We meet at a time when the Arab Gulf is facing a security situation of a severity not witnessed in decades. The states of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to waves of unjustified Iranian attacks involving ballistic missiles and drones targeting civilian infrastructure, residential areas, ports, airports and energy facilities. This came in flagrant violation of international law and the charter of the United Nations. These are indiscriminate attacks without justification under any law. My country also condemns the attacks carried out by the Iran backed terrorist Houthi militia against civilian objects and Islamic holy sites in the brotherly kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We also condemn their threats to freedom of navigation in the Bab el Mandeb and the Red sea. Allow me to put the facts before you in figures. Our countries have been subjected to nearly 7000 attacks at the hands of Iran, involving 1700 ballistic missiles, 80 cruise missiles and 5220 drones. 2000 cargo vessels and tankers with 20,000 seafarers on board have also been detained, while 72 commercial vessels have been targeted, resulting in the deaths of 22 seafarers. These are not merely numbers. Behind every figure is a ship, a port, a market and families waiting for those that provide for them to return home. Commercial vessels have been targeted in the Straits of Hormuz. Mines have been laid in an international shipping lane. Restrictions on passage have been imposed in contravention of international law. The consequences of all the above extend far beyond the Arabian Gulf. It affects energy and food prices, shipping and insurance costs, as well as supply chains across the world. As the kingdom renews its full solidarity with the brotherly countries subjected to these attacks, it commends the professionalism of the Bahrain Defence Force and the Air Defence Forces of brotherly countries, and their readiness in confronting these attacks. We reaffirm the right of all states to take all lawful measures to defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity, pursuant to article 51 of the UN charter and the Joint Defense Agreement of the GCC states. All the same, we continue to exercise the utmost restraint, seeking to ensure that security and peace prevail for the benefit of the people of the region. Mr. president, the position of the Kingdom of Bahrain is grounded in international law, the rights of peoples and. The Strait of Hormuz is an international strait, and the right of transit through it is established for the vessels of all states under the UN convention on the law of the sea. That right may not be suspended or obstructed, nor may it be subjected to conditions imposed unilaterally by any state. Accordingly, the Kingdom categorically rejects any permit or fee regime imposed on the passage. It rejects the use of international waterways as instruments of pressure or economic coercion, or any attempt at the seizure of vessels. Such actions would set an extremely dangerous precedent, because what is accepted today in one strait may be demanded tomorrow in every international waterway upon which global trade depends. Alternative routes cannot be treated as a solution to conduct that violates international law. Mitigation measures are an emergency response. They should not be used as a pretext to claim that the strait is no longer necessary, or to accept a new status quo. The right of passage does not cease to exist because alternatives are available. Nor does the violation cease just because those affected have found ways to reduce the loss. This threat is not confined to the Strait of Hormuz. Security Council Resolution 2817 also referred to Bab el Mandeb, recognising that a threat to one waterway is a threat to navigation through all waterways. The security of navigation in the Red sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Bab el Mandeb is part of the same system. We are now not only defending a regional interest, but a rule that applies to every international waterway, and if it does apply to our strait alone, it wouldn't have been a rule. The Kingdom of Bahrain has not only stated its position in principle. On behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council states and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and by virtue of its current presidency of the GCC and its non-permanent membership of the Security Council, Bahrain led efforts resulting in the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2817, with a historic and unprecedented support of 136 countries. The resolution condemned the attacks against our countries, reaffirming their sovereignty and rejecting any action intended to close the strait or obstruct navigation through it. The Kingdom also introduced a draft resolution under chapter seven of the charter to protect commercial navigation. The resolution, adopted by the Council of the International Maritime Organization on the 19th of March, together with the Human Rights Council resolution 61/1, both have further demonstrated that the international rejection of such conduct extends beyond the Security Council. We stress the need for the full implementation of these resolutions to ensure that those responsible are held accountable, and there are compensation for the damage caused. On the 17th of this month, the Kingdom convened an Arria-formula meeting of the Security Council dedicated to freedom of navigation. In this session, we heard from 53 affected states, the maritime transport sector and relevant international bodies. And we heard a conclusion expressed by all delegations. That is, the freedom of passage through international straits is a prerequisite for global economic prosperity. The Kingdom contributes to the protection of a rules based maritime order across an area exceeding 3,000,000mi² through its hosting in Manama, of the headquarters of the Combined Maritime Forces. This comprises 47 nations. We welcome the establishment of the Multinational Maritime Defence Alliance, led by the brotherly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom is proud to participate in the alliance as a founding member in support of efforts to safeguard international trade routes and global energy supplies in accordance with international law. As efforts continue in the Security Council, this General Assembly has an equally important role to play as the forum in which all states stand equal. From this podium, we call upon Member States to support a firm collective position which upholds freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage in accordance with international law.

