and fair African representation in the Security Council with full powers. If restoring trust begins with institutional reform, then it cannot be complete without doing justice to the peoples aspiring to self-determination and the realization of their national projects.
When a border can be changed by force, every border becomes less secure. No one in this room needs reminding that international politics is shaped by power and by interests. The charter doesn't wish those realities away. It draws a line around what power may be allowed to do. And for Belgium, ladies and gentlemen, that line matters in very practical terms. We are an open economy with an economy tied to the world and a security bound up with that of our partners. We depend on states keeping their word, on agreements surviving changes in the balance of power and on borders not being redrawn at gunpoint. International law reflects our values, certainly. It also protects our interests. This is why Belgium stands firmly with Ukraine. Any lasting peace must be grounded in the charter of the United Nations and in respect for Ukraine's sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity. But we cannot uphold these principles on my continent alone in Europe, and treat them as optional elsewhere. Sovereignty, territorial integrity and the right of peoples to determine their own future do not change meaning when we cross the borders of a continent. The same standards must guide us when it comes to international humanitarian law. Its rules do not apply only when they suit us. They exist precisely for the moment when respecting them becomes difficult. In the state of Palestine, in Sudan, Myanmar, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti and so many other places scarred by war or armed violence, the circumstances differ. But no human life is worth less than another. Civilians remain civilians. They must be protected. Humanitarian aid must be allowed to reach them everywhere.
The absence of education, health care, decent employment, and the loss of homes and livelihoods to climate change leave communities as vulnerable as conflict itself. Our understanding of security must therefore extend beyond the absence of war to include the conditions that allow people to live with dignity, opportunity and hope. Mr. president, in The Gambia, this understanding has guided our democratic journey from 2017 to date. We have undertaken the difficult work of rebuilding institutions, strengthening the rule of law, expanding access to justice and confronting the legacy of past human rights violations. Our transitional justice process continues through implementation of the recommendation of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission. We have strengthened institutional accountability, established the Special Prosecutor's Office to advance investigations and prosecution arising from the TRRC process. We are proud of the progress we have made, but we remain conscious that democracy is never a finished project and requires continuous institutional strengthening, adherence to the rule of law, constitutional order, dialogue and consensus building on issues. On the 5th of December 2026, the Gambian people will again exercise their sovereign democratic right to choose their president. This will be another important milestone in our democratic journey, and we need the support of the international community in this regard. Our government is committed to ensuring that the elections are peaceful, transparent, credible and inclusive, and conducted in accordance with our Constitution, national laws and democratic standards. This is the democratic path The Gambia remains committed to pursuing: a path in which institutions are strengthened, citizens are heard, differences are resolved peacefully, and democratic gains are consolidated for future generations. Mr. president, on development, The Gambia's recovery focused National Development Plan provides the framework for accelerating our socio economic transformation. We are investing in roads, energy, schools, healthcare, agriculture and digital infrastructure while promoting economic diversification, private sector investment and value addition. We are expanding opportunities for women and young people, improving lives, uncertainty, human capital upon which our future depends. I seize this opportunity to thank all the bilateral and multilateral partners of The Gambia for your continued support and partnership. The global economic environment remains particularly difficult for developing countries, with declining official development assistance, high borrowing costs, disruptions to international trade, inflationary pressures and food and energy insecurity, narrowing fiscal space and threatening development gains. With only a few years remaining to achieve the 2030 agenda, the time for implementation is now. Following the fourth International Conference on Financing for development, we must translate the Sevilla commitments to tangible action. Developing countries need greater access to affordable long term finance, meaningful reform of the multilateral development system, sustainable solutions to debt, stronger international tax cooperation and decisive action against illicit financial flows. We also need stronger and more resilient supply chains, greater investment in productive capacity, and a global economic system that gives developing countries a fair opportunity to transform their economies. Trade must remain an engine of development and developing countries must be enabled to participate more effectively in regional and global value chains.
