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Excellencies, 20 years ago, shortly after peacefully restoring our independence, Montenegro took its seat in this very Assembly as a full member of the United Nations. And this year therefore holds a very special significance for us. We celebrate 20 years of our UN membership as a sovereign nation. A child born in Montenegro that year is now 20 years old. A generation has come of age, witnessing Montenegro's transformation from a newly independent state into a country helping shape the Balkans, defined not by the conflicts of the past, but by the opportunities of the future. On the geostrategic front, Montenegro has paved the path toward our future in the European Union, which is now within our reach. Our goal is very clear: by 2028, to see Montenegro's flag stand among the member states of the European Union. In 2017, Montenegro joined NATO, strengthening not only our own security but also contributing to the stability of our entire region. We have kept good relations with our neighbors and demonstrated that a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, and multi-cultural society can turn diversity into confidence, belonging, and a common purpose. At home, we have transformed our economy and strengthened the democratic institutions on which lasting prosperity depends. Much work remains ahead of us, but the foundations have been laid for a society in which talent and effort open doors, and a country where young people can imagine their future at home.
Madam president, excellencies, dear friends, the United Nations was born from a harsh lesson of history. The generation of 1945 had learned at terrible cost that while states can choose their actions they cannot control all the consequences they set in motion. That lesson is painfully relevant today. We are living through a period of profound uncertainty. Power is shifting, conflicts are multiplying, and there is a growing tendency to treat the rules and institutions of the international system as constraints belonging to another age. But the United Nations was built precisely for times of uncertainty, to bring rules and restraints to an unpredictable world, and to prevent conflict from descending into catastrophe. The task of our generation is both to preserve the institutions built by those that came before us, and also to remember the hard earned wisdom on which they rest. Today, that wisdom and the United Nations that embodies it is under enormous pressure. Madam president, this year marks 80 years since Iceland joined the United Nations. For eight decades, Iceland has held that a small state should enjoy the same protection, same rights and voice as a powerful one. That idea matters more today, not less. Despite its shortcomings, the United Nations has mattered and it has mattered a lot. UN peacekeeping and peace building operations have helped prevent and contain conflict around the world. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights transformed our understanding of human dignity. The convention on the law of the sea became the Constitution of the ocean, on which countries like mine depend, now strengthened further by the BBNJ agreement. The International Court of Justice has helped states settle disputes by peaceful means through law rather than force. And the International Criminal Court was created to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. The United Nations has advanced gender equality, fought racism and discrimination, delivered humanitarian assistance, and help countries build more peaceful and prosperous societies. But loyalty to the United Nations cannot mean pretending that everything works perfectly. Bureaucracy can be cumbersome, decisions slow, and resources fragmented. The Security Council, entrusted with maintaining international peace and security, has too often been paralysed when action was needed most. Too often, the veto has become a shield against action rather than a tool for preserving peace. So yes, the United Nations needs reform, and Iceland fully supports the UN80 reform process. We need a United Nations that uses resources effectively and responds quickly when people need it. United Nations that delivers for all. The deeper challenge, however, is political. The strength of the United Nations depends on our willingness to uphold the principles and wisdom on which they were founded. Madam president, the most basic rules of international relations are being tested, not because we no longer know them. We do, but because increasingly governments apply them selectively, meaning that international law applies until it becomes inconvenient, that court decisions must be respected unless they challenge our own actions or those of our friends. That sovereignty is sacred only unless someone else's territory stands in the way of our ambitions. We cannot build courts, celebrate them when they prosecute our enemies and undermine them when they turn their attention to our friends. When grave violations go unanswered, they are more likely to be repeated.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
This very simple experience seems to me to have something to teach us about the world in which we live. Because we are going through a time of upheaval. The international order established in the aftermath of the Second World War is under severe constraints. Conflicts are multiplying and becoming deadlocked. The most fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, the prohibition of the use of force and respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity are being openly violated. Added to this are transformations that are reshaping our societies: climate change and the increase in the number of disasters, humanitarian crises, inequalities and also technological upheavals, notably artificial intelligence which are often advancing faster than our collective ability to assess their implications. At the same time, multilateral institutions are having to respond to an increasing number of crises while facing pressure, pressure on resources and an erosion of trust. The theme of this 81st session of the General Assembly Restoring Trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, therefore aptly sums up the task before us to restore trust to support transformation, and to demonstrate through concrete results that cooperation remains possible. This erosion of trust extends far beyond the realms of peace and security. We are also seeing it in the global economy. Protectionism is on the rise.
I appear before this assembly on behalf of a young country, but one with deeply rooted traditions, a country that, over the course of its history, has learned that governing doesn't merely mean administering resources or institutions. Above all, it means working for the well-being of people. And that has been one of Uruguay's great purposes building a society in which dignity, freedom, peaceful coexistence and opportunities can be a part of people's everyday lives.
12 people find themselves in a forest on an island. The guide who led them there is sitting among them, is dead, but they don't know it yet. They are waiting for him to return. They hear the wind, the sea, the voices around them. They know they are not alone, yet they can barely tell where the others are. At one point, one of the characters says, years and years we have been together and we have never seen each other. That line comes back to me when I look at our world. We too are together. We meet constantly. We exchange statements, messages and positions. At times we spend hours around the same tables and yet being in the same room doesn't mean that we understand one another. Do we still take the time to hear what others are telling us, to understand what they fear, what they need, and what the world looks like from where they stand? That, to me, is where diplomacy begins. Not when we agree, but when we no longer do. Diplomacy is not erasing disagreements, nor about abandoning our principles to secure consensus at any cost. It is about continuing to speak continuing to listen and finding ways to manage our differences without allowing them to lead to a breakdown in relations or to confrontation. In the play, one of the characters says something very simple let us try to draw a little closer. Maeterlinck wrote those words more than a century ago, yet they feel entirely relevant today. Drawing closer doesn't mean thinking alike. It means refusing to let distance turn into indifference, then mistrust, until eventually we stop speaking altogether. That risk is real today. It is one of the paradoxes of our time. We have never been more connected, yet we do not necessarily understand one another any better. Our economies, societies and technologies have become deeply interdependent, even as the temptation to turn inward returns with force. In other words, we depend on one another more than ever at the very moment when we are sometimes tempted to believe that we can do without one another. The more interdependent we become, the more we need common rules not to erase our differences, not to impose a single vision of the world, but to ensure that we can manage our disagreements without allowing the law of the strongest to become the only law that matters. In the play The Blind, the characters have lost the person who was meant to show them the way. We are not in the same position. No one will come and decide for us which direction to take, but that doesn't mean we can move forward without bearings. Faced with wars, humanitarian crisis, climate disruption, pandemics and technological upheaval, the question is ultimately quite simple do we still have a common compass? For Belgium, the answer is yes. That compass is the charter of the United Nations. It is international law, but the rule has value only if it continues to apply when respecting it becomes difficult. It is precisely when the law runs counter to a state's immediate interest that we discover whether it really matters. When a signature loses its value the moment it becomes binding, when a treaty holds only for as long as it suits the party that signed it, it is not merely a legal text that is weakened. It is trust in a promise made, and with it the security of all those who believed they could rely on that promise. That is why Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine concerns far more than two states.
I don't think that there could be a more appropriate framing for our discussions of this week. Trust, or more properly, the lack thereof is the greatest challenge currently facing our world. The erosion of trust that has gripped our societies runs deep. Where once people embraced trust, now people are gripped by suspicion, suspicion of governments, suspicion of institutions, suspicion of businesses, even. All too often suspicion of each other. I am talking about suspicion, not skepticism. The legitimate questioning of those who hold power over people's lives is the lifeblood of a democratic society. Suspicion. However, the assumption that others are automatically looking out for their interests and not those of the common good is poison to any democratic society. No community can succeed if we blindly believe that our neighbors are out to do us down just as no country can succeed if it blindly believes that its neighbors, even those it may long have considered and seen as friends, are out to get it.
We must earn their trust. It is not enough to tell them what is true. We must build institutions they can trust when the truth is uncomfortable for everyone. It is not enough to speak to them about values. We must show that those values have meaning and carry costs, even when defending them requires patience, political capital, or choosing the more difficult path. We are called upon to convince our societies that cooperation is better than isolation, that the rule of law is better than unilateral behaviour, that compromise is better than conflict, and that institutions are better than rule of sheer force.
President. Nicaragua is addressing the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly with the strength of the peace that we think is possible in our country and throughout the world, where the human family can opt for the urgent need to live in harmony in all possible ways. This is critical to address poverty and to live in dignity, freedom and fraternity. We bring to this forum of all peoples and states of the world the legitimate aspiration of families from the entire world, and in particular in Nicaragua, to live peacefully and safely, to strengthen the work that will allow all of us to establish better societies, to defeat extreme poverty, to live in harmony and in complementarity, which are so critical to allow all societies to progress. And so that also we can care for and increase our resources and natural riches, which will be of benefit to everyone. The conflicts assailing the world are, as we know, the enemy of the well-being to which we are all entitled. In the words of our Rubén Darío, we are in favor of peace, peace, peace, to make headway on the goals laid out and in particular by this organization which gathers us together.
World leaders have pointed out that these are matters of survival. Excellencies, human rights, the third pillar of the organization, was another clear thread throughout the general debate. The test of our commitment to human rights is not when they are easy to defend. It is when defending them is difficult. We see the test wherever civilians are dehumanized, wherever minorities face hatred, wherever migrants and refugees are denied dignity, and wherever women and girls are excluded from education, employment and public life. It was clear from the debate that gender equality cannot remain peripheral to our agenda. They go to the heart of the principles we have gathered here to uphold and defend. Excellencies, the human rights agenda is also moving rapidly into the digital space. Rights must be protected online as they are offline. Member states were clear incendiary rhetoric and hate speech, the first step towards dehumanization and violence, are spreading rapidly and taking root across global societies, with hostile actors using automated tools to falsify narratives.
Mr. President. Excellencies, I want to tell you about my grandmother, Alice. Growing up in rural Sweden as the seventh of 11 siblings, her opportunities were very different from those of her brothers. Her parents expected her to focus first and foremost on family life. Yet she was curious, capable and determined to build a life of her own. A job at a local bank gave her not only an income but also independence and confidence. There at the bank, she met many women with little to no experience with finances and who were left vulnerable when circumstances changed. She wrote in her diary about some of the women she met, many of whom were recently widowed, coming to the bank in tears because they didn't know anything about their own family finances. One woman came to the bank holding two safe deposit keys without knowing which bank they belonged to. My grandmother was as independent as a woman in that time and place could be, but she worried deeply about the consequences for the women who were not. During her life, she witnessed extraordinary progress. But two generations later, far too many women are still entirely economically dependent on men. Mr. President, 80 years ago, when Sweden joined the United Nations, the foundations of our modern society were being laid. In the 1940s and 50s Swedish women joined the labour market in large numbers. This was not only a matter of principle, it also came from the realization that our economy needed women in the workforce. Women's economic empowerment is a matter of freedom. When women work and earn their own money, their self-determination grows. Gender equality is not only the right thing to do, it's also the smart thing to do. When women work, economies grow. Mr. President, each generation must fight for equality. In 1919, the same year my grandmother was born, Sweden decided that women should have the right to vote. That very same year, women in Afghanistan were also granted the right to vote. More than a century later, the contrast between women's freedoms in our two countries is as striking as it is saddening. It is a painful reminder that progress is never irreversible. Rights, once gained can be lost. Freedoms do not defend themselves. It is up to us to protect them, for women and girls everywhere and for generations to come.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, imagine if nuclear weapons were developed by private companies. If stockpiles were located on company grounds and launch codes locked away in a safe in a CEO's office. It's a disturbing thought. When a technology has the power to fundamentally change the world, possibly even determine the fate of humanity, we need to ask who controls it? Who sets the rules? Who's accountable? Today, humankind faces another technological revolution that raises exactly this question. Engineers have developed a technology that does not need to be launched from a rocket or a submarine to change the course of history. I am, of course, talking about artificial intelligence, a technology with seemingly unlimited power. In the wrong hands, it can upend our economies and threaten our livelihoods. It has the potential to erode trust within our societies by spreading information that appears real, but is in fact fake. AI can endanger the infrastructure that keeps our societies running. And ultimately, it can influence decisions that determine global peace and security. At the same time, artificial intelligence holds extraordinary promise. It can accelerate scientific discovery improve health care and education all over the world, provide opportunities for economic development, overcome inequalities, and help us address challenges that no country can solve alone. Just imagine a world where, with the help of AI, we can prevent famine and cure cancer. This is precisely what makes AI so powerful, for better or for worse. But there is a critical tension. Only two major countries are home to the companies holding the vast majority of all global AI patents. That puts an enormous amount of influence in the hands of a very few. Such power carries responsibility not only towards customers, shareholders or governments, but also to humanity. And wherever power becomes global, responsibility must become global, too.
In our lives, freedom of the press, protection of journalists, and access to reliable information are key elements of this environment, especially with regard to growing disinformation. This commitment also means ensuring that each of us has the ability to participate and to be heard. The rights of the child, access to education, equal participation of women and girls in societal processes, as well as the full inclusion of young people in these processes, are vital for building societies in which each of us has a voice in decisions that determine our future. We have inequalities that are deepening every minute throughout the world. Bulgaria supports international efforts toward this end, from guaranteeing the right of each child to education to the consistent implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. The protection of human rights is measured not only in commitments made, but also through real opportunities for participation, education, and a decent life. This is our common objective: societies in which differences do not divide us, hate does not define us, and the rights and dignity of all are protected. Environmental responsibility is one of the fundamental principles of sustainable development.