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It is precisely at such times that we must honestly confront our setbacks, however profound, not with blame, cynicism or blind hope, but with action, sober reflection, clear-eyed realism and pragmatism. That is how we chart these turbulent waters. And that is how we rebuild trust in this institution, the central focus of this 81st session. (BRIEF PAUSE) So how do we build back trust? Trust is not given. It is earned. And we earn trust, I believe, in three ways. First, by being unapologetically realistic about where we are falling behind; Second, by taking a foundational look at the reforms of the Organization to deliver better; and Third, by making our work more inclusive and engaging all relevant stakeholders for effective delivery. Let me elaborate. (BRIEF PAUSE) On my first point, we must be frank about where the challenges lie and what needs to be fixed, even when the necessary changes may prove painful. Consider peace and security. Under the UN Charter, the Security Council bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Yet when the Council is unable to act, Member States turn to the General Assembly. We saw this as early as 1950 with the “Uniting for Peace” resolution, and we have seen it more recently through the Assembly’s Veto Initiative. These two principal organs of our Organization are complementary, not competing. The Charter provides for an appropriate balance between them. Both chambers must do their respective part. To be fair, the Security Council, when it acts, proves its strength and effectiveness. It helped liberate Kuwait, ended civil war in El Salvador, supported Namibia’s independence, led rebuilding of Cambodia, and stabilized conflict-affected countries through peacekeeping. Yet when the Council is unable to act on important matters, the effectiveness of our Organization as a whole is called into question. In 1945, humanity placed its trust in the Council in good faith, giving it the extraordinary responsibility of maintaining international peace. The Council accepted that responsibility and entered into a compact. It must now hold up its end of the bargain. This is what the people of the world expect. And in their eyes, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. The promise of 1945 still binds us today. I call on the Security Council to step up, to lead as we need it to lead and to act when we need it to act. Linked to this is the question of Security Council reform. I will support the General Assembly-led Intergovernmental Negotiations in its work to make the Council more representative, transparent and reflective of the geopolitical realities of our time. Ensuring fair representation for underrepresented regions must remain a priority. Nowhere is this more important, right now, than in Africa. After eight decades, the largest region by number of Member States and a key focus of UN Peacekeeping, is underrepresented on the Security Council. Africa needs to be at the table, not on the menu. Africa cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for its rightful place on the Council. Ending Africa’s underrepresentation, now, is a question of fairness, justice and, ultimately, the credibility of this Organization. (BRIEF PAUSE) Turning to development, and particularly the Sustainable Development Goals, we are right to focus on the challenges.

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Ladies and gentlemen, one of the biggest tests for the UN's relevance is Russia's aggression against Ukraine. For more than 12 years ago, since the illegal annexion of Crimea and occupation of eastern Ukraine in 2014, a permanent member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation has been perpetrating a war of aggression at the very heart of Europe. That aggression disregards the principles of the United Nations Charter to its very core. It violates the respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, and the prohibition of the use of force against another state. The consequences of Russia's aggression, however, extend beyond Ukraine and Europe. For example, by increasingly targeting Ukraine's Black Sea ports, commercial shipping, grain infrastructure, and alternative export routes, Russia is putting global food security at grave risk. As such, this is a concern for all of us, and rightly so. Russia's actions have been condemned by a large majority of this Assembly. But condemnation is not enough. We need to collectively force Russia into peace in Ukraine, to force into a negotiation table by raising the cost of its aggression. For this, we can and should use the diverse instruments at our disposal, be they economic, diplomatic, or political. I strongly encourage more of my fellow heads of state and government to use this occasion to call on Russia to cease its aggression. Those of you who have done so already, be it the Global South or North, you have my appreciation. The principles of the UN Charter cannot be trampled on. It is our collective task to stand up for them. We should also support the efforts of international mechanisms to document the war crimes, ensure accountability, and provide assistance to those whose rights have been violated. Estonia is doing its part. We have completed all national procedures and taken the lead in discussions in Strasbourg to establish the special tribunal as soon as possible. A UN member state whose armed forces have been repeatedly cited in the UN Secretary-General's reports for grave violations against children and conflict-related sexual violence should have been no place in UN peacekeeping operations. This is a matter of ensuring that perpetrators' actions have consequences. But it is equally a matter of retaining trust in and the integrity of UN peacekeeping. I therefore call on the UN to stop reflecting and instead take appropriate actions immediately. Ukraine requires assistance in defending itself, but also in rebuilding the country. Estonia, together with its partners, have worked closely to support Ukraine's cybersecurity and resilience, in responding to evolving threats through the Tallinn Mechanism and the IT-Coalition. Estonia is also proud to be hosting the Ukraine Recovery Conference in 2027, organized in cooperation with our closest friends in the Nordic-Baltic region. Building on the outcomes of earlier conferences, next year's event will be advancing in practical terms long-term international support for Ukraine and its recovery. As such, it will be a multilateral effort and example of true cooperation for international peace and security. My fellow leaders, while it is the situation in Ukraine and Ukraine's security that affects Estonia most directly, we are neither indifferent nor unaffected by the impact of other wars, threats, and conflicts. The situation in the West Bank and Gaza remains of great concern. Innocent civilians and children must not bear the devastating human cost of war. Estonia has consistently called for upholding international humanitarian law and ensuring safe, rapid, and unhindered access of humanitarian aid for those in need. We remain a stable donor in UNRWA and are committed to a credible political process leading to a negotiated two-state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and dignity. We have provided food aid to hospitals in Gaza and stand ready to offer our digital transition expertise in its future reconstruction. Estonia has consistently condemned the attacks by Iran against our close partners, the Gulf states, and has shown its readiness to contribute to ensuring freedom of navigation in the region. This is an issue that affects us all. We also see instrumentalization of migration as a means of exerting pressure on countries, whether on the European Union's eastern and southern borders or elsewhere.