And nowhere is this crisis of credibility more painful than in the ongoing persecution of the Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank. Mr. speaker, Mr. President, sorry, I was an MP before. Mr. President, the time has come for us to stop using diplomatic euphemisms to veil the human carnage that is taking place in Gaza. How many more lives must be lost before the world acts with decisive moral authority? The blood of five year old Hind Rajab and the more than 20,000 children that have been killed in this brutal conflict, cries out to the conscience of the world. Collective punishment and forced starvation and mass displacement are flagrant violations of international law. Ghana remains unwavering in its recognition of the sovereign state of Palestine and its steadfast support for a viable two state solution, where Israel and Palestine will live side by side in peace, security with guaranteed borders. At the same time, we condemn all acts of terrorism by Hamas that triggered this conflict, and we insist that all parties unconditionally respect international humanitarian law. Our moral standards cannot be selective. In that same spirit of international legality and human solidarity, Ghana reiterates its call for the immediate lifting of the decades long economic, commercial and financial embargo that has been imposed on Cuba. The world must support Cuba's new economic and social program. Measures that inflict collective economic hardship on ordinary citizens, run counter to our shared commitment to human dignity and international law. We must likewise elevate our global response to the catastrophic conflict in Sudan, which is reported to be the world's worst humanitarian crisis. We must also exercise solidarity with nations that are facing the terrorist scourge, especially our neighbors in the Alliance of Sahel states. The current Middle East crisis is having a deleterious effect on the world economy. We call for a return to the negotiating table. And let me add that no human civilization deserves to be annihilated, and certainly not a member of the United Nations. I believe that dialogue can resolve even the most intractable of global problems. Across every conflict, whether in Europe, the Middle East, Africa, the standard must remain uniform respect for sovereign integrity, protect civilians and ensure unhindered humanitarian access and hold perpetrators of war crimes accountable.
It is our duty to future generations to leave them a clean, safe environment. Poland supports environmental protection efforts, recognizing their impact on security, including food security. Caring for the natural environment is undoubtedly our duty, but fulfilling this duty must not lead to the weakening of our economies or the shifting of problems beyond our borders. Pushing for ambitious environmental policies without considering their global consequences may result in deindustrialization, longer supply chains, and the relocation of production to countries that do not apply comparable standards. This path does not lead to genuine climate protection. It merely leads to the export of emissions to other parts of the same globe, accompanied by job losses in the country of origin and the erosion of production capacity. We need solutions that combine environmental responsibility with economic competitiveness and economic security. In this spirit, it is worth recalling the message of Saint Francis of Assisi, who saw nature not as a resource to be exploited, but as a gift entrusted to humankind, our common home, for which we are responsible as its guardians and stewards. To put it short, ladies and gentlemen, we cannot give away the protection of our environment to fanatics. Care for nature is much older than the left-wing concepts. It stems from an ethic that took shape long before the emergence of post-Marxist ideologues.
The power fuelling climate chaos and the war on nature. And the power unleashed by artificial intelligence. Excellencies, The first great power test in the 21st century is peace and security. Peace is far more than the absence of conflict. It is the presence of restraint of power by law. It is the recognition, as enshrined in the UN Charter, that force cannot be the final arbiter of whose lives, rights and future matter. Today that principle is under profound strain. Across the Middle East, conflicts are cascading. So-called ceasefires have amounted to little more than “lesser fires” – with civilians continuing to pay the price. Enough is enough. I appeal to the leaders in this Chamber to maximize this High-Level week for de- escalation and dialogue. Together, let's send a clear message from this Hall: The fighting must stop. Humanitarian aid must flow. And navigational rights and freedoms must be fully restored in accordance with international law. Amid the turmoil engulfing the region, we must not lose sight of the devastating situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. It is nearly three years since the abhorrent terror attacks by Hamas on 7 October. What followed was an onslaught on Palestinians in Gaza, with a scale of killing and destruction unlike anything I have witnessed in all my years as Secretary-General. The International Court of Justice has issued legally binding provisional measures in the case entitled: “Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip.” In an advisory opinion last year, the Court was clear that the United Nations needs to be allowed to perform our mandates in Gaza – and for our staff and humanitarian personnel to be protected. All parties must comply with international law and the Court’s orders. Meanwhile violence, displacement and settlement expansion by Israel in the Occupied West Bank are bulldozing the path to peace and raising the spectre of ethnic cleansing. We cannot allow the two-State solution to disappear before our eyes. In Ukraine, Russia’s full-scale invasion has subjected a sovereign country to a brutal war in blatant violation of the Charter. Civilians continue to be killed far from the frontlines. Mainly in Ukraine, but also more recently in parts of Russia – homes, energy and water systems, and transport have come under repeated attack, threatening food and energy supply chains globally. In Sudan, a war for raw power fed by outside actors has become a war on civilians: Millions displaced. Hunger spreading. Drones striking hospitals and homes. Sexual violence and ethnically driven attacks escalating. And a country being torn apart as the world looks away. And in Myanmar, another crisis is at risk of slipping from global attention with: escalating violence; mass displacement; and expanding transnational crime. Excellencies, These and so many other conflicts show what happens when power gets out of control, force outpaces diplomacy, military budgets soar, and accountability goes out the window. The test before us is whether power will be exercised with the law – or beyond it. We must pass that test: We must defend the Charter without double standards. Protect civilians without exception. Ensure humanitarian access without obstruction. Shield humanitarian personnel without fail.