Monaco supports the UN80 Initiative to make the organisation more streamlined, more understandable, more efficient and closer to people on the ground. Still, the UN needs resources to function. My country fulfils its financial contributions in full and on time, and we call on all other states to do likewise. But this necessary step is not enough in the light of the changes that have to be undertaken. That is why Monaco calls on the real leaders of the United Nations to rethink the architecture of our system from 2030: bringing on board the public and private sector, civil society and educational and cultural hubs, streamlining processes, preventing mandate duplication, consolidating specialized agencies, regional centres and the secretariat, and guaranteeing small states genuine inclusivity. There is plenty of work to do. The time of the law is patient, but this patience should not be confused with inertia. In the same vein, the principality is in favour of a reform of the Security Council to make it more representative to today's realities, while also preserving its ability to act. And we are also in favour of the revitalisation of this General Assembly, the House of Equality between States. This session will also see the election of the next Secretary-General of the organisation. Monaco calls for a transparent, inclusive and rigorous process. After 80 years, the Principality hopes that women candidates will be seriously considered. The organisation would do well to demonstrate at its helm the equality for which it stands. Ladies and gentlemen there is one area where multilateral trust has recently produced tangible results, and it is dear to the heart of His Serene Highness Prince Albert II, and that is to say, the ocean.
Mr. president, for decades, my small but great country was known for a reality that it seemed impossible to change. The scourge of violence was deeply entrenched in our society. An entire nation was resigned to being condemned to live with this reality. After decades of institutional indifference, in 2019, the El Salvadoran people opted for Nayib Bukele, our president, who is now known across the world, a young leader who dared to challenge something that an entire generation thought they were condemned to and strove to profoundly transform the reality of our country, regardless of the consequences or the criticisms he had received from the international community. El Salvador went from being the most violent country in the world, with a murder rate of 103 people per 100,000 inhabitants. We as a country in peace, had more deaths than a country at war. So we moved from 103 murders per 100,000 inhabitants to 1.3 murders per 100,000 inhabitants in just five years. Unimaginable. Just think about it. But we achieved that. Por eso. Thank you. So thanks to this, my country is now a benchmark for others who suffer from the same problem. The International Monetary Fund has said that improvements for security has strengthened trust in and the economic activity of my country. And it's estimated the El Salvadorian economy will grow by 4.5% in 2026. So this has skyrocketed. And this is driven by investment, private consumption, remittances, tourism and inward capital flows. However, it would be a mistake to boil all of this down to numbers, because behind each and every number, these numbers that we have got used to when we say millions, they're not just numbers, they're millions of faces, individual people, individuals. So in my country, that we're talking about a mother who no longer has to be scared about whether her children are coming home in the evening or not. A business owner who used to face so much anxiety that knew that their basket of mangoes that they had to sell, they had to sell them for more than $10. Because if they didn't sell them for more than $10, they wouldn't be able to pay their protection money and they'd get shot in the head. So now behind these figures, we have a business owner who's able to open their business without fear, somebody who's able to breathe easily and cross the city freely, and a child who's able to run around all of the streets of our country, streets and spaces that they weren't able to dream of going in before, and something more profound, even the fact is that we now have a society that has recovered hope, grounded in the ability to imagine a different future. This is what recovering security really means. It doesn't just mean reducing crime, it means giving freedom its rights, its rightful space back. And I'm talking about freedom for each and every one of our citizens and each and every person that visits our country. And when a society recovers its freedom to walk around, to work, to do business and to live and breathe without fear, a second transformation begins. That is the recovery of trust. And this explains why El Salvador is now a benchmark for countries that are seeking support and looking for answers to their own security challenges. And it's not that our journey can be copied and pasted mechanically because there's no universal formula. Each situation needs to be resolved according to each country's individual experience. However, there is a lesson that we believe can be a universal lesson, and that is that no nation should have to accept collapse and government impotence as their destiny, the destiny for their people. No country. El Salvador, no. El Salvador has not come to this assembly to say that we've resolved all of our problems. No, we still got a lot to do. That would be false. To claim that we've come to say something much more profound. With determination, we have demonstrated that a problem that seemed irreversible could be tackled and turned around, regardless of whatever problem it is. And I want to be clear in line with the vision of my president, Mr. Bukele, security is not the final destination.
The algorithm did not develop hatred. It discovered how to activate ours. This is systematic fraud as a service. Election interference no longer requires one television station or one piece of propaganda repeated to an entire population. It can now operate at the resolution of each and every one voter. Two neighbors may stand in the same street, vote in the same election, and inhabit entirely different realities, each manufactured specifically for each of them. When that happens democracy does not merely lose a debate or just an election turn. It loses the common ground on which debate is possible, and it loses the turn to have it. Sovereignty no longer erodes only at the border. It erodes in the feed. In the 20th century, sovereignty meant control over land, territorial waters and national airspace. Today in Europe, we are running like crazy to add more and more and more from the money we don't have, to protect our land and to protect our skies for a potential future war. But somehow we are forgetting that in the century we are living, it must also mean the capacity of a free society to defend the conditions under which its citizens form their own judgement.
First, the Global AI Universal Basic Society. The Artificial Intelligence revolution is both a massive opportunity and a crisis for humanity. While it can be a core driver of new prosperity and sustainable development, it will only deepen inequality and imbalance unless we are properly prepared for it. Younger people around the world in particular, are facing growing anxiety about their employment and their future, as the pace of change becomes increasingly difficult to keep up with. This boils down to a clear direction for the new era we seek to build. It is the AI Universal Basic Society where everyone can benefit from technological progress. The Republic of Korea is pursuing an AI transformation that will ensure stronger protection of human fundamental rights across fields such as Social Security, labor, housing and culture, beginning with our AI Universal Basic Health Program. And I believe this resonates with the core principle of the UN Sustainable Development Goals, which prioritizes the guiding principle of leaving no one behind. It also harnesses the AI revolution as a new driver to accelerate the realization of economic, social and cultural rights. The Republic of Korea will build the Global AI Hub platform to share this vision with the international community in collaboration with international organizations, multilateral development banks, the business sector, and academia. The Republic of Korea envisions a global AI Universal Basic Society where no country or individual is left out from access to the basic benefits of AI development.
They are asking whether it works. Yes, there have been wars and conflicts that we could not prevent, and issues we could not resolve. The Palestinian issue continues unresolved for decades. Wars and conflict and their aftermath are ravaging Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine, Myanmar, and the Middle East. But even as those wars raged, the United Nations stayed and served. I’ve seen this in my own country, where the United Nations country team in Cox’s Bazar is striving to do more with less to support Rohingya refugees in the camps. Just recently, a representative from a war-torn nation said to me: “Your peacekeepers from Bangladesh were not just blue helmets. They built roads and communities. They fed children. They helped rebuild societies and put us on the road to proper governance.” In Iraq, the United Nations system helped nearly five million people return home. It rehabilitated hundreds of schools, electricity stations and water-treatment plants. And right now, in Haiti, the entire United Nations family is delivering amid immense security and governance challenges. These stories rarely make the headlines, but we should never lose sight of what is working. (BRIEF PAUSE) At the same time, let us not turn a blind eye to where we have fallen short, particularly in a world where challenges seem to multiply by the day. The war in Gaza has left over 70,000 people dead, including thousands of children. Humanitarian support has been a fraction of what is needed. The ongoing wars across the Middle East and Europe have consequences far beyond the frontlines. And the heartbreaking disaster in Nepal and China, was not just an isolated event, but yet another horrible climax to our collectively insufficient response to climate change. The circumstances and politics of these crises differ. But our commitments under the Charter do not. The principles of multilateralism, international law, the protection of civilians and humanitarian access cannot be applied selectively, not if we want the world to trust us.
This lies at the core of Brunei Vision 2035, built upon three mutually reinforcing goals: an educated, highly skilled and accomplished people; a high quality of life and a dynamic and sustainable economy. Together, these goals reflect our conviction that national progress cannot be measured by economic growth alone. A country is strong when its people are strong. That means equipping our people with the knowledge and skills to adapt to change. It also means ensuring they have the security and stability to build their lives with confidence, supported by strong communities quality healthcare and essential services, social protection and a cohesive, resilient society. For Brunei Darussalam, stability and development go hand in hand. Stability gives people the confidence to plan for tomorrow and development gives them the opportunity to build that tomorrow. Both must be sustained by dynamic, diversified and resilient economy that creates meaningful opportunities and quality employment. Together, they create the conditions in which people can realise their full potential. Our ambition is therefore not merely to build a more prosperous country, but a society in which people feel secure in the present, confident about the future and equipped to shape that future for themselves. But progress loses its meaning when people feel less secure, less included or less hopeful about what lies ahead. That is why no one left behind must be more than a phrase. It must be reflected in the choices we make and in the outcomes we deliver. Mr. President, the realities before us are complex, but the principles that should guide us remain clear.
The world has become accustomed to crisis. Wars are escalating. Major power rivalry is sharpening. The international arms control architecture is under strain. New technologies are transforming societies faster than our institutions can adapt. But perhaps the greatest danger is not any one crisis. It is the growing belief that the international system cannot solve them. This is the trust deficit confronting the UN today, and Malaysia, Mr. president, believes that we must confront it openly and honestly. Trust can only be restored through concrete action when international law means what it says, and when the people of the world can look to this hall and believe that their voices still matter. Mr. president, we must remember that the UN is not merely here for the aftermath of war, but to prevent war from taking place. Yet too often we respond only after disaster has arrived. We count the dead. We deliver supplies. We rebuild what has been destroyed, and then we wait for the next crisis.
Two days ago, Abu Dhabi also hosted the opening of the 15th UN Congress on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice, which highlights the need to keep pace with the rapid technological advancement and to protect societies from the impacts of crime, violence and exploitation. At the same time, we are investing in the values of tolerance, peaceful coexistence and inclusion through partnerships that bring together diverse nationalities and religions. We are building a society in which women participate fully, equally and meaningfully, and in which young people are genuine partners in shaping their future. In conclusion, Mr. President, my country will remain committed to the path of moderation, the rejection of violence and extremism, and the investment in people and in the vast potential with which our region is so richly endowed.
In terms of risks, we continue to confront organized crime by cooperating with all friends. To repel the dangers of organized crime and to abort the cross-border drug trade. We call for more information sharing and international coordination to ward off this danger that threatens societies Amid these challenges, the well-being of the Iraqi people remains our ultimate objective and the focus of all of our efforts. Given the high proportion of young people in our society.
Respect to the law strengthens the peaceful and inclusive societies, but development also depends on something even more fundamental something that connects people, economies, ecosystems and nations. Water. Mr. President, the world remains far from achieving universal access to safe water and sanitation. Progress is being made, but not fast enough. For Tajikistan, these challenges, both global and deeply national. We are a mountainous country home to thousands of glaciers and the source of major rivers that sustain communities far beyond our borders. We know the value of water, and we know its vulnerability. For more than two decades, under the leadership of President of Tajikistan, His Excellency Mr. Emomali Rahmon, water has remained at the heart of our international engagement. From the Global Water action decades to the Dushanbe Water Process from the 2023 United Nations Water Conference to the Global Agenda on Glaciers preservation, our message has remained consistent. Water requires cooperation, and cooperation must lead to action. The next two years will be decisive. Later this year, the international community will gather for the United Nations Water Conference in Abu Dhabi in 2027. A high level preparatory meeting will take place here at United Nations headquarters. And in 2028, we will gather in Dushanbe for the United Nations Water Conference and the final comprehensive review of the Water Action Decade. Member states will negotiate and adopt, by consensus an outcome of the Dushanbe Water Framework. This gives us an opportunity to assess what we have achieved, confront what remains unfinished, and decide how global water cooperation should move forward. Because 2028 must not be an end point, the conclusion of the Water Action Decade should mark the beginning of the next chapter of Global Water Action. The Dushanbe Water Framework can help us write that chapter. A chapter focused on implementation, on financing, on technology and capacity, on stronger partnerships, and on protecting the sources of our water, including the world's rapidly changing glaciers. Our objective is continuity, follow up and implementation.
We will continue to speak out against the unacceptable rise in hatred, including anti-Semitism and Islamophobia, which are plagues that our countries must fight together. We were tragically reminded of the scourge of anti-Semitism again when a gunman carried out an attack on a synagogue in Belleville, Ontario, on the holiest day of the Jewish calendar. As Canada navigates this global rupture, our response is grounded in our highest principles. Canada is an open, pluralistic society with a public square full of robust and civil debate. Our success is underpinned by this civility, by our democratic institutions and by respect for our differences. As Prime Minister Carney recently observed, we are a steady partner when predictability is at a premium. Canada's candidacy for the Human Rights Council for 2028 to 2030 bears witness to our values and to the nations represented here. We would be honoured to be able to count on your support.