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We would be remiss not to applaud the efforts, good offices and initiatives of the Secretary General aimed at strengthening multilateralism and that include initiatives such as UN 80 and the pact for the future, as well as the ongoing efforts to address global challenges, crises, conflicts, wars, climate change and terrorism, as well as the efforts to assist member states in order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and to strengthen international cooperation on artificial intelligence. We hope that these efforts will continue beyond the conclusion of the Secretary General's term in a manner to guarantee the continuity of work to reform and develop the organizations bodies to enhance its effectiveness and performance in discharging its responsibilities. In this context, we emphasize that Security Council reform and the Security Council is the body charged with maintaining international peace and security has become essential to keep pace with the significant increase in the number of member states and the changes in international relations since the establishment of the organization. There is an urgent need for the Council to become more representative, effective and transparent in carrying out its responsibilities.

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Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.

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Denmark is committed to supporting the people of Syria in a Syrian led and owned transition. It is a glimpse of hope in a troubled region and a stark contrast to this destabilizing actions of Iran, whose consequences are felt far beyond the region. Denmark's position remains clear Iran must never be allowed to develop or acquire a nuclear weapon. We strongly support continued diplomatic efforts to restore effective international verification of Iran's nuclear program, and we deeply regret the unwillingness of a few council members to acknowledge that sanctions measures have been reinstated in full accordance with Security Council Resolution 2231.

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This is why we have profound gratitude to President Trump for his invitation to Trinidad and Tobago earlier this year to be part of the newly formed Shield of the Americas and Americas Counter Cartel Coalition. We remain confident that this partnership will continue to promote freedom, security and prosperity in our region. Trinidad and Tobago appreciates and recognizes the responsibility bestowed on the Security Council in this regard. We extend our deepest appreciation to the 181 member states that entrusted Trinidad and Tobago with responsibility of serving on the Security Council for 2027 2028. Can we say thank you to all 181 states? We regard that overwhelming expression of confidence not simply as an achievement, but we see it as a very solemn responsibility on the part of Trinidad and Tobago. We return to the council for only the second time in the history of our nation, and this is for the first time in more than four decades. We will carry to the council the commitment on which we sought your support. We did so, and we committed to building consensus for realization of sustainable peace and security. The Republic of Trinidad and Tobago intends to bring the perspective and experience of a small island developing state to the Council, whilst we remain guided by the UN Charter by international law and the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes. We will bring those principles to every matter before the Council, whether the crisis lies within our region or far beyond it. We will approach our tenure with an independent and practical outlook, working constructively with all members of the Council and seeking common ground wherever possible. We intend to place particular emphasis on the curbing of the illicit trafficking of small arms and light weapons, another pillar on which we had campaigned, and we intend to commit to is women and children, as well as peace and security.