The UN reform process must strengthen the organisation's effectiveness and relevance without diminishing its presence, services or support in the most vulnerable regions, where assistance is needed most. Reform must enhance delivery, not reduce it. The UN is not perfect, but it remains the cornerstone of multilateral diplomacy and the indispensable platform through which nations preserve peace, advance sustainable development, uphold international law and protect human rights. Solomon Islands looks to the next secretary general to lead with vision and to ensure that the Secretariat is accountable to all member states, serving the interests of small and large states on an equal footing. Mr. president, Solomon Islands reiterates its support for comprehensive reform of the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent, accountable and reflective of today's realities. A council with a dedicated seat for small island developing states would strengthen the legitimacy and effectiveness of the entire multilateral system. The veto is a relic of 1945. Too often it has been used to shield violations of international law and to entrench the double standards that fuel conflict. At a minimum, the veto must never again be used in situations of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. Ultimately, it should be abolished. Mr. president, it is with great pride that Solomon Islands is again contributing personnel to UN peacekeeping in South Sudan. Despite our small size, our participation reaffirms our enduring commitment to the charter, to international peace and security, and to the noble work of peacekeepers serving communities affected by conflict.
Trust in the international system is measured by the extent to which its members adhere to the principles of the charter and its resolutions, and by the organisation's ability to ensure respect for international law without selectivity or double standards and to protect the oppressed peoples who have no refuge except international legitimacy. How can we restore this trust, while the Palestinian people are subjected daily to the most horrific crimes and violations, and denied their most basic rights to life, security, freedom and self-determination? While the international community remains unable to put an end to their ongoing humanitarian suffering or to enforce respect for international law and international humanitarian law? My country, Tunisia, condemns the continuing settlement policies of the occupying entity in the West Bank and the policies of persecution, starvation and isolation in the Gaza Strip and the crimes of genocide that claim more lives each day, in the absence of any accountability or any punishment. Tunisia calls upon the international community to shoulder its legal, moral and humanitarian responsibilities and to end this long standing historical injustice. Tunisia recalls that the International Court of Justice in its advisory opinion of the 19th of July 2024, affirmed that the occupying entity is compelled to end its unlawful presence in the occupied Palestinian territory and that all UN member states are likewise compelled not to recognise as lawful the situation resulting from that unlawful presence. And that the United Nations, through its principal organs, should consider the means and measures required to bring that presence to an end as rapidly as possible. We further recall that the International Court of Justice in the same advisory opinion determined that the policies pursued by the occupying entity in Jerusalem form part of the process of annexation and affirmed that the domestic law of the occupying power does not alter Jerusalem's international legal status. In this context, Tunisia reiterates its categorical rejection of all unilateral measures aimed at altering the historical, legal and demographic character of holy Jerusalem, including forced displacement, house demolitions and repeated attacks on Islamic and Christian holy sites.
In a divided world, we have the ability to bring people together and we will. We are going to step into that role, and we are going to start with one of the most significant challenges and opportunities of our age, frontier AI. AI brings together so many of the most pressing issues before us. It is already speeding up cancer diagnosis in the UK, but AI has the potential to go further, not just to help prevent and treat cancer, but to help cure it. AI will also be the key to economic growth, the route to transforming education, and it will be a vital tool to keep us safe. I am announcing today that we are developing a new AI defence partnership with the United States to protect our critical national infrastructure, but we know that AI will also be a source of disruption to the way we live and work, a multiplier of risk. We've all heard the warnings which we must heed. I know how worried people are, so we have to rise to this moment. Fundamental decisions on this technology are too important to be left to chance. They must be taken by elected governments who serve working people, and we need to give people the support they need through this change, ensuring that it becomes an engine for reindustrialisation and opportunity as well. There is a lesson from the first industrial revolution, which started in northern England two centuries ago. It was a time of incredible technological progress, but for workers, the disruption brought huge suffering and exploitation. Things got a lot worse before they got better. So this time we need to get it right. I believe we're more than equal to the task. The UK has some of the best tech and AI talent anywhere in the world. And when it comes to guarding against the risks, we have our world leading AI Security Institute working hand in glove with the US and the leading labs on AI safety. But we need to go further. Building on the meeting convened by His Majesty King Charles last week, I can announce today that I am going to put AI at the heart of the UK's G20 presidency next year. I look back at how we responded to the financial crisis back in 2008. We moved quickly in the G20 and smaller groups to deliver an urgent, practical response. We came together to agree principles which everyone implemented at home in a way that was right for them. And it worked. That is the kind of approach we need now. So we will bring the right people together on the key issues, delivering on the potential of AI for good and dealing with the risks. And we will work towards agreeing a single set of global principles and standards to ensure the transparency and access we need to increase our preparedness and to ensure that AI development is safe. This will bring together welcome initiatives from others like that proposed by Norway this week. As His Majesty said, the task before us is not merely to advance technology, but to ensure that it remains firmly in the service of humanity. And I want to reassure the British people that ultimately, we will do whatever is necessary to protect them, including bringing forward new laws, if that is what is needed. They need to know that we will protect their interests and we will.