I had prepared a speech to present to you. Yesterday, the United States President described us as terrorists. We have been the victims of terrorism. I come from an Iran in which our esteemed Supreme Leader was assassinated without any legal framework or reason. I come from an Iran where, in truth, they bombed a school. You see these children? These children perished under bombs, with weapons used by the United States and Israel. They were innocent, had committed no crimes. Lamerd, one of the small cities in a province in Iran, a sports hall where children were busy playing. The United States, by using weapons with multiple warheads, targeted that sports hall. They martyred, assassinated, our scientists, our men, women, and children. Innocent children who, in truth, had committed no crimes, no sins. Those who are terrorists and train and protect terrorists describe us as such. We have only defended ourselves. We are not terrorists. Our innocent people have been the targets of cowardly attacks and aggressions imposed upon our country, and we defended ourselves with utmost strength. America and Israel attacked us, equipped with the latest technology and weapons systems, and our people stood steadfast. Yes, they did hit us, but we did not bend the knee. We did not bow our head. We responded, but we did not hit civilian populations. They came into surrounding territories and targeted our universities, our healthcare centers, our schools, our hospitals, our infrastructures—all of it against international law. When I took over the responsibilities as President, they assassinated Ismail Haniyeh in Iran. On the day of my inauguration, Israel targets any neighborhood, in any city, in any province, commits assassinations like a true terrorist. In Gaza, over 80,000 innocent civilians have been murdered, brutally murdered. Hundreds of thousands have been displaced. They are committing genocide by using the so-called technologies that they have at their disposal. Then they label others as terrorists. Are we the sources of instability? We only seek to live independently. We are the ones who cause instability. Those who are committing terrorism and committing crimes, are they the protectors of peace and stability? None of the international laws have been adhered to by them. This is what we're facing. We don't want anything. We have received our response. We need strength, because a people which is unable to defend itself will be trampled upon in today's world. We live in a world in which the powerful, instead of thinking about humanity, justice, fairness, and democracy, they seem to be the protectors and creators of instability and destruction. Whomever they wish to discredit, they label them as terrorists. Two hundred years—for the past two centuries— Iran has not attacked any country or any territory, but we've always defended ourselves steadfastly. But now we're being accused of being source of instability in the region? We're labeled terrorists? And this has made it so that the path that we have chosen for ourselves requires power to defend ourselves. We do not seek power in order to attack or commit aggression. We seek energy for progress, not to threaten societies with weapons. And we wish to cooperate and collaborate for security. The people of Iran, in the past 7 months, our people, have been in the streets every night demonstrating in support of their land, of their homeland, so as to not allow those who were equipped and trained and armed by Israel and America to cause disruption in the security of their country. For 7 months, day and night, they've been present in the streets. They are our source of power and our support. And that's why we stand fast. Iran must be powerful so as to avoid being threatened, to avoid its future being threatened. We do not wish to use our power for hegemony, and we do not seek our security in the insecurity of others. Vis-à-vis Iran's defense, our defensive systems have been built so that no one can think that bombing of Iranian cities will go unanswered.
In Kazakhstan and elsewhere, hundreds of thousands of people have joined volunteer activities. Excellencies environmental challenges are among the defining issues of our time. Climate change, biodiversity loss, land degradation and the growing frequency of natural disasters are placing increasing pressure on our societies and economies. The Regional Ecological summit, held in Astana in April, reaffirmed that climate, water, food and health challenges cannot be addressed in isolation.
Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen the Islamic Republic of Mauritania renews its commitment to the principles and purposes of the UN Charter and the norms of international law, as well as the resolutions of international legitimacy. Our foreign policy is based on good neighbourliness, the respect of states sovereignty, independence and non-interference in their internal affairs, as well as the peaceful settlement of disputes and ensuring the just causes proceeding from such principles. My country, under the leadership of His Excellency, the President of the state, Mohammed, will continue to build a modern state that is coexistent in synergy with its neighbours and open to the entire world. On the national level, we have adopted a comprehensive strategy with its political, economic, social and security dimensions. We made dialogue and consultation the pattern for public offices. Thus, His Excellency the President launched a comprehensive national dialogue that is all inclusive. It does not exclude any strata of society to ensure consensus on the development of our institutions and entrench a state of law, a democratic state that protects rights and freedoms. Turning to the social context, we promote social cohesion and community unification through fighting discrimination and vulnerability while addressing any weakness inherited. We try to promote the synergies and develop our economies to limit poverty and provide the basic services to the most needy. We have also expanded the medical services through establishing a Medicare fund for all those who are not currently covered with medical insurance. We provide certain basic medical services to the most in need, especially mothers, the elderly, and those with disabilities. Turning to education, reforming this sector is the basis of our effort to provide high quality education that provides equal opportunities and ensure equity. Turning to good governance, we focus on transparency, the independence of the judiciary, and combating corruption while reforming public offices and promoting investment. Our approach addresses the hike in prices, confronting any threats to the security or terrorism while tackling also vulnerability and poverty. The complementarity between all those dimensions ensured our country's security and stability in an environment full with disruptions.
I come from a land in which history was carved into stone, and in which geographical challenges were transformed into opportunities for civilisations to meet. Centuries ago, the Incas built Qhapaq Ñan, a majestic network of roads that was built to meet the peoples, to bring together diverse realities and to ensure that no corner of the empire was left isolated and forgotten. This same spirit, this spirit that seeks to bring together, is the spirit that brings us here today. I am appearing at the General Assembly of the United Nations today for the first time. Only 57 days ago, I had the honour of assuming the presidency of the Republic of Peru. Mine is a proud and resilient people and we are a founding member state of this organization. Peru comes to this assembly reaffirming its ironclad commitment to the United Nations Charter and its fundamental principles peace and security, development and human rights, the three pillars of the United Nations. I come from a country which is all too well aware of the high price of peace. We conquered terrorism, but regrettably, today, still, after 34 years, those who took up that mantle continue to be judged and tried, despite the fact that they have demonstrated that due process was violated. Peru, as other Latin American countries, has seen agendas imposed upon us that have divided us as a society. Politics have been instrumentalized, democracy has been eroded, and the institution of the family has been weakened. An institution that is so crucial for the Peruvian people.
these crises are not abstract. They are lived realities. Climate change threatens our homes, livelihoods and very existence. Debt limits our ability to invest in people. Digital technologies are transforming our societies. Without safeguards, they can reproduce old patterns of domination in a new form. And in our own Caribbean neighborhood,
I am appearing once again before this assembly on behalf of the Republic of Panama, a nation whose own geography defined its destiny. It's the bridge of the world and connects continents, cultures, and markets. At a time in history in which geopolitical fractures threaten to polarize us in a dangerous manner, Panama reaffirms its historic vocation to bring people together and seek common understandings. I must say that polarization is coupled with a large mass of people who feel that international organizations have forgotten the values and priorities of the majority of citizens. I'm referring to those who wish to progress in peace, to be able to work and return home safely. Also, those who defend the institution of the family that has its own credo and a culture forged throughout the centuries that today is being called into question. The majority feel under pressure due to the actions of progressive multiculturalism, that a large part of society is not prepared to accept, almost under coercion. I'm a president that comes from a great nation, a crucible of different cultural heritages that forged a society that's open to the world, with a strong belief in peace. This was all achieved over many years without any imposition, so this means that it happened naturally. I'm convinced that the United Nations has immense potential in a world with so much volatility and such strong asymmetries. But it needs to take up, again, its leadership in order to engage in preventive actions and corrective actions. I am a person who believes in and defends multilateralism, and I am convinced that peace and prosperity of nations must be grounded in international law as a guiding principle of relationships between nations. And these theoretical arguments must also be expressed with palpable results. We must recognize now that citizens do not believe that these types of meetings are that beneficial for them. And herein lies one of the reasons why we must restore trust. I want to give you a concrete example just to illustrate what I'm saying.
Zambia continues to salute His Excellency Antonio Guterres for reminding us that the answer to a more divided and multipolar world is not less multilateralism, but a stronger fairer and more representative United Nations. The theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all is both timely and necessary. Trust is the foundation on which international cooperation is built upon. Yet today, trust in institutions, trust amongst nations, and most importantly, trust between the institutions that serve the people is under strain. Trust means that the founding principles of the United Nations Charter must be respected. For Zambia, trust begins with keeping promises. Trust means that international agreements must be honoured. Trust means that development commitments must be financed. Trust means that the voices of developing countries matter in word and in deed. Trust means the global system must not protect the interests of the powerful at the expense of the vulnerable. And trust means that when the world agrees on a goal, we must have the commitment to implement it. The world is undergoing profound transformation. Technology is changing economies and societies. Climate change is reshaping livelihoods. Geopolitical competition is altering global trade and investment patterns. Conflicts are causing massive displacements and humanitarian suffering. And yet developing countries continue to confront a financing system that does not adequately reflect and respond to their development needs. The question before us is therefore not whether transformation will happen, but it is rather how we manage transformation, who benefits from it, and whether our multilateral institutions are capable of delivering meaningful results for ordinary people. For Zambia, the answer is clear we must restore trust by achieving results, and we must manage transformation by ensuring that no country and no one is left behind. Zambia's democratic journey and the 2026 elections. Mr. president,
Instead they are the identity of the Bahraini society and the foundation of our national unity. Thus, we have introduced the initiative adopted by the General Assembly, designating the 28th of January as the International Day of Peaceful Coexistence. His Majesty the King also issued the Kingdom of Bahrain Declaration on Religious Freedom and Freedom of Belief. The King Hamad Global Center for Coexistence and Tolerance was later established, and the King Hamad Award for Coexistence and Tolerance was launched.
Bolivia wants to enter partnerships, to compete, to learn, and it is also open to contributing. This historic moment has seen a discussion that we can no longer postpone the transition to energy diversification. It's not so much a transition in and of itself, but rather diversifying our energy. The world needs cleaner energy sources, but it also needs minerals lithium, copper, other critical minerals. It needs new supply chains. And it needs to do that in a responsible way. And Bolivia wants to be a part of that conversation. But we would like to raise a question. Can energy, the global energy diversification, really be just if the countries that possess strategic resources continue to primarily export them as raw materials? No. That is why we want to enter into partnerships and open ourselves up to the world. But as a society, as partners, and not just as a source of raw materials. The energy transition also needs to represent productive diversification. It should create opportunities for producing countries. It should generate local capacities, respect the environment, it should incorporate and include communities, and it should allow our young people to be actors in those new industries. That is why we are proposing a new international relationship around strategic resources, a relationship that is based on investment knowledge, technology and added value. The United Nations.
Mr. president, one year ago I stood at this very podium and reminded this Assembly that if the United Nations is to remain humanity's surest hope for a just and peaceful world, it must have the courage to confront aggression and the will to engage fully with the defining question of our age. I also argued that we must be bold enough to undertake the institutional reforms necessary to strengthen the organisation, enhance its credibility and enable it to meet the challenges of a changing world. Indeed, I am pleased that the theme of this year's assembly, and I quote, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, end of quote, acknowledges the need for this organisation to be fit for purpose, to respond to the challenges, and to seize the possibilities of our time. Today, we confront a climate catastrophe, an energy crisis, food insecurity, biodiversity loss, armed conflicts, and geopolitical tensions, the horror of genocide, a spiralling cost of living crisis, a mounting debt crisis, widening inequalities within and among nations, and, perhaps most troubling of all, a weakening of multilateralism itself. Yet if history has taught us anything, it is that even when the world seemed to stand at the precipice, humanity has never been entirely without the means to draw it back from the brink. We have ended wars that seem without end. We have confronted economic calamities that threaten the foundations of societies. We have overcome dangers that presented existential threats. Time and again, it has been our inventiveness, our courage, and above all, our willingness to act together that have opened a path where none seemed to exist. This is why I do not wish to linger or lament further upon the difficulties before us. I wish instead to turn our gaze toward the possibilities that lie beyond them. For within every crisis lies a summons to solutions, within every disruption an opportunity for renewal, and within every uncertainty, the possibility of shaping a better future.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security, demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb, in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests and settlement. We call for the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid, access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. We affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Kuwait reiterates that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4th, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. president, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the West Coast aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait. In this regard, the state of Kuwait reiterates its full support for UN led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable and Yemeni led settlement, in accordance with the three agreed references and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2216. The State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red sea and the Bab el Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC states. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian led, comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians, with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to the sisterly Lebanese Republic, the state of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon, and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the blue line to ensure the full implementation of UN resolution 1701, and we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia and the state of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law, so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. president, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles, namely moderation and balance, and a firm commitment to the charter of the United Nations and International law, and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The State of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security.
And I call that overarching purpose the Patria Milagro, the miracle nation. The first step is a basic one restoring security. For far too long, Colombians have had to live alongside situations that no society should accept as normal. A rural farmer having to ask permission from a terrorist group to work on his land, a shopkeeper having to hand over part of the fruits of his labor to extortionists, a mother increasingly gripped by fear every time their child goes out to play in the park. That is not, and it cannot become the norm. Consequently, from the very beginning of my government I gave the security forces one clear instruction to regain territorial control, to fully restore the state's authority and to confront the structures using terrorism. My government is determined to do away with euphemisms. Organizations that murder, that kidnap, that use explosives, that recruit children, and that deliberately resort to terror to subjugate a society are terrorist groups. That is what we call them, and we are facing up to them with the full, legitimate force of the state, within the Constitution and within the law. But there is another reality that is very often overlooked. The illicit drugs produced in Colombia don't end up in Colombia. Drugs trafficking is a transnational criminal enterprise. Its routes cross borders. Its money moves through international financial systems, and its networks operate across numerous countries. I will do everything necessary to combat that scourge, but a transnational threat requires the international community to play its part as well. Security, while essential, is not enough. A territory that provides no opportunities remains vulnerable.
I am pleased to highlight Mongolia's active leadership within the United Nations in advancing the interests of landlocked developing countries drawing greater international attention to their special needs and unique circumstances, and cooperating with these countries to ensure that their voices are heard on the global stage. Mongolia has launched several important initiatives in this regard, including serving as one of the founding members of the Group of Landlocked Developing Countries at the United Nations and the establishment of the International Think Tank for Landlocked Developing Countries in Ulaanbaatar. To translate the Awaza programme of action into tangible outcomes, it is essential for landlocked developing countries to align the programme with their national development agendas and make full use of available resources and opportunities to accelerate regional integration and cooperation. We also call upon the international community, banks, financial institutions and development partners to provide credible assistance to landlocked developing countries through their support and collaboration. Mr. President, as the deadline for the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development approaches, the SDG report 2026 shows that only 36% of the Sustainable Development Goals are on track or making moderate progress, while 15% are regressing. It is deeply regrettable that, according to the latest report of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute released at this critical time, global military expenditure has reached an all time high of 2.9 trillion USD. It is time for all of us to ponder and reflect with common sense, on what progress could have been achieved in the development of human society if this huge budget and funds had been spent on tackling pressing issues such as combating global warming and climate change, and improving education, health, food security and advancement of women and children. According to the SDG report 2026, Mongolia has achieved 68.8% of the SDGs, reflecting the tangible results of our efforts and the progress we have made in recent years. As a country experiencing the adverse impacts of climate change firsthand, Mongolia has remained steadfast in contributing to global collective efforts to protect and preserve our natural environment.