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It also charged it to advance the economic and social well-being of all peoples. Peace and prosperity were never two mandates; they were one promise. Today, both sides of that promise are under strain. The crisis of multilateralism is not a shortage of commitments, institutions, or rules. It is the widening distance between the equality this system proclaims and the inequality that is inherent in its structures. That is precisely why we cannot accept its present limitations. On peace and security, the contradiction is increasingly difficult to ignore. Every nation in this hall has one vote. Every nation is sovereign and equal under the charter. Yet, on the gravest question of war and peace, five nations possess a permanent power that the other 188 do not. The equality proclaimed in this Assembly ends at the doors of the Security Council. That imbalance might have reflected the world of 1945. It does not reflect the world that we know today. Africa has 54 member states, more than a quarter of this Assembly, yet no permanent voice in the body entrusted with the primary responsibility of international peace and security. We are frequently the subject of its decisions: permanently discussed, yet permanently excluded. The problem is not that the world lacks law. It is that confidence in its consistent application is weakening. International law cannot be invoked loudly in one crisis, cautiously in another crisis, and disregarded when convenient. Every perceived double standard carries a price, and that price is trust. Trust cannot be restored by declaration.

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Second, a state does not regain the trust of its citizens through reform alone, but also by reclaiming its national decision making. In that spirit, we did not merely affirm the principle that weapons must be exclusively in the hands of the state, and that decisions on war and peace rest solely with its constitutional institutions. We translate that commitment into decisions taken by the Council of Ministers, notably in August and September of last year and again in March of this year. That was after Lebanon found itself in a war that it did not choose. It was imposed upon us despite our repeated warnings. Again repeated warnings of the dangers of being drawn into it. As the war in the region widened and initiatives to end it multiplied, we held fast to a non-negotiable principle. No one speaks for Lebanon and no one negotiates on its behalf except the Lebanese state through its constitutional institutions. It is true that Lebanon is affected by developments in its surroundings. That does not mean, however, that we accept its becoming once again an arena for the conflicts of others or a burning bargaining chip in their hands. Lebanon's future. Will not be decided on its behalf, nor may its security and stability become the price of settlements concluded in its absence. Third our position on the war has been clear from the outset. We want it to end. We want the cease fire consolidated. We want Israel to withdraw from all Lebanese territory up to our internationally recognised borders, in accordance with the 1949 General Armistice Agreement and as affirmed by resolution 1701. We want the release of all our detainees, the safe and dignified return of our people to their villages and towns, and the reconstruction of what the war has destroyed. It was in that spirit that the Lebanese state entered into negotiations with Israel under the kind auspices of the United States of America and its president, for which we are grateful. With a view to reaching arrangements that ensure an end to the war and the restoration of Lebanon's full sovereignty. The sovereignty to which we are committed is indivisible. It requires Israel's withdrawal from all Lebanese territory. It equally requires the extension of the authority of the Lebanese state through its own forces, over the entirety of its territory, with weapons held by the state alone. It is on these two principles, and on the basis of reciprocity and phased implementation, that the tripartite framework reached in the negotiations rest. However, the success of any agreement is measured not by declared intentions but by fulfilment of commitments. What is required today, therefore, is to complete the translation of this framework into practical steps within a clear timetable and with a verification mechanism that ensures the implementation of all its provisions. Mr. president, in this context, I must pay tribute to the role played by the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, UNIFIL, and to the courage of its leadership, personnel and staff and their sacrifices in preserving stability, supporting the Lebanese Armed forces and implementing resolution 1701. To all the countries that have contributed troops to this force, Lebanon extends its profound thanks and appreciation. We have taken note of Security Council resolution 2790 of 2025, which decided to terminate UNIFIL's operations at the end of this year and to begin its gradual withdrawal, and requested the Secretary general to explore available options for the continued implementation of resolution 1701. What we wish to stress here and today is the need to avert the vacuum that UNIFIL's withdrawal could create, were it to take place without agreement on a new international force to replace it. Such a force should ensure the continuation of monitoring, reporting and liaison functions and its role should complement the requirements for implementing the tripartite framework.

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It will be restored when institutions act consistently, uphold international law, and produce results that people can see and experience. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Charter is founded on sovereign equality, territorial integrity peaceful coexistence, human rights and dignity of every person. The most important word in this year's theme is all. Not some. Not a selected group of nations, not only those with the greatest economy and military might. The promise of the charter belongs equally to every human being and every Member state. Yet the United Nations has increasingly become associated with political gridlocks in the Security Council, prolonged negotiations without tangible outcomes and a weakening capacity to mobilize collective action in response to the threats to international peace and security. This should concern all of us, not because the United Nations is not important, but precisely because it is indispensable and appears absent from the global solutions for peace and stability in this dangerous and unpredictable time. The Security Council must become more representative, transparent, and effective. Africa remains unrepresented in the permanent category and not represented enough in the non-permanent category as well. This historical injustice against the 54 sovereign states cannot be postponed indefinitely. Somalia supports the common African position and a meaningful African representation in both categories of the Council. Given that many of the discussions directly concerned African states, they have the right to full representation on equal par with all other permanent Security Council members. Reform is not an attack on the United Nations. Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia currently proudly serves as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council. We carry these responsibilities with great seriousness, humility and determination. In both institutions, Somalia works to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and Constitutive Act of the African Union, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, prevent conflict and support peaceful African led solution with global benefits. Respect for national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity is not an abstract principle for Somalia only. It is a foundation for peace and stability in our country, our region and the wider international community. Therefore, Somalia firmly rejects unilateral actions that undermine its sovereignty, unity and internationally recognized borders. Disagreements between nations must be resolved through dialogue and in accordance with international law, and not through actions that create new tensions or threaten regional stability.