That's what I want to talk to you about this evening, how the world can come through the turbulence of today to reach towards something better in the decade ahead. Overcoming the forces of division and instability starts with national security. So we will keep investing in our defence, meeting our NATO commitments and strengthening European capabilities. We will be relentless in building up our hard power and deterrence. But we will not play Russia's game of trading escalatory rhetoric. Unlike Russia, we do not seek confrontation. Instead, we will be prepared, but not panicked, clear eyed but cool headed and unflinching in defending our people and our allies. True resilience depends on this military strength. But the last ten years tells us that it is also about something deeper as well. It is about the strength of the social fabric that binds us together. There is no national security without a strong, cohesive society underneath it. That's the starting point for everything we hold dear and everything we want to achieve.
We propose partnership instead of dependence. It is in this spirit that we view our role in the global economy and our engagement in international initiatives. Ladies and gentlemen, today Poland is the world's 20th largest economy. Our path to becoming a developed nation was not a matter of chance, but the result of consistent reforms, including the fight against corruption, responsible policies, and the efforts of the entire society.
Dear friends. Since this morning, we've heard a number of speeches from this rostrum about the state of the world, and I fear I will not be very original in my description. Every speaker has described the return of imperialism, of arrogance, the return of unrestrained force which knows no rules, a world in which we see power concentrated in the hands of the few, a world in which some believe that they can undermine the international order so as to push their borders outwards. Those that believe that people's sovereignty can be toppled over that they could use that sovereignty. People who believe that they can decide the fate of the planet, whether that be as regards the climate or AI. The question we must answer is very simple. The question is, do we want to live under this state of affairs with a return to the law of the jungle? Or do we want to live in a civilised international society? Our duty today, more than ever, is to hold firm here at the United Nations in order to make decisions to further our common interests so that people can choose their fate freely, their development model choose their future. To refuse their sovereignty being taken hostage by unjust forces, by fear. Therefore, the very raison d'etre of this organisation is to bring together free people on an equal footing. It is our charter that prevents the power wielded by some from making decisions for others. This is what compels us to work together to demonstrate our commitment and our capacity to act, and usefully so. You know just how committed France is to the United Nations and its ability to shoulder the responsibilities conferred upon it by the charter. I wish to reassert our commitment to take action hand in hand with each and every one of you, so as to revive multilateralism and to demonstrate that we are stronger, more effective, more capable of tackling common challenges if we do this together. Today's challenges, future challenges, ones we do not know about yet, challenges we haven't yet tackled. I talked about the climate. It also applies to war and peace, new technologies and development. Across all of these areas, wherever might is right is being imposed, we must defend justice and our common interests, and it is in the interests of each and every one of us as well, because our charter affords us the protection, the right to live together. Given the sorry state of the world, given what we're seeing today, and that is a growing number of wars we haven't solved, multiplying myriad crises and contemporary challenges which are weighing on new generations in new ways, I believe we are duty bound not to yield. And at the end of the day, the message I wish to convey to you today, as I've been doing over the last nine years, is a message of determination. Optimism through action. What I'm trying to tell you is that we will not yield to fatalism, to defeatism, which is very much in vogue according to this rhetoric. There's not much point coming here to deliver speeches. They say might is right. We can impose a different kind of peace. That is what they say.
Artificial intelligence is changing economies and societies. Digital technologies are changing the way governments operate. Energy systems are changing. Global trade is changing. Demographic patterns are changing, and climate change is transforming the physical environment in which many of our societies exist. The question before us is not whether transformation will occur. It will. The question is who will shape the transformation and who will benefit from it? For Vanuatu, the answer must be clear transformation must not create a new hierarchy between those who possess technology, capital and influence, and those who merely experience the consequences. We need an international system in which developing countries and small states are participants in transformation, not simply consumers of decisions made elsewhere. Artificial intelligence provides one example. AI offers enormous opportunities for education, health care, public administration, agriculture, climate forecasting, and economic development. But without appropriate governance, it could also deepen existing inequalities. Small states need access to technology. We need digital infrastructure. We need skills and capacity. We need access to data and computing. And we need a meaningful voice in establishing the international norms that govern that governance. Emerging technologies. The digital future must not become another form of dependency. Mr. president, there is a tendency to describe small states primarily in terms of our vulnerabilities. We are small. We are geographically dispersed. We are economically vulnerable. We have limited institutional capacity. We depend on international markets. We depend on development partners. We depend on international shipping. We depend on imported fuel, food and manufactured goods. And yes, in many respects we are dependent on the international system. But dependence must not be confused with powerlessness. Small states can lead. Indeed, history has shown that some of the most important developments in international law and global governance have emerged, because small and vulnerable states refuse to remain silent.
Over the past 10 years, the purchasing power of our population has doubled. Our economy grew from $50 billion to $147 billion. More than $150 billion in foreign investment has been attracted. Exports have almost tripled. The poverty rate dropped to 4%, and nearly 10 million people were lifted out of poverty. Preschool education coverage increased from 27% to 78%. Higher education coverage grew from 9% to nearly 45%. Average life expectancy rose from 66 to over 75 years. Maternal and infant mortality decreased fourfold. The true value of the reform is reflected in the lives of these people. A child is the state's greatest responsibility. If a child is not born healthy and doesn't receive a quality education, we put the future of not just one person, but the entire society at risk.
This is also the mission of the new government of Cabo Verde: to concretely improve the lives of its people. And we have placed education at the heart of this mission, because school is where society begins to shape its future, and education is a powerful development strategy. We seek to transform knowledge into innovation, decent employment, and opportunities, to strengthen our education and health systems, and to advance progress in digital transformation, gender equality, energy transition, water security, and also in blue economy. We want to create more opportunities for our young people and build an economy capable of transforming people's talent into development.
However, on this journey, we have learned something that I have come here to share with you: that is that no state can defeat an enemy that knows no borders by acting alone. The weapons that reach our streets, across several countries, the money that finances mafias is laundered far from where the crimes are committed, the routes of drug trafficking and people trafficking and illegal mining, across continents. Criminals have already globalized their cooperation. They share routes, logistics, finances, and technology without red tape, distrust, or delay. It's unacceptable that criminal organizations cooperate with one another more effectively than states do. This is the reality that the United Nations must recognize and rise to. For a long time, organized crime was dealt with as a law enforcement matter, but today we know that it's more than that. When it controls territories and infiltrates institutions, replaces legitimate authority, erodes the rule of law, and destabilizes an entire society. And when this happens in several countries at the same time, it's no longer just a domestic issue; it becomes a threat to international peace and security. I want to say this very clearly: we're not calling for other actors to act instead of states. We're calling for cooperation, with full respect for the sovereignty of each nation, and with results that we can measure. This is why Ecuador today is proposing three concrete actions. First of all, an international mechanism within the framework of the UN to trace and freeze the illicit financial flows from transnational organized crime. The money is the fuel of these networks, so let us stop it in its tracks. Second, a permanent platform of information exchange between police forces, prosecutors' offices, and financial intelligence units that enables states to anticipate rather than react once it's happened. And the third concrete action: that the UN80 initiative include transnational organized crime as a priority for conflict prevention, and provide the organization with the capacity to support states that request it. These are proposals that Ecuador is prepared to support and drive forward alongside all countries that wish to join us. Excellencies, security is not an end in itself; it's a condition for a country to be able to flourish. And today we are experiencing a crisis, a profound crisis. And recovering security means giving people back their future, for a young person to be able to choose university rather than being trapped by a criminal gang, for a family to open a business without fear, for a company to invest and create jobs, and for institutions to respond to the needs of citizens and not to illicit interests.
We renew our call for an immediate end to all hostilities, unhindered humanitarian access and full respect for international humanitarian law. Prevention must be at the heart of international peace and security. Investing in preventive diplomacy, mediation and early warning is not only morally imperative but also fiscally prudent. The cost of preventing war pales in comparison to the cost of rebuilding broken society.
Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres, to whom I pay tribute for ten years of tireless work in defense of the United Nations Charter, international law and multilateralism, heads of state and government, excellencies. Over the past few decades, the international order focused on promoting peace and stability has been essential to prosperity and socioeconomic progress in our societies. Wars and geopolitical tensions that characterize our times have had a terrible human toll, undermining international order and consequently, the chance of prosperity. That is why we must explore every opportunity for dialogue, diplomacy and peace. In the Middle East, the humanitarian tragedy must end, and we must move towards the two state solution, with Israel and Palestine coexisting as two sovereign states in peace and security. The aggressive actions by Iran and its associated armed groups must cease, including attacks on neighboring countries, merchant vessels and civilian infrastructures. Similarly, the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz must end and freedom of navigation must be guaranteed, including safe and toll free passage, including through the Red Sea. In Europe, we must achieve a just and lasting peace that puts an end to the brutal and illegal aggression of Russia against Ukraine. Ukraine is a partner that has the full support of Portugal and European Union. In Sudan, the most dramatic humanitarian crisis we face must come to an end. We must also remain resolute in combating the global threats of terrorism and nuclear weapons. And in the face of the new challenge posed by artificial intelligence, we must find together the right balance between innovation and regulation, one that allows us to harness its potential for the benefit of humanity while preventing it from distorting our very essence. Excellencies, the energy crisis, and the rising fuel prices we are facing due to international conflicts are affecting all our peoples.
Resilience without resources is not resilience, it is merely survival. The same logic applies directly to the climate crisis. For Seychelles, climate change is not a prospective debate. It is a daily reality that strikes at the very foundations of our society. Rising seas threaten our infrastructure, our coastal livelihoods and our very territory. The science is undisputed. The targets are clear. What remains missing is political will and execution. Major emitters must display greater ambition while all nations act according to their responsibilities and capabilities. Economic growth that bankrupts the planet for future generations is not progress. Seychelles, therefore, welcomes the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on climate change, reinforcing that climate action is rooted in international law, equity and intergenerational justice. Mitigation, adaptation, technology transfer and loss and damage funding are not acts of charity. They are legal obligations.
And we will remain a strong advocate for human rights and democracy. We will support independent human rights mechanisms, peaceful assembly, and free and fair elections. And we will work to ensure that new technologies strengthen our societies rather than weaken them. Mr. President, this is also the moment to confront the extraordinary pace of advances in artificial intelligence.
Madam president, excellencies, distinguished delegates. A compass does not change with the weather. It helps you find a way in fair weather as well as in storm. 81 years ago, the world gave itself a compass. We named it the United Nations Charter. It has helped us stay the course even when the seas have been anything but calm. It has pointed us toward a world of equal rights, self-determination of peoples and territorial integrity of all states, large and small, towards a rules based international order. The progress has been real. More than a billion people lifted out of poverty. Standards of living transformed. Colonial empires brought to an end. Independent nations emerged. Peoples gained the right to shape their own future. That progress was made possible because we kept consulting the compass, because we stayed the course. Today it seems we are losing our way. Wars and conflicts are at the highest level since World War Two. Extreme poverty is on the rise. Extreme weather and climate related disasters are hitting record highs. Mistrust, polarization and divisions are growing both among states and within societies. Even the most basic principles of international law, including international humanitarian law, are violated with impunity. To get back on track, we must turn our attention to the compass. Excellencies, respect for the charter, for Human Rights, for international law is not a courtesy we extend when convenient. These are binding obligations we all agree to. Respecting them is the precondition for international peace and security.
And the same is true for every country represented in this hall. When one state believes it can redraw the borders of another by force, every border, on every continent, becomes negotiable. These principles now are being tested in Ukraine. Russia's war against Ukraine strikes at the very heart of the United Nations Charter. Borders changed by force. Territory seized by force. Children taken by force. Ukrainian civilians targeted by Russia. Schools, hospitals, homes, markets, energy infrastructure. Russia's attacks reach far beyond the battlefield. They are directed against the people of Ukraine and their foundations of daily lives. Drones are used to hunt civilians. Human lives are treated like targets in a safari. These are not policy disagreements. These are grave violations of international law. And where crimes are committed, there must be accountability. Let us not look away. Russia is a permanent member of the Security Council. With that comes a special responsibility for international peace and security. Instead, Russia is violating the very principles it is entrusted to uphold. Russia started this brutal war. Russia can end it. It can stop its attacks. It can withdraw its forces. It can leave Ukraine's sovereign territory. Latvia continues to call for an immediate and full ceasefire. Ukraine deserves just peace. Members of the United Nations, not every attack on the international order looks like war. Drones carrying explosives at airports. Drones crashing into homes. Airspace violated. Critical infrastructure damaged. Power stations suddenly in flames. Cyber attacks. We sometimes call them hybrid threats. But it sounds as innocent as hybrid cars. In reality, those threats to international peace and security are as dangerous as conventional wars. Guarding the eastern border of NATO and the European Union, Latvia faces these threats every day. Illegal migrants are deliberately exploited and pushed toward our border with Belarus. Cyber attacks target our critical networks. Acts of sabotage seek to create fear and instability in our societies. Russia's shadow fleet exploits legal gray zones and puts our security and environment at risk. Even in this very building, at the Security Council table, we have heard Russia spread blatant lies and make threats against Latvia and other free and democratic countries. Distinguished delegates, that brings us back to a fundamental question: what is the United Nations' role if its members are threatened and if its principles are violated?
Ladies and gentlemen, attacks on information integrity pose an especially troubling challenge to every society. Disinformation, foreign information manipulation and interference and the falsification of history, erode trust, restrict civic space and target journalists and human rights defenders. As a result, human rights, democracy and security suffer. This risk is further enhanced by the development of artificial intelligence. As we all know, AI has a huge potential for transformation, especially in the field of economy. Whole sectors, including those related to defence and security might get radically changed or destroyed almost overnight. As any instrument, AI is also increasingly used by those seeking to cause harm and destruction. My country, Lithuania strongly believes that the future of AI must not be determined by authoritarian control, technological coercion or the malicious use of data. We are therefore investing in trusted AI capabilities, promoting responsible AI deployment and advancing the Vilnius Convention, the world's first legally binding international treaty on artificial intelligence. By demonstrating how shared principles can be translated into concrete legal commitments, we hope to contribute significantly to the United Nations Global Dialogue on AI Governance. Lithuania invites the international community to unite in addressing significant legal, ethical and strategic challenges posed by artificial intelligence. With even major technology companies sending warning signals that control of AI might slip out of humanity's hands, the time is ripe for collective action. Together, we must ensure that AI serves human dignity, sustainable development, and international security rather than becoming a new instrument of inequality, manipulation or conflict. At any cost, human accountability, international law and the peace and security must be safeguarded. Ladies and gentlemen, the credibility of the United Nations depends on its ability to respond firmly to aggression, unlawful conquest, forced deportations and crimes against humanity, and also to coordinate the global response to the growth of AI.
We count on your support. Doamnelor. Ladies and gentlemen, allow me to conclude by welcoming the initiatives of the First Ladies and First Gentlemen concerning children and education, innovation, digital education, and children's safety. Romania has joined the initiatives launched by Melania Trump, Emine Erdoğan, and Olena Zelenska. By building accessible education and creating a more innovative and safer environment for our children, we are building a better future for our societies. Thank you.
If AI is available only to a few, new divisions will appear. Entire communities may be left behind. The growing use of AI-powered weapons and autonomous systems also requires urgent attention. One principle must remain clear: machines should never be allowed to make life or death decisions on their own. Just as the international community developed rules for nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, we also need strong international frameworks for these new technologies. The United Nations can and should play a leading role in this effort. AI is not only a potential threat on the battlefield; it is already having a negative impact on society, especially in education. An entire generation of young people is being affected. Recent assessments show declining test scores across the vast majority of countries. This is a concerning trend that deserves open and serious discussion on international platforms such as the United Nations. At the same time, we should not see AI only as a risk. It can be also a tool for peace. It can help us analyze information, identify patterns, and overcome language barriers in real time. It can support better decisions, faster responses, and more effective prevention. With responsible use, proper human oversight, and good governance, we can move this technology away from the battlefield and toward diplomacy, mediation, and conflict prevention. And prevention matters. Every conflict we prevent saves lives. It protects development. It preserves human dignity. Once violence begins, every solution becomes harder, more costly, and more painful.
This balance is deeply Bhutanese. For more than half a century, Bhutan has pursued Gross National Happiness. It does not reject economic growth, but it does ask the essential question what is growth for? GMC gives this development philosophy contemporary form through markets, technology and investment. But that aspiration itself is older. For centuries, the Himalayan Buddhist world has carried an ideal of an enlightened society, where material prosperity and spiritual wisdom coexist, where good governance serves human flourishing, and where people live in harmony with one another and with nature. That ideal is called Shambhala. Some of our spiritual masters have looked at what is taking shape in GMC and have said under an enlightened king, Shambhala is being built. Now we make no claim to perfection. For us, Shambhala points not back to the past, but forward a promise to carry its wisdom to the future, to build a city that prospers and has a soul. Mr. president, I told you at the beginning that I come here as a salesman. Now you know what I am selling: Gelephu Mindfulness City. So to governments and institutions seeking partnership and to investors, entrepreneurs and companies seeking the next great opportunity, do not watch GMC being built. Come to Bhutan. Come to GMC. Help define the journey. Build it with us.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This session is taking place against a deeply troubling international backdrop. Conflicts and hotspots of tension are multiplying, and geopolitical divisions are deepening, while the rise of terrorism and violent extremism threatens an ever growing number of regions. At the same time, climate upheavals are hitting our countries hard, not to mention the humanitarian crises and deep inequalities that are weakening our societies. Added to this are the very real risks to the survival of humanity posed by the uncontrolled development of artificial intelligence. The world is thus at a difficult turning point. It is looking on at the gradual fragmentation of its peace architecture and an alarming reconfiguration of the international landscape before our very eyes. Multilateralism is being sorely tested, weakened by an erosion of trust between nations and trust in the institutions that underpin the world order. In these times of multilateral fracture, it is imperative to find appropriate solutions to put an end to these dangerous escalations, prioritize dialogue and rebuild trust. With regard to international institutions, this trust is measured by their ability to translate the universality of their principles into concrete actions, and to treat every state, large or small, with the same standard of fairness. The trust of peoples, for its part, is nourished by tangible results and by the certainty that the decisions taken on their behalf genuinely serve their security, their dignity, and protect their future. This year's theme, therefore, aptly captures the expectations of our time. It calls on us specifically to restore trust in our collective capacity to respond effectively to global challenges, and to support the current changes and reforms of the United Nations architecture so that our organization is once again able to deliver concrete solutions to the concerns of all peoples. For Cote d'Ivoire, this means reinvigorating multilateralism and consequently, restoring diplomacy's rightful place and credibility so that it can act effectively. In light of these challenges, a monumental task awaits the next Secretary General of the United Nations, whose selection process is now well underway.
The technologies shaping humanity's future must not create another divide between those countries that can afford to innovate, and those that cannot. And access alone will not be enough. As artificial intelligence become increasingly embedded in our economies and societies, we must develop credible AI governance frameworks that encourage innovation while protecting people, privacy, security, democratic values, and public trust. Technology must remain a tool for human development, not a replacement for human responsibility. We must prepare young people not only to use new technologies, but to question them, govern them and deploy them ethically.
Salve, om namo Buddhaya rahayu. May peace be upon all of us. 81 years ago, from the ashes of the Second World War, Indonesia and the United Nations were born. We emerge from a world devastated by war with a shared conviction that never again should humanity lose its future to war and division. And we shared a founding promise to build a future of peace. For eight decades, we have worked to turn that promise into progress. Nations freed themselves from colonialism. Globalization connected our economy, technology transform our societies and development improves the lives of billions. But progress has never been linear. We have lived through financial crisis, a global pandemic, climate disasters, geopolitical rivalries, and conflicts around the world. With every transformation and every crisis, one lesson remains clear for peace and prosperity to endure, multilateralism must be resilient. It must be able to adapt, to respond, and most importantly, to deliver. Because multilateralism that cannot deliver will lose people's trust. And without trust, multilateralism will never endure. Building resilient multilateralism begins at home, begins with resilient nations.
Lesotho has restored national peace and security following successive episodes of political and security unrest. With the support of the United Nations, the African Union, SADC and other friendly nations, we have reclaimed our rightful place among the comity of nations as a stable and peaceful country. We therefore attest that preventative diplomacy remains the most effective means of avoiding conflict and ensuring sustainable peace. To create an environment conducive to inclusive growth and development, we continue to advance constitutional reforms aimed at strengthening democratic governance and the rule of law. We remain committed to accountability, professionalism and respect for human rights for all sectors of society. We recognize that culture of peace requires strong institutions that negate violence in all its forms. An independent judiciary capable of delivering justice impartially and efficiently to restore public trust. Mr. president, we must acknowledge that climate change is no longer a future threat, but the present reality.
Mr. President, excellencies, I am appearing addressing this assembly representing the first female president of my country, doctor Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo whose government places people at the heart of the actions of the state and works on a daily basis to achieve freedom, democracy, social justice and substantive equality. Mexico conducts its public life according to a conviction that I'm bringing to you today, from this rostrum, to make shared prosperity a reality for all people. This conviction coincides with the commitments that we all made in the United Nations Charter, whose first article establishes as goals to maintain international peace and security, to engage in friendly relations between nations, and to cooperate to resolve economic, social and cultural problems and humanitarian problems. Promoting respect for human rights without any type of distinction. Mexico, a culture with more than 3000 years of history, is experiencing a profound transformation that is a continuation of the journey that, uh, was started with the independence movement, the reform, and then the revolution the three defining moments when my country expanded the rights of its people. My country today aspires to achieve a prosperous society with rights and a decent life for all. This is a transformation with clear goals to bring about shared well-being, to strengthen our competitivity, to develop our own capacities, and to determine our own destiny. It's for this reason that my country has come to share the experience of a nation that decided to show, through concrete actions, that it is possible to improve the quality of life of our people by expanding their rights and their capacity to exercise these rights. Please allow me to underscore some of the progress made. The first is the reduction of poverty. Between 2018 and 2024, more than 13 million people were lifted out of poverty in Mexico, the most significant reduction in the history of our country. It's also important to underscore that in 2025, we had the lowest in-work poverty rate in our history. This effort continues with a national social policy. In 2026, the well-being programs of our countries reached 42.8 million people. In addition to this, we have sustained investment in infrastructure, healthcare, trains, highways, schools and water infrastructure. Looking towards 2030, the investment in infrastructure for development with Well-Being plan plans to make investments in energy, transport, water, health, education and emerging technology. The second concrete action is security that the government of President Sheinbaum understands from a comprehensive perspective, addressing the causes that push youth towards crime and also zero impunity. And the results speak for themselves.
It is a responsibility that grows more urgent each day, especially as UNEP's latest findings make clear that the world is now certain to exceed 1.5. This reality must strengthen our resolve to deliver what we have promised, prepare our communities for the impacts science tells us are inevitable. Small island states, young people, scientists, civil society, indigenous communities, and responsible partners have already raised climate ambition, accelerated the shift to renewable energy, and exposed the true cost of inaction. We have called for ambition that matches science, demonstrated that ocean stewardship can protect while supporting livelihoods, and insisted on a stronger voice for small island states in decisions that shape our future.
Our world shaped by uncertainty, disruption and rapid change, but also by hope, innovation and opportunity. For Samoa, the theme is a promise the world must keep. Can trust be restored? Can transformation protect the vulnerable? The answer lies in the first words of our UN charter we the peoples. We must always put people at the centre of our decisions. For us, this is underpinned by the core values of our Samoan culture, the fa'asamoa and our faith such as respect, dignity, love, protection and service. Excellencies, every decision in this hall shapes the world that every child inherits. We meet at a pivotal moment in history. Profound and transformative changes are not only necessary, but inevitable. Across many societies, people are increasingly asking whether global institutions are delivering on the promises made to them. We must prepare ourselves to face the challenges ahead with resolve, and use the opportunity to herald in much needed reforms for the benefit of all, and leaving no one behind. For Samoa, multilateralism remains the cornerstone of our international engagement. Only through genuine cooperation and mutual trust can we craft solutions that no single nation could achieve alone. The UN80 initiative has merits, but also its risk, if not fully assessed and understood. Any reform must strengthen delivery on the ground by eliminating duplication, improving coherence and accelerating impact. Critically, such reforms must not weaken the operation of the UN Multi Country Offices or the Resident Coordinator system. Whilst Samoa reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the United Nations as the premier forum to address global crisis, we also caution against premature decision taken without the full consideration and endorsement by Member States.
When Thailand joined this organization, the postwar international order was still taking shape. Today, it is being reshaped once again. Many of its old certainties are giving way. But what comes next is not yet settled. We are seeing many transformations taking place. Power is becoming more fragmented. Strategic competition is becoming sharper and international rules are under strain. At the same time, technology is transforming our societies, while climate change is testing our resilience. Our institutions, however, are struggling to keep pace. Confidence in our ability to work together is weakening, and that is why this year's theme speaks directly to the task before us. Managing the transformation requires trust: trust between countries, trust in the rules we share, and trust that our institutions can deliver. But trust cannot be taken for granted. It must be earned. Trust weakens when principles are applied selectively, when countries have little say in decisions that shape the future and when promises made in this Assembly fail to improve lives beyond it. Rebuilding trust means addressing each of these concerns. We must uphold common principles and consistently, we must give countries a genuine stake in the international system, including a stronger voice for the global South. And we must take shared responsibility for turning commitments into results. Mr. President, the UN's purposes remain as relevant as ever to promote peace and security, human rights and dignity, sustainable development and cooperation among sovereign equals. But we cannot build lasting peace if security is assured for some and denied to others. Universal human rights lose their meaning when applied selectively.
Although the region does not manufacture these weapons, the availability fuels gang violence, organised crime, drug trafficking and loss of life across our societies. While serving on the council, Trinidad and Tobago will advocate for greater international cooperation to address the sources, movement and diversion of illicit weapons, stronger tracing mechanisms, information sharing border and maritime cooperation and deeper cooperation among source transit and destination countries to disrupt weapons, narcotics and international financial flows. Trinidad and Tobago will bring the experience of the Caribbean to the council, where the impact of illicit firearms demonstrates how transnational organised crime can threaten the security and stability of states, even in absence of traditional armed conflict. On the priority area of superintelligence and global security, Trinidad and Tobago encourage a greater consideration of the implications of SI and emerging technologies for international peace and security, including cyber attacks, disinformation and deepfakes, autonomous weapons, criminal misuse of SI, and threats to critical infrastructure.
The history of humanity cannot be understood without the extraordinary capacity of human beings to create communities, cooperate, and build societies through intelligence and language, but also through empathy. We have come this far because we understood that intelligence allows us to organize ourselves, language enables us to communicate, and empathy teaches us to care for each other. In doing so, we discovered one of civilization's greatest achievements: that when someone is vulnerable, the community does not abandon them; it protects them. Likewise, in the face of the great challenges of our time, no nation can save itself alone.
Azerbaijan's own experience reflects these principles. Our society is inherently multicultural and multi-confessional, shaped by centuries of peaceful co-existence of diverse ethnic, cultural and religious communities. This tradition is reflected in Azerbaijan's international initiatives, including the World Forum on Intercultural Dialogue. Launched in 2008 in the framework of the Baku Process, the forum has evolved into a prominent global platform for advancing intercultural dialogue and cultural diversity receiving international recognition, including through a series of United Nations General Assembly resolutions. Building upon these values under the leadership of the president of the Republic of Azerbaijan, His Excellency Mr. Ilham Aliyev, Azerbaijan has taken important steps to strengthen international solidarity, to build bridges and to mobilize collective responses.