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He has exerted considerable efforts to advance the reform process and to put forward initiatives aimed at making the United Nations more effective, influential and representative. I stand today before this distinguished Assembly, under deeply regrettable circumstances, that Sudan never wished to witness within an organization founded on the principles of sovereign equality among states, respect for international law and the guarantee of equal participation for all Member states. His Excellency General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, chairman of the Transitional Sovereign Council of the Republic of Sudan, was to stand before you today to address the General Assembly on behalf of the Sudanese people and government. However, the host country prevented this by failing to issue the visa required for His Excellency to participate in this high level segment of the General Assembly. More regrettably still, this situation persisted despite the efforts undertaken by the Secretariat and despite the Secretary General's request to the host country to issue the entry visa in accordance with its obligations under the 1947 Headquarters Agreement. Accordingly, the Republic of Sudan calls upon the Secretary General, the General Assembly and the Committee on Relations with the host country to take the necessary measures to safeguard the sanctity of the Headquarters Agreement. Sudan further requests that this incident be formally documented and examined by the relevant UN mechanisms responsible for the implementation of the Headquarters Agreement. Mr. president, the need remains urgent for comprehensive, equitable and expeditious reform of the international system in light of these changes and challenges, as well as for political administration through dialogue, respect for international law and the peaceful settlement of disputes.

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Second, Japan is devoted to enhancing cooperation towards peace and stability. Since the end of the Second World War, Japan has consistently and seriously pursued efforts towards nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. At the very heart of our aspiration for a world without nuclear weapons lies the earnest plea of the hibakusha. The catastrophic consequences of nuclear weapons must never be repeated. It is Japan's mission as the only country to have ever suffered atomic bombings during war, to lead the efforts of the international community towards a world without nuclear weapons. Japan strongly calls for solidarity within the international community to maintain and strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty NPT regime, to which both nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states are parties. Further, Japan will persistently advance realistic and practical efforts, including enhancing the transparency of nuclear forces and promoting a deeper understanding of the realities of atomic bombings. The situations in Ukraine and North Korea have reminded the world of growing risks and threats posed by nuclear weapons. There are also concerns regarding the proliferation of nuclear and missile related technologies through the strengthening of military cooperation between Russia and North Korea. The security of the Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic is inseparable. The advancement of North Korea's nuclear and missile programs, as well as its use of malicious cyber activities, including cryptocurrency thefts as a source of funding, are clear violations of relevant Security Council resolutions and pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The full implementation of Security Council resolutions under the principle of the complete denuclearization of North Korea is essential. Moreover, the issue of abductions by North Korea is an ongoing matter with lives at stake. The abductees are still denied their freedoms and their families continue to suffer. This is a matter of grave concern not only for Japan, but for the international community. As the abductees and their families are aging, the abductions issue must be resolved immediately. For the sake of the future of both Japan and North Korea, I am prepared to engage in dialogue and take concrete action to establish a mutually fruitful relationship in accordance with the Japan DPRK Pyongyang Declaration. Third, Japan will continue to contribute to the maintenance and development of a free and open international order based on the rule of law. Any attempts to unilaterally change the status quo by force or coercion are contrary to the principles enshrined in the charter of the United Nations, and must never be tolerated anywhere in the world. Russia's aggression against Ukraine is the most obvious example. A permanent member of the Security Council, with a special responsibility for international peace and security, has initiated an act of aggression against another country and has vetoed Security Council resolutions concerning its own actions. In this current situation, it must be said that the Security Council is not functioning for international peace.