It can endure only when it is technologically realistic, socially fair, compatible with secure and affordable energy, and supportive of overall development. For Europe, which imports most of the energy it consumes the case for producing more renewable energy at home now reaches far beyond climate policy. It is a strategic necessity. It strengthens Europe's sovereignty and capacity to act, reduces external dependence, creates economic opportunity, and makes our societies more resilient.
Mr. President, Excellencies, as the UN Secretary-General reminded us a few years ago, the United Nations is a product of hope. Eighty-one years after its birth, that hope is being tested. Technology, including artificial intelligence, is advancing at rapid speed; climate change is reshaping our societies; the international landscape is becoming more complex, more contested, and more unpredictable. The international order is not simply changing; it is being tested in an unprecedented manner. But it is in such times of uncertainty that the foundational values of multilateralism must be protected: international law, the UN Charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for human rights, the equality of states. All these are not principles of the past; they are principles that transcend time, the essential ingredient for the present and for the future. The challenge before us is therefore clear: as the world changes, our institutions must be able to respond to new realities and threats while guided by the painful lessons of history and the vision of the founding fathers of this organization. And this is the essence of the theme of the 81st General Assembly: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Ladies and gentlemen, transformation is inevitable. What must remain constant is the UN Charter as our compass. It directs all of us, irrespective of power, size, and leverage. For small-sized countries, the principle of equality of states is fundamental, and it has formed the binding trust between us. We rely on an international system in which sovereignty and territorial integrity are respected. We expect international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, to be applied consistently. We believe in the peaceful resolution of disputes, and we demand that the rights of every state be protected. These are the integral elements of our collective trust, and this is the code of conduct of Cyprus's diplomatic engagement. And in a rapidly changing world, small-sized states must seek synergies while continuing to pursue strategic autonomy. Preserving trust also requires institutions capable of responding to the world as it is today. The United Nations must therefore continue to evolve. The UN80 initiative is an important part of this effort. The Pact for the Future and the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals are also part of the effort to ensure that multilateral cooperation can respond to the needs of our time. This moment of reform also comes as the UN Secretary-General approaches the completion of a decade leading this organization. Cyprus wishes to acknowledge his leadership during a period of extraordinary global developments, his steadfast commitment to multilateralism, and his effort to strengthen and reform the UN. But reforming our structural setup is only part of the answer. What is also needed is a genuine willingness of member states to contribute and protect the multilateral system. After all, states bring different capabilities, experiences, and perspectives. Great powers have scale; smaller states must have persuasion. We cannot compel, but we can coalesce. We cannot dictate outcomes, but together we can help shape them. There is no doubt that the challenges of today require cooperation and partnerships based on the knowledge of regions and of the realities.
Our history has taught us that democracy, peace and respect for the law are not permanent achievements. They are built collectively and each generation must preserve them. A democracy rests on free elections, legitimate institutions, the separation of powers, freedom of expression, public participation, transparency and accountability But it also requires independent and effective institutions committed to the Constitution, the law and the popular mandate. Public institutions must not serve criminal networks, private agendas, personal loyalties, or political or economic interests that are at odds with the common good. They must serve the people, the constitutional order and society's democratic interests. When an institution strays from that purpose, it does more than simply lose legitimacy. It weakens the democracy it is meant to protect. Democracy also earns its legitimacy in everyday life When a family is protected from poverty, when a child learns in a decent school, when a woman lives free from violence, when a community is no longer isolated, and when a young person can envision a future without being forced to leave their country.
Mr. President, in a world marked by rapid technological change, environmental threats, renewed conflicts and deepening fractures in the international order, this year's theme Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, is not merely aspirational, it is an urgent moral and political imperative. Every international institution, beyond its legal framework, requires mutual trust among its members to be effective. Moreover, trust is an ongoing process. Pope Leo identifies three essential words that must guide diplomacy, peace, justice and truth. He warns against the return of a diplomacy of force and reaffirms the indispensable role of multilateral institutions. Mr. President, the human person remains the measure of all progress. At the heart of this conviction stands the acknowledgement of the inviolable, God given dignity of every human person. From this flows the sacredness of life from conception to natural death, as well as the imperative to safeguard the human person that every society that aspires to be regarded as civilized, has a duty to protect. Pope Leo addressed in his first encyclical letter The New Technological Challenge, which he does not reject but calls for its ethical ordering.
Let us pass on to future generations an organisation that unites, protects and acts. For its part Madagascar is preparing at the national level a framework for the effective implementation of this transformation within our means. Indeed, the process of refoundation initiated following the mobilisation of Malagasy youth just one year ago, serves as the foundation for responsible governance, supported by strong institutions devoted to the public interest and having restored citizens trust in the state. This represents a genuine patriotic awakening, driven by the deep conviction that sustainable development requires every citizen to find a full and meaningful place within the nation. To give substance to this vision, we have launched a historic process of inclusive national dialogue, bringing together all the vital forces of the nation young people, women, persons with disabilities, political parties, civil society, the armed forces and the private sector. We have established a clear timetable. Our goal is to hold free, transparent and universally accepted elections before the end of 2027. Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this platform speaking here at this rostrum also gives me the opportunity to express our gratitude to all our partners for the trust and support that they have provided and for the fraternal support of the Southern African Development Community, SADC and the United Nations are going with standing with us hand in hand since the beginning of the refoundation process.
From the forgoing and in the spirit of the charter for a United Nations that delivers for all, the UN has a responsibility to protect and facilitate the participation of its all members and observers in its work. Mr. President, the adoption of the United Nations Resolution on the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in March 2026 is the beginning of a journey—a journey towards truth, acknowledgment, healing, and justice for millions of Africans and people of African descent whose lives were forever changed by slavery, colonialism, and other historical injustice. As we commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Durban Declaration and Program of Action, we are reminded that racial discrimination must not have any place in our societies, and that restorative remedies, including reparations, must be put in place to address those historic injustices. Mr. President, Namibia, congratulate the outgoing Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, as he nears the end of his tenure.
In this spirit, Doha is preparing to host the fourth Global Disability Summit in 2028, reaffirming our commitment to empowering persons with disabilities and building inclusive societies. Qatar will also host the 2027 FIBA Basketball World Cup in recognition of the role of sports in building bridges of communication and bringing peoples closer together. The expansion of the United Nations House in Doha marks a continuation of our long standing partnership with the international organization. It enhances its capacity to fulfill its mission of serving peace, development and human rights.
Allow me to begin my speech by quoting the sentences that I delivered 14 years ago on this rostrum on behalf of Slovenia and also on behalf of vast number of current and former heads of states at that time who signed our declaration for. And allow me to quote This was 14 years ago, this year's theme of the United Nations Assembly is peaceful resolution of disputes. Last year, we celebrated the 60th anniversary of the entry into force of the convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The convention was the fruit of the tireless effort of the Polish jurist of Jewish descent, Raphael Lemkin. I would like to remind you that since the end of the Second World War alone, there have been more than 80 countries witnessing mass atrocities. At least 53 million innocent people lost their lives. And behind these numbers are concrete men and women as well as children. They had a future, but they were not allowed to live that future. For this reason, I call on the member states of the United Nations, regional organizations and the United Nations system to develop a new approach and a strategy for the prevention of genocide and other mass atrocities. In addition, an intergovernmental forum of like minded states should be established in order to propose a United Nations resolution that would give a clear mandate for preparation and adoption of an appropriate legal mechanism, legal mechanism that would give the concept of the responsibility to protect a new tool, a legal mechanism that will enforce the prevention of crime, a mechanism that will enable a faster and more effective response to acts of genocide and other mass atrocities. I would like to inform you that this initiative also comes from international civil society. The Institute for Cultural Diplomacy has gathered thousands of supporters at international non-governmental organizations among lawyers, students, journalists and others. As early as 1946 Raphael Lemkin declared our heritage is the result of the contribution of all nations, all nations, as well as the United Nations as a whole, have great responsibility, as well as an enormous opportunity to prevent atrocities in the future. We cannot escape history, but we can learn something from it. I firmly believe that the mistakes we made yesterday, we do not want to repeat tomorrow. We took responsibility for this world from our fathers, and we have a great responsibility to make it better for our children. I call on you to improve it by joining all our efforts for a world free from genocide and other mass atrocities.
But it was not only the people of South Africa who were unchained when apartheid collapsed. The end of apartheid also marked the end of a system that exported violence and instability across southern Africa. Indeed, the fall of apartheid is a glorious story that attests to what multilateralism can deliver. Since democratic South Africa took its place in this assembly we have pursued a foreign policy anchored in ubuntu and international law, dialogue and multilateralism, and in the understanding that our fate is tied to the fortunes of our region and the continent as a whole. Millions more South Africans have access to education, electricity, water and sanitation, housing and social protection than they did at the dawn of our democracy or under apartheid. We have built a united nation of diverse people, steeled in their determination to never let history repeat itself. We have built a vibrant democracy capable of self-correcting and stepping back from the brink, a democracy strong enough to withstand and resist attempts at external supervision and tutelage. After the 2024 elections, political parties put national stability above narrow interests and formed a government of national unity within two weeks of the announcement of the results. Since the dawn of our democracy we have held no fewer than seven free and fair national elections. As we speak, South Africans are preparing once again to exercise their democratic right, this time in the local government elections on the 4th of November 2026. Again, the will of the people will prevail. The promise of democracy and international cooperation wanes when we cannot demonstrate that they can address inequality and insecurity. Compelled by our unenviable position as the world's most unequal society, South Africa made inequality a key focus of our G20 presidency in 2025.
Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this session of the General Assembly is of particular significance to my country as it takes place in the year in which we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Republic of Angola's admission as full member of the United Nations organization, which took place in December 1976. At that time, it was a historical achievement for the Angolan people, who waited more than 12 months from the date of proclamation of the national independence for the country to be accepted as a full fledged member of the international community. That event of great significance for the history of my country took place in a global context in which Angola became a victim of confrontation between world powers in the struggle for control of sphere of influence within the spirit of Cold War. Our entire journey towards the attainment of peace in 2002 was closely linked to the spirit of that period, which hampered the fulfillment of the dreams of Angolans and their plans to building a prosperous nation committed to its own development. These facts belong to the past, but have left us with a wealth of experience and lessons that we have drawn upon to build peace, understanding and reconciliation among all Angolans, and to chart the course of our foreign policy. Peace and national reconciliation is now a reality as shown through concrete gestures, including the holding of award ceremonies to honor the main political leaders of national liberation struggle and representatives of all segments of civil society, within the framework of the 50th anniversary of national independence. Still, within this framework, a monument in memory of all victims of the political conflict that occurred in Angola, from the proclamation of national independence until achievement of Peace in April 2002 will be inaugurated in October this year.
Centuries of enslavement and colonial extraction transferred wealth from our societies, and denied the generations the means to build prosperity. Political independence did not erase those harms. Today, countries that contribute least to climate change must borrow at high cost and rebuild from disaster driven overwhelmingly by emissions that we did not have anything but that comes from afar. That is where climate debt meets historic debts. Antigua and Barbuda stands firm with CARICOM and Africa in demanding reparatory justice for people of African descent. Reparatory justice requires acknowledging responsibility, repairing continuing harm, and correcting structures that still reproduce inequality. Expressions of regret are not enough. Justice requires honest dialogue, followed by concrete measures and repair and restoration and development. Reparatory justice is not a favor. It is a claim grounded in responsibility, equality and human dignity. Madam president, development finds its true meaning in the lives and dignity of people.
Mr. President, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we are often tempted to look to the future with disquiet. But let's look to the future with clarity, confidence and above all, responsibility. We already know a great deal about what the future has in store. The climate will continue to change. Technologies will continue to transform our societies and our economies. Africa will have greater weight in global demographic and economic equilibria. Security threats will continue to try and cross borders. But we know one thing more than anything no state will be able to tackle these challenges on its own. So let's prepare. Let's prepare our countries. Let's prepare our institutions. Let's get multilateralism ready. Above all, let's prepare ourselves to pass the baton, because the responsibility of a generation is not just to receive the world bequeathed to them from those who came before. It is also to have the courage, the vision, the determination to hand down a better world to those who come after you. This is the responsibility that Benin intends to shoulder for us, for Africa and the United Nations. Let's restore trust, rebuild our capacity for working together. Let's manage these transformations. And that means deciding to prepare for them rather than simply enduring them. Let's ensure that the United Nations serves us all, which means that multilateralism once again becomes a source of strength, that it is of use for the people of the world. This is the basis for multilateralism, legitimacy, and Benin intends to contribute to this effort.
Excellencies, peace first. Peace is the source of all good. Peace in our hearts, peace in our societies, peace in our countries. Let us begin by restoring peace within our own community. Let us consolidate peace in our respective countries. Let us rebuild trust among our peoples and restore the image of humanity in our midst. This year, when Burundi holds the rotating chairmanship of the African Union, we are keenly aware of the responsibility that falls to us. As the African Union champion for the youth, peace, and security agenda, I have, this year, once again convened a continental youth dialogue coupled with the women, peace, and security agenda. During this dialogue, I sense the enthusiasm of young people and women to build a community with a shared future in the spirit of Ubuntu. In these young people, I sense the desire to connect with one another and to live together, side by side. But unfortunately, there are still states that prevent their citizens from living together with other peoples as brothers and sisters. They cultivate and perpetuate xenophobia and intolerance. They sow division by failing to implement preventive and corrective measures, by highlighting disparities in development, labeling some as rich and others as poor, and thereby creating a divide among peoples based on wealth and material possessions. And on that basis, they have come to regard themselves as saints while reproaching others for being inferior. How, then, can we build trust among nations without first starting with building connection and cohesion among our peoples? We, the leaders, must rekindle the spirit of Ubuntu within ourselves, the Ubuntu with which God created us. Indeed, God did not create a man who was selfish. He created a man of Ubuntu, the Ubuntu that I see in you and that you will find in me. Ubuntu is the common denominator that must restore trust among all human beings. Excellencies, as an African and a voice for Africa at this time when I hold the rotating chairmanship of the African Union, I must also state the following: we are here to convey a conviction.
We have always been and will always be prepared for dialogue with the government of the United States in order to try to find solutions to the various bilateral differences that we have on the basis of seriousness, respect, sovereign equality and respect for international law without any interference in domestic affairs and without preconditions. We are prepared for trade commercial relations with U.S. corporations, as we would be with any other country. We are aware of the immense challenge that our country faces in terms of its security, survival, the well-being of its people and the destiny of the nation. We are not facing this challenge passively. We are doing it firmly and with dignity. And on this basis, we are moving forward on a process of changes that would lead to profound transformations of the economic and social model of the country, based on our historical experience. Last 30th of July, during the Closing Ceremony of the seventh session of the National People's Power Assembly, President Miguel Diaz-Canel, given the complex situation I've described, referred to how we can continue to grow socialism, how can we find the financial and material resources needed to preserve the social achievements attained by the revolution? And as on former occasions when we were faced with particularly complex situations, such as under the guidance of the first Commander in Chief and later of the Army General Raul Castro, the economic model was transformed to adapt it to the challenging foreign circumstances demanded by the times, and in the current situation, we promise to take the changes that are needed for the moment under the leadership of the party in a collective and democratic way, in consultation with the people, without compromising the independence, national sovereignty or the social achievements of the revolution. End of quotation. The National People's Power Assembly at that meeting adopted a new program with new practices, actors and economic concepts. All of that is being done in accordance with the Constitution in force, which was adopted through a free and universal referendum and the conception of our socialist state of law and social justice. As was pointed out by the leader of the Cuban Revolution, General Raul Castro Ruz, the most important thing will be, and I quote, the appropriate and timely implementation process with well-defined priorities and the conscious participation of the people. End of quotation. This process relies on the strengths that we have been able to build the potential of our human resources, and the determination to respond to the needs of the people with the greatest possible social justice, without ceasing in our efforts to defend with the utmost vigor and resolve the sovereignty and the right to self-determination. We know that we can count on the support of the international community and the solidarity of millions of people, amongst them, increasingly United States citizens. They have repeatedly shown in various demonstrations their support for Cuba and their rejection of this aggression, and have provided a solidarity and aid to our peoples to try to mitigate the enormous damage that is being made to Cuban society and its economy. This spirit of empathy and solidarity is also expressed particularly strongly amongst the Cubans, who live permanently or temporarily outside of Cuba's borders and their descendants, particularly those living here in the United States.
But the United Nations must also remain a place where ambition can become action. Mr. president, we must also confront the serious challenges facing the Sustainable Development Goals. The SDGs represented a promise that by 2030 we would make meaningful progress in ending poverty and hunger, improving health and education, advancing equality, protecting our planet, and building more peaceful and inclusive societies. Today, that promise is at risk. Conflict, climate change, debt distress, inflation and persistent inequality have pushed the goals further out of reach for many developing countries. But this is not the time to abandon the 2030 agenda. It is the time to renew our commitment and concentrate on delivering results that people can see and feel in their daily lives. For Dominica, we have incorporated the SDGs as priorities in our National Resilience Development Strategy 2030, our Climate Resilience and Recovery Plan and our wider development agenda. We see sustainable development in the homes we have built for vulnerable families; in our investment in geothermal energy as cleaner, more affordable and reliable energy. We see it in our efforts to strengthen education, expand technical and vocational training, and better prepare our young people for the world of work. We see it in our support for farmers, entrepreneurs, agro-processors and tourism operators who are creating jobs and building stronger local industries. We also see it in our work to protect our forests, marine resources and natural environment. For Dominica, these resources are part of our identity, but they are also essential to our food security, our tourism product and the livelihoods of our people. Excellencies, the challenges before us cannot be overcome by any one country acting alone. They require a strong and effective United Nations, renewed international cooperation and a firm commitment to multilateralism.
In this context, I wish to state clearly and unequivocally that Egypt's water security is an existential issue that is not open to compromise. The Nile is not merely an economic resource it is the lifeline upon which the existence and development of Egyptian society have depended throughout history. Egypt believes that transboundary water resources should be a field for cooperation and integration, not conflict. We also believe that water security and development are not contradictory objectives, but complementary ones when political will exists, when intentions are sincere, and when international law is respected. We do not oppose the right of any people to development. Rather, we defend a clear and just principle that the development of one party must not be built upon causing harm to others. Shared resources cannot be managed through unilateral measures or fait accompli policies. They must be managed through cooperation, good neighborliness and the conclusion of binding agreements in accordance with international law that preserve the legitimate rights and interests of all parties. In this regard, Egypt reserves its legitimate and internationally recognized right under the charter of the United Nations and International Law to protect its water security and preserve the existential resources of its people. Amid the multiple threats facing our region, we recall the crisis of brotherly Sudan, a crisis whose consequences extend beyond military confrontations to affect the security and safety of civilians and threaten to dismantle the state institutions.
Mr. President, the denial of the fundamental human rights of millions of people around the world remains one of the defining challenges of our time. Renewed pressure on women's rights and gender equality is putting hard won progress at risk. Women and girls are being told that their ambitions, their education, their voices and their very presence in public life are unacceptable. The situation in Afghanistan is one of the clearest examples of this. The systematic exclusion of women and girls from education, employment and public life is not something that the international community can simply observe from a distance. It is a profound human rights crisis. Girls have been denied the education that should shape their futures. Women are being denied the ability to work, to participate fully in society, and to contribute to the economic and social life of their country. Their freedoms are being progressively erased and the world must not become inured to it. We must not allow the absence of headlines to become an absence of action. The women of Afghanistan have not disappeared, and neither should our solidarity. The same is true elsewhere. Across the world, women and girls face conflict related sexual violence, forced displacement, trafficking and discrimination. Across the world, LGBTQI+ people face growing threats to their rights, safety and dignity. Ireland remains firmly committed to the universality, indivisibility and equal application of human rights. These principles are beyond question. That commitment is why Ireland is seeking election to the Human Rights Council for the 2027 2029 term, and if elected, we will use that seat to defend the principle that human rights belong to everyone everywhere. Mr. President, today Russia's illegal war in Ukraine is more deadly for civilians than at any point since the start of their full scale invasion. Russia's reckless drone and missile attacks on Ukrainian towns and cities continue to intensify.
After years of political division and polarization that have drained the state and society, Libya no longer needs more crisis management, but rather the will to end the crisis. Our goal is clear: a unified sovereign state whose institutions derive their legitimacy from the will of its people. The path to that goal is a return to the people through constitutional and legal mechanisms, referendums, and free and fair elections. The people are the source of legitimacy, and it is they who can give institutions their unity and stability. Temporary deals cannot do so, nor can fragile settlements that collapse whenever the balance of power shifts or loyalties change. Here, we welcome the effort and intention of every state sincerely seeking to end the political and institutional division. We also appreciate the role entrusted to the United Nations support mission in Libya and its responsibility for facilitating the political process. Nevertheless, past experience obliges us to be clear. Any sustainable political process must not violate four governing principles. First, respect for legitimacy and for the constitutional and legal frameworks in force, without circumventing them or creating political arrangements outside established frameworks and procedures. Second, the principle of national ownership is a red line. International mediation must not turn into custodianship or into solutions crafted from abroad. The will of Libyans is the foundation, and the inclusion of all the different parties without exclusion or imposition is the true guarantee of the sustainability of any solution. Third, ensuring equal opportunities for all parties, as well as rejecting the use of force, influence, or fait accompli to impose predetermined political outcomes. Fourth, commitment to transparency in understandings and agreements. This requires defining the phases of implementation, their timelines, and the entities responsible for them. It also requires establishing clear mechanisms for oversight and accountability so as to ensure outcomes that are implementable, legally sound, and capable of producing legitimate and stable institutions. Experience has taught us that fragile settlements can begin to unravel as soon as the balance of power shifts or their outcomes emerge. Any arrangements that disregard national legal frameworks expose themselves to challenge and dispute. They reproduce the crisis rather than end it.
Already, thousands of former combatants who meet the conditions have either joined the defense and security forces or entered civilian employment. Mali's sovereignty is very precious to us, and it is not negotiable. Sovereignty is not limited to defending our territory. It also means we are controlling our economic choices, that we are managing and developing our natural resources and mining resources, our gold and lithium strengthening our productive sectors, and also creating greater opportunities for our youth. And in this spirit, the government remains committed to implementing the 2063 vision and the National Strategy for Emergence and Sustainable Development 2024-2033. These two ambitious programs are designed to meet the legitimate aspirations of the Malian people, and they constitute a generational pact. And it shows our determination to build a sovereign state, a competitive economy, a just society, a country in which every citizen can thrive with dignity. The government placed at the heart of its action, economic recovery and public welfare because they're essential to lasting peace and stability.
We also recognize the work carried out by your predecessor, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, in the service of this organization, whose contribution we greatly value. Mr. President, the topic chosen for this session—"Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nation That Benefits All"— invites us to return to the opening words of the United Nations Charter: simple words, yet perhaps amongst the most powerful ever inscribed in an international treaty. We, the people, together, as the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility toward humanity. Eighty-one years ago, in the face of devastation caused by war, humanity chose cooperation over confrontation; the law over force and hope over fear. That promise has shaped generations; it has protected millions of lives in the whole world, and it gave voice to those that, during many times, remained on the margin of international decisions. Today, however, the promise that we face is one of the toughest tests, as we live in a world marked by protracted wars, growing geopolitical rivalities, persistent humanitarian crises, severe weather events, and other highly complex challenges in the world. At the same time, Your Excellency, the digital revolution, the demographic changes, and the organization of the value chains are transforming our economies every day and society at an unprecedented pace. Never has the world been so interconnected and, at the same time, so fragmented like today. And it is precisely in this context that the theme of this session takes on important significance:" Restoring Trust" requires consistency between the principles we proclaim as leaders and the decisions we make. It requires the fair application of international law and concrete results that translate into improvement in the lives of the people in the whole world. In short," restoring trust" means renewing the promise made eighty-one years ago. I repeat: we, the people. Mr. President, Mozambique knows from its own experience the value of multilateralism and the value of the United Nations, this organization. This organization has stood by our people at decisive moments of its history, on the path to our national independence as a people, in the pursuit and building of peace in Mozambique, and in the national reconstruction, in the responding to natural disasters, and in the promotion of sustainable development. Today, in the process of the national dialogue, thank you so much, UN. The trust of Mozambique is a result of a living memory of the Mozambican people. It is in this spirit that Mozambique would like to commend the leadership of the Secretary-General, António Guterres, whose tenure coincided with a period marked by enormous global challenges, and in which the limits of multilateralism were put to the test. He leaves behind a robust organization that is prepared to better respond to the challenges of our time. His legacy is, in our point of view, unquestionably positive and marked by transformative achievements of this organization. Thus, the best tribute we can pay to his legacy is to continue the work of strengthening this organization, because no generation is going to inherit the United Nations as a finished legacy.
We also expect the new Secretary-General to defend international humanitarian law and international human rights law and its institutions. The promotion and protection of universal and indivisible human rights is fundamental to the world we live in today, and to our collective vision of our future. Societies, in which citizens can enjoy their universal human rights, have a better chance of avoiding the descent into conflict that tragically impacts so many across the world today. Over the past decade, these norms have often been under threat, sometimes through neglect, sometimes through deliberate and sustained attacks. The rise of attacks on protected individuals, including civilians, and humanitarian and medical personnel needs particular attention. It is now ten years since New Zealand co-led the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2286 on healthcare in armed conflict. Attacks on medical facilities and personnel in violation of international humanitarian law have grown exponentially worse since then. Few have been held accountable for these flagrant violations of international humanitarian law. We ask you to help us reverse these trends by drawing on the UN's unique legitimacy to call out egregious and systematic violations of these norms, wherever they may occur, and whoever may be perpetrating them, and by providing practical guidance and assistance to help member states meet their obligations. Third, we ask the new Secretary-General to maintain momentum and ambition on UN reform. Confidence in this institution depends on its ability to deliver impact.
As the Secretary-General said in his speech, the danger is not technology. The danger is technology without accountability. I agree. Colleagues, we should not panic but we must be determined. There is nothing inevitable in this development. Artificial intelligence is developed by humans and must remain under human direction, oversight and control. It is becoming an integral part of our infrastructure, a part of almost all aspects of society and economy. And as we have done so many times before, we must maximise the positive benefits of emerging technologies while curbing its darker potentials. This week, Finland and Norway are appealing to businesses, governments and the UN alike to cooperate for responsible management of the opportunities and the risks of artificial intelligence. Defence of essential human values goes well beyond regulating technology. For decades we saw a growth in democratic governance, respect for the rule of law and respect for human rights. Sadly, this trend has now turned. Democratic backsliding, polarisation and weakening our democratic shields challenges many of our past achievements.
The time has come to move from promise to proof. I come not only to speak about what the world must do, but to account for what we are doing. Mr. President, last year our Prime Minister, the Honorable Dr. Terrance Drew, spoke of our Sustainable Island State Agenda—SISA— our national blueprint for transforming Saint Kitts and Nevis into a more resilient, sustainable, inclusive, and prosperous society by 2040. Today we return to demonstrate that it is becoming a record of delivery. Earlier this year, our second voluntary national review in the United Nations High-Level Political Forum showed stronger government coordination, closer alignment with Sustainable Development Goals, and tangible progress for our people. Water provides one of the clearest measures of that progress. One year ago, our 2 million gallon per day solar power desalination plant was nearing completion. In February, we commissioned it. Through semi-airborne drone surveys, we have also identified 17 new potential groundwater sources, and in August completed drilling at the first rural site. Together with distribution upgrades, these investments are strengthening water security. In 2022, only 25% of our households had 24/7 water; today, approximately 75% do. This is transformation. On the island of Nevis, we are advancing a 30-megawatt geothermal power development, with drilling expected by early 2027, and Icelandic drillers contracted to begin the process. In Saint Kitts, plans for a 50-megawatt solar PV and battery storage project are well advanced. These investments will reduce dependence on imported fossil fuels and strengthen economic resilience. We are also strengthening food security through climate-smart support for farmers, and healthcare through our locally developed national digital health information system at the Joseph N. France General Hospital. Sustainability must be practical, people-centered, and built to last. Mr. President, there is more to do. But our experience proves that small states are not powerless. With investment, partnership, and political will, small nations can deliver big solutions.