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And the same is true for every country represented in this hall. When one state believes it can redraw the borders of another by force, every border, on every continent, becomes negotiable. These principles now are being tested in Ukraine. Russia's war against Ukraine strikes at the very heart of the United Nations Charter. Borders changed by force. Territory seized by force. Children taken by force. Ukrainian civilians targeted by Russia. Schools, hospitals, homes, markets, energy infrastructure. Russia's attacks reach far beyond the battlefield. They are directed against the people of Ukraine and their foundations of daily lives. Drones are used to hunt civilians. Human lives are treated like targets in a safari. These are not policy disagreements. These are grave violations of international law. And where crimes are committed, there must be accountability. Let us not look away. Russia is a permanent member of the Security Council. With that comes a special responsibility for international peace and security. Instead, Russia is violating the very principles it is entrusted to uphold. Russia started this brutal war. Russia can end it. It can stop its attacks. It can withdraw its forces. It can leave Ukraine's sovereign territory. Latvia continues to call for an immediate and full ceasefire. Ukraine deserves just peace. Members of the United Nations, not every attack on the international order looks like war. Drones carrying explosives at airports. Drones crashing into homes. Airspace violated. Critical infrastructure damaged. Power stations suddenly in flames. Cyber attacks. We sometimes call them hybrid threats. But it sounds as innocent as hybrid cars. In reality, those threats to international peace and security are as dangerous as conventional wars. Guarding the eastern border of NATO and the European Union, Latvia faces these threats every day. Illegal migrants are deliberately exploited and pushed toward our border with Belarus. Cyber attacks target our critical networks. Acts of sabotage seek to create fear and instability in our societies. Russia's shadow fleet exploits legal gray zones and puts our security and environment at risk. Even in this very building, at the Security Council table, we have heard Russia spread blatant lies and make threats against Latvia and other free and democratic countries. Distinguished delegates, that brings us back to a fundamental question: what is the United Nations' role if its members are threatened and if its principles are violated?

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Ours is a concerning financial situation. It's affecting the UN's operational capacity, and that is prompting questions about how effective the UN really is. Indeed, these questions are being asked about peace operations, just as they are about the SDGs. The implementation of these is lagging behind and significantly so. In view of this reality, it is true that some might be tempted to view multilateralism as a relic and might be tempted to move outside of multilateralism to take action in isolation. Senegal does not espouse that view. On the contrary, it is precisely because the world is beset by a whole host of unprecedented crises that we need a UN that is stronger, more representative and more effective. We will not settle crises by allowing the multilateral system to become ever more piecemeal. We will not achieve peace if we simply stage power struggles. We will not guarantee a just international order if we see right being replaced by might, doing all of that would imperil the very raison d'etre of our organisation that is dialogue, conflict prevention, the peaceful resolution of disputes, cooperation and respect for international law. In this vein, and with this in mind, the UN80 Initiative provides us with a historic opportunity to usher in the structural and normative transformations that we need to see. However, reforming the United Nations must not stymie its ambitions. On the contrary, it must make it less bureaucratic in how it functions. It must remove red tape, make it more agile, and make it more effective in its expenditure. And there must be better synergies between headquarters and the field, so we can better serve the people we represent. Senegal supports that very dynamic. That was the rationale behind our contribution to efforts to strengthen the UN system. We've used our own resources to build a UN house some 30km away from Dakar. This is a cutting edge institution and the site will house all UN system entities in the region, and that will foster greater coherence and effectiveness in the UN's work. However, a stronger organization and ensuring it is stronger also involves member states upholding their financial contribution pledges and making good on their assessed contributions. President, the years are ticking by, but our efforts to reform governance have yet to produce a significant impact. The status quo when it comes to reforming the Security Council bears witness to that fact. We all agree that the composition of the Security Council is out of step with the realities of our time. We agree that the expansion of the Council should not lead to further inertia, but given the fact the Council is lacking legitimacy and that is indeed the hallmark of the Council's current structure, we cannot simply issue observations. We are at a juncture where there is an urgent need for action. It's a matter of justice, credibility and balance across the international system, and this is indeed the rationale which underpins the Ezulwini Consensus, which outlines the African position in connection with the so necessary reform of the UN Security Council. In that vein, Senegal is presenting its candidacy to a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for 2032–2033. However, beyond reform, the organisation also needs experienced leadership to steer its work in these times of crisis and uncertainty. The UN needs a secretary general able to speak to one and all, able to listen and to build bridges between member states. That is the vision embraced and espoused by Macky Sall, former president of the Republic of Senegal. Here I wish once again to express my support for his candidacy. I wish to reiterate Senegal's request that you, as Member states, support his candidacy. Ladies and gentlemen at a time when our organisation is seeking to rebuild trust, Senegal continues to believe in the vision of a world based on peace, justice, the dignity of each and every human being and human brotherhood. The world does not need unilateral posturing. It needs a fairer, more inclusive and more effective multilateralism. Addressing our challenges requires bridges and not walls, dialogue and not confrontation. Cooperation and not isolation and not might. That is the very spirit in which Senegal will host the Youth Olympic Games in Dakar 2026.