For over five decades, our people have dreamed of choosing their leaders through their vote. The last democratic election that took place in Somalia, held in 1969. Today, we are determined to change that history. Through constitutional reform, we are laying the foundations of universal suffrage accountable institutions and a multi-party political system that allows every Somali citizen have a voice. We engaged all Somali political leaders, federal member states, civil society, women groups and youth groups, and the diaspora to take part constructively in the hopeful political transformation. This is the first time that a real political reform is taking place in Somalia in the more than six decades that we were independent. Our aim is to become an effective democracy, where differences are resolved through dialogue, law and elections, not violence. We invite the United Nations and our international partners to support this transition by helping to strengthen democratic institutions, but always respecting our ownership of the Somali democracy. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this new progressive chapter where political power is determined by citizens, guided by constitutional law and safeguarded by the rule of law. That is how we are building a durable Somali state. Ours is a democracy where every citizen has a voice, where every vote has a value, and where every government is accountable. That is our commitment to our people and to our world.
Technology is transforming how we communicate, govern and preserve knowledge. Artificial intelligence is changing the way economies and society function. The challenge is not to stop transformation. Rather, the challenge is to manage transformation in a manner that protect people, preserve what is valuable, and give every country the capacity to determine its own future.
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No. 91
Burkina Faso09/28 · first at about 22 min1 mention
Burkina Faso is engaged in a dynamic of deep seated transformation spearheaded by progressive popular revolution. At the time where we are beginning to commemorate our fourth anniversary, we must underscore the progress made in several areas in life in our country. On an economic level, Burkina Faso is resolutely pursuing its efforts to undertake structural transformations of our economy and to achieve development that is based more on our own priorities and potentials, in synergy with other Member states of the Confederation, our country's working to strengthen our productive capacities, to harness our natural resources, and to further promote local processing of raw materials. In agriculture and industry, particularly significant presidential initiatives are being implemented to stimulate national production, to create jobs, and to strengthen the participation of our populations in our economic activity. Under the leadership of Comrade Captain Ibrahim Traore, President of Faso, Burkina Faso has made a choice to place the people at the heart of all endeavours, encouraging the creation of new production units and processing units by encouraging better use of our resources. And through these initiatives with six great presidential initiatives, our economy is becoming more dynamic and progressively being strengthened. Our ambition is to strengthen the bases for local, lasting and inclusive development while pursuing the deep seated reform and renewal of our society and strengthening our economic sovereignty. This transformation also includes infrastructure. The relaunch 2026 to 2030 plan in this regard is a major framework to deliver this approach and to support the changes that are currently underway in our country. By relying first and foremost on our own forces and respecting the choice to exploit and process our resources locally, we intend to create more value within our economy and to ensure that the wealth of our country benefit our population as a priority.
We're continuing the gradual expansion of universal health coverage, in particular through free maternity care, improved maternal and newborn care, vaccination, access to essential medicines, the strengthening of the healthcare workforce, and by expanding social protections. Mr. President, every health crisis confirms the same truth. Health sovereignty is built before emergencies. It is based upon accessible healthcare systems, robust epidemiological surveillance, high-performing laboratories, well-funded research, and above all, the trust of the population. In this regard, the Ebola virus outbreak caused by the Bundibugyo strain remains a major test for our country. For the DRC, fighting this epidemic is an absolute priority. After having contained 16 previous outbreaks, the DRC is mobilizing recognized scientific and operational expertise. And thanks to national mobilization and the support of our partners, the response has recently begun producing tangible results. In addition, clinical trials are now underway to evaluate vaccines and treatments for this strain in particular. I'd like to pay tribute to the Congolese and foreign healthcare workers, researchers, communities, and our partners, especially the WHO and the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, or the Africa CDC, for their invaluable support to the DRC in eradicating this disease and strengthening resilience to it. Mr. President, this need for resilience does not stop at the boundaries of health. It is also vital when it comes to climate disruptions, whose effects are already putting our societies under growing pressure: flooding, droughts, and erosion, not to mention population displacement, are threatening our stability.
Mr. president, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security, one of the foremost purposes for which this organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge. At that critical moment, the preventive diplomacy of the United Nations working in partnership with African Union and ECOWAS, helped uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with The Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displaced populations and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest costs, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crisis remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of a shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate, timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peace building that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore not only be how to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human political and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and preventive diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. president, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence, societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The Gambia has experienced the value of peace building firsthand. Since our democratic transition, the Peace Building Commission and the Secretary-General's Peace Building Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally led efforts to strengthen institutions, advance transitional justice and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peace Building Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the Peacebuilding Architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peacekeeping operations, and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including Gambian military and police personnel who have contributed with distinction, international peace and security. Their safety and security must remain a priority, alongside performance, accountability and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organisations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. president, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to The Gambia. Together with continued instability across part of the Sahel, it reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards de-escalation, dialogue and a durable political settlement. In the Sahel and other conflict zones, our response must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance, institution building, education job creation, development and climate resilience. Mr. president, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, etc. continue to pose greater insecurity.
We also need to keep the promise of a world where no one is condemned to suffer hunger, to be deprived of care, or to be displaced by war, or to fall victim to exclusion or discrimination. This same requirement for dignity needs to guide our approach to migrations as well. Because behind statistics and debates there are women, children and men who carry with them a history, talents, hopes and sometimes the burden of exile. For generations, Haitians settled abroad have contributed to the societies that welcomed them. From this rostrum, I wish to express my thanks to the countries that have opened their doors and have encouraged their integration. Haiti was a land of welcome, refuge and hope, and we are working to make sure it becomes that again. We want it to be a country where one can stay, return and live and build one's future in dignity. But I also want to recall forcefully that respect for dignity and fundamental rights of all migrants must be upheld, no matter their situation. No circumstance can justify trampling their dignity underfoot. The protection of a border and respect for human dignity are not incompatible. These must go hand in hand. A border can and must be protected without sacrificing human dignity. The destiny of migrants calls upon us to shoulder a shared responsibility and ensure sustainable responses. Because crises that are left to fester will breed displacement and forced migration. That is the case with the security crisis in Haiti, which led to the exodus of thousands of Haitians. The response to this crisis in Haiti will mean reestablishing security, stability and economic recovery. These are the three priorities of my government.
At the heart of human rights is a simple truth. Every human being has inherent dignity and is entitled to fundamental freedoms. From a Christian perspective, these freedoms are not gifts bestowed upon humanity by governments or institutions or powerful nations. They are God given rights inherent in every human life. And because this right belongs equally to every person we have a responsibility to respect and protect the rights of others, including those who may not look like us or speak like us, or worship like us, or believe what we believe. The strength of a nation, a government or an economy or a technology, or a religion should never be used to suppress the fundamental human rights of another human being. The might of military power must not suppress the weak. The might of economic power must not suppress the poor. The might of technology must not be used to diminish human dignity or freedom, and the might of a religious majority must never be used to suppress those who belong to religious minority. Human rights have the greatest meaning when they protect those with less power: minorities, the vulnerable communities, and individuals whose beliefs may differ from those of the majority. We must therefore learn to live together with mutual respect. We do not have to agree on everything. We do not have to share the same religion, same culture, same political system or worldview. But we must respect humanity and the fundamental freedoms of one another. Mr. president, this principle is especially important when we speak about religion. Papua New Guinea, for instance, is a Christian nation believing that Jesus Christ is our Lord, Savior and soon coming King. Christian principles profoundly have influenced our country, our communities, and our institutions. But let me make one point clear: our Christianity must and will never be an excuse to deny another human being the freedom of conscience. And we have embedded this the fathers of my Constitution, the fathers of my country's constitution. In 1975 in fact, are right from the foundation of our Constitution. Section 45 of our Constitution guarantees every person freedom of conscience, thought, and religion. And that practice or he that person can practice his or her beliefs and religion according to his own conscience or his own conscience. Our Constitution also protects people against being compelled to participate in religious observance, and against attempts to force religion or irreligion upon another person. Mr. president, faith that is forced is no longer faith. I believe freedom is a choice, a God given right, implanted in the conscience of every human beings. Our moral conscience comes from God. God does not compel worship. He calls worship through love, allowing every person to exercise the freedom of choice he has given them. True faith, therefore, cannot be imposed by force, fear, law, or persecution. A person must be free to believe. A person must be free to worship. A person must be free to change his or her belief. A person must be also free not to profess religion if he or her chooses. So. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognizes this principle in article 18 the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. Mr. president, history teaches us what happens when government or institutions or majority use religion to suppress those who believe differently. Human beings have been persecuted, expelled, imprisoned, or killed because of their faith. Humanity must learn from this history. A Christian majority nation must protect people of other religions. A Muslim majority nation must protect people of other religions. A Hindu majority nation must protect people of other religions. A Buddhist majority nation must protect people of other religions. And every society must respect the rights of those who choose not to profess a religion. The size of a majority does not diminish the rights of a minority. The United States, for instance, this country where we stand on, where the Assembly meets, expressed the principle more than two centuries ago through its First Amendment, which prohibits laws respecting the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. Government should neither impose faith upon its people nor prevent people from practicing their faith. Papua New Guinea supports this principle. We are proudly Christian, but the strength of our Christianity should not be demonstrated by suppressing other persons' beliefs. It should be demonstrated by having confidence in every human to allow their own exercise of free choice or free conscience. Humanity can be diverse in culture, religion, and thought.
I have come to speak about concrete problems and to suggest solutions. I have come to speak on behalf of a country that rose from the most devastating war in the Western Hemisphere, the War of the Triple Alliance, which brought mourning to no fewer than four sister nations. One of those, the country that I represent, is one of the fastest-growing countries in the world nowadays. Paraguay's contribution is not merely theoretical; it is based on experience. Facts have taught us that war is abhorrent, that peace is the only objective to pursue, and that we must stop watching from the sidelines, stop talking, and start acting. Paraguay comes before the community of nations with one non-negotiable conviction: the dignity of the human person must be at the heart of every decision. For this reason, we defend freedom, democracy, the sovereignty of states, respect for human rights, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. For this reason, we uphold human life from conception, and we recognize the family as the fundamental unit of our society.
We are, therefore, entering a period marked by a more complex and less predictable distribution of power, in which the risk of potential conflict is greater than it has been for decades. This is no longer confined to conventional armed conflicts between states. Confrontations are increasingly taking the form of economic pressure, technological restrictions, competition for resources and markets, cyberattacks, disinformation, and attempts to influence other societies. Cultural and identity-based divisions are also becoming more pronounced, increasingly exploited for political purposes, and further deepening mistrust among peoples. The boundary between peace and conflict is becoming ever less distinct, while the consequences of confrontation among global and regional powers increasingly affect even those countries that are not directly involved. For small and medium-sized countries just like the Republic of Serbia, such an environment represents an enormous challenge. The space for independent decision-making is narrowing, while pressure on states to choose sides is steadily increasing. At the same time, disagreements among the most powerful actors are increasingly paralyzing the very institutions that should be protecting all countries equally.
They are what we allowed, what we still allow, and what we will answer for. There is a painful cry for a better world order as we witness the weakening into irrelevance of multilateral institutions. No country, regardless of size or power, can address today's interconnected challenges alone. Excellencies, leadership is not merely discovering the angriest instinct of the electorate and amplifying it. Leadership is sometimes telling our own supporters that they are wrong. It is explaining complexity when a slogan would be easier. It is asking people to consider tomorrow when they are angry about today. It is persuading citizens that humanity of others who may worship differently, speak another language, or vote for another party does not diminish their own freedoms. Statesmanship requires patience, persuasion, courage to compromise. And above all, it requires an understanding that power brings responsibility, not exemption. The Charter of the United Nations was not written to make the strong weak. It was written to prevent the strong from making the world unlivable. Soon we will elect a new Secretary-General. The regional rotation precedent must be preserved. Africa had an unprecedented continuous three terms: Boutros Boutros-Ghali, 1992-1996, Kofi Annan, 1997-2006. Now the Security Council will elect a Latin American as our Secretary-General for 2027-2032. And after more than 80 years of men at the helm of our organization, needless to say, we ought to have enough wisdom and elect a woman with unquestionable integrity, unblemished record, and in defense of human rights, a strong advocacy of gender equality and inclusion, rule of law, democracy, solid experience in senior management in national and multilateral institutions. Mr. President, Excellencies, for developing countries, particularly small island developing states and least developed countries, efficiency must translate into stronger delivery on the ground, not reduced essential support. Timor-Leste urges comprehensive reform, expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, so that developing countries and historically underrepresented regions have a stronger voice in decisions concerning international peace and security. The veto is inconsistent with the sovereign equality of member states. President, Timor-Leste reaffirms the principles of climate justice, common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in the light of different national circumstances. Greater climate ambition must be accompanied by accessible, predictable finance: adaptation support, technology transfer, and capacity building. Artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies reshape our societies. Developing countries must actively participate in their governance and development.
Fourth, we must jointly build a new paradigm that offers solutions to the increasingly deepening income inequalities around the world. We believe that the path to this lies in joint development, solidarity and connectivity. Societies connected to one another through roads, trade with energy networks and joint production will eventually be united in peace and stability as well. And lastly, by promoting a human centered approach to technology, we must prevent new barriers from being built between those who possess technology and those who do not. It must be understood that techno polarization and digital hegemony serve neither the interests of the UN-centered system, nor the interests of those of the states that constitute the United Nations core. Esteemed delegates.