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Our experience in southern Africa has taught us that dialogue is a shared fortitude and not a weakness. In the African tradition, the meeting place is not where courage is abandoned. It is where wisdom is summoned. Lessons can be drawn from the heritage based approaches to peace building and conflict resolution from communities across the world, including within Africa. Military action may alter the battlefield, but durable peace is built through inclusive political processes that restore confidence, address grievances and allow affected communities to shape their socioeconomic and political destinies. Mr. President, Zimbabwe's grateful for the confidence placed in us through our election to the Security Council for the 2027 to 2028 term. My country will assume this responsibility in January 2027 with humility, independency and a readiness to serve, guided by our foreign policy of being a friend to all and an enemy to none. Accordingly, my country will prioritize four priorities in the Council. Firstly, the promotion of preventive diplomacy, mediation, and peaceful dispute resolution while tackling the underlying causes of insecurity. Secondly, we shall advocate for the strengthening of cooperation between the United Nations and the regional organizations such as the African Union and its Peace and Security Council. In this respect, we call for the full implementation of resolution 2719 to ensure predictable, adequate and sustainable financing for authorized African Union led peace support operations. Thirdly, our nation believes that our rich heritage and natural resource endowments must advance industrialization, modernization and the green agenda for the prosperity of all and not to finance conflict. As such, Zimbabwe shall support Africa's Silencing the Guns agenda and strong action against terrorism, organized crime, illicit arms flows, and illegal resource trafficking. Finally, women and young people must shape peace. From the outset, the support of Zimbabwe will also be extended to the women and youth peace and security agendas. The current times demand peace keeping that is grounded in clear political strategies, realistic mandates and adequate resources. Those most affected by the decisions of the Security Council should not be the least heard. There is need not only give a voice, but consider the views of the countries and regions on the Security Council agenda towards our shared aspirations for enduring peace and sustainable development.

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The loss and damage fund exists. What is missing is the power shift to make them operational and real. Mr. president, the next contest for power will not only be fought over land and sea, it will be fought over data. Our citizens' data crosses the world without a visa and without a vote. It leaves our shores as raw material and returns as products we must buy. We have seen this pattern before. My islands once exported salt, sponge and sisal. Others set the price. Others kept the profit. The commodity has changed today, but the pattern has not. This is colonization by data it serves. It does not arrive with ships and flags. It arrives in a box, on a screen and a button that says I agree. I'm talking about the capacity of a people to govern their own digital lives. People whose daily lives and histories are being mined should decide where their data lives and who may use it, and on what terms. Those people should be able to share in the value which their data creates. It means building artificial intelligence that understands our languages and our lives, and not only the lives of those in the wealthy North, dominating languages and dominating cultures. And it means taking part in a digital age on our own terms, not as consumers of other people's systems, but as builders of our own. Data is the newest raw material in the global economy. My friends, the old empires took our lands, plundered them, and renamed them. The new ones seek to take our data and hand us back a picture of ourselves that we did not paint. In this modern age, are we expected to be simply the unquestioning suppliers of data, or can we not rightly expect to participate in processing our own data so as to refine it, govern it, and profit from it? We do not think it outrageous to demand that small states help the rules of this new age, not simply be shown where to sign. That is why the Bahamas ask you to support the nomination of Stephen Bereaux for deputy secretary general of the International Telecommunication Union, a person from small island developing states, who will assist us in ensuring that we have what I call data sovereignty. Mr. President. Mr. president, the Security Council was designed by the victors of a war that ended 81 years ago. The world has changed.

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Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations.

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Do you know, esteemed friends, what was, in fact, the reason, the sole official and formal reason, for the attack on the territory of the Republic of Serbia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia carried out by 19 NATO countries? You will not believe it. They told us that they had attacked a sovereign, free, and independent country in order to prevent a potential humanitarian disaster. The humanitarian disaster did not occur, and I have still not managed to hear or see where a similar example has occurred anywhere in the world. The attack against the small, yet free, and freedom-loving country Serbia, of which I am the proud President, was carried out with the intention of finally destroying the UN order established after World War II and of formally and informally confirming the dominance of a that-time unison Western world of United States of America and Europe. Do you know which countries, dear friends, took part in decision-making in the UN Security Council to bomb an independent and sovereign country that had attacked no other country? Just to add, not a single soldier, not a single police officer from Serbia had set foot on the territory of any other country, and yet a decision was made. I am certain that most of you, dear friends, who are among those best informed about world politics, no longer remember much of these either, and especially not the fact of who in the UNSC voted for that decision, or perhaps in the General Assembly. Do not even try, because it is impossible for you to remember. Why? Because such a decision was never made in the first place, and to make things even worse, no one ever even attempted to make such a decision. They were so arrogant and so powerful that they trampled everything in their path, from the Clinton administration to the administration of numerous European countries. That is precisely why Serbia supports the actions of the administration of President Donald Trump and sees in his work an opportunity for establishing a more just order in the world and more responsible attitude toward Serbia as a close American ally from both world wars. And what they did not know or understand at the time was this: they trampled Serbia, but they did not defeat it. Serbia rose like a phoenix from the ashes, and today, through its example, it shows everyone in the world how the international public order is preserved and how international public law is protected. Nevertheless, the consequences of that brutal attack against Serbia are enormous, and particularly visible here in the UN General Assembly. Admittedly, they are even more visible on the numerous battlefields around the world. Why? Well, because the principles of any kind no longer exist. Those who once trampled them have no moral right to speak about them.

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We look forward to your stewardship of this assembly, and we move to restore trust and indeed to carry reforms from proposals to implementation. But reform cannot be selective. We cannot move swiftly to reorganise offices and reporting lines while allowing the most consequential questions of power and representation to remain unresolved. Transformation and development. Peacekeeping and humanitarian aid cannot succeed if member states are unwilling to fund it. Let's be very clear no organizational chart can overcome the refusal of states to respect decisions that they find inconvenient. We cannot continue to ask international organisations to do more, while failing to provide them with the resources necessary to fulfil the mandates that we ourselves have agreed. And if member states believe in the institutions that they have created, then we must also be prepared to sustain them. Barbados has consistently met that responsibility, and I give this body the assurance that we will continue to do so. Our commitment to multilateralism, to an international rules based order, must be measured not only by what we ask of these institutions, but by our willingness to support them. So yes, let us improve the machinery, but let us also reform the exercise of power. The Security Council still has 15 members, five of them permanent and armed with that veto. Africa, with 54 states has no permanent seat. And you've heard speaker after speaker after speaker come to this platform to say that this must change. Small island developing states equally confront threats that now reach squarely into the council's mandate from climate insecurity and illicit arms flows to organised crime and displacement. And yet, despite constituting one quarter of the world's states, we have no assured representation within the councils. This, to my friends, must change. And the world we know has already changed. The council has not changed with it. But reform is not only about who sits at the table, it is about how power is exercised. Barbados is therefore joining 123 other member states in supporting the Franco-Mexican initiative on the use of the veto in the cases of mass atrocities. Its principle is fundamental where populations face genocide, crimes against humanity, or large scale war crimes, the veto should not be allowed to paralyse the Security Council when action is most urgently needed. This is why people are losing trust in the United Nations and its council. Mr. President, it's not fair to the majority of member states who still believe in the promise of this body, even as we call for greater equity with the reform of the Security Council.

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In Austria, we are fortunate to live in peace, but the consequences reach us. Energy prices rise, factories close and families are forced to flee war and seek safety across Europe. This is why the United Nations matters. It is our life insurance. This is why we are a proud host country of the organization, why we successfully campaign for a seat on the UN Security Council. I would like to thank you wholeheartedly for your support at the elections in June.

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Mr. President, for countries like ours, a rules-based order is a condition for our security and a guarantee that it is the norms agreed on by everyone and not force that resolve disputes between nations. It's for this reason that it's necessary to restore trust in this organization, and three things are necessary in this regard to achieve it: renewing representation, renewing peacekeeping operations, and renewing support for developing countries. We support the UN80 initiative with a sense of conviction. However, there is no reform that can be successful without resources behind it, and that's why the Dominican Republic is complying and playing our role. This year, we were one of the first countries to fully pay our contribution to the regular budget. Renewing representation requires a security council that looks more like the multipolar world of the present, and it also requires thinking about who will lead this organization next. This year, I affirmed, from this very same rostrum, that it was the turn of Latin America and the Caribbean to provide renewed leadership, and that the time had come for a woman to be Secretary-General of this organization. The candidates that are running confirm this. In more than 80 years, no woman has led this organization. We trust that the Security Council and the General Assembly will rise to this moment.

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Of course, nations have legitimate security needs, but the speed with which the world finds resources for war compared to prevention and development, reveals a grave disorder in our priorities. The credibility of international law also depends on who has the voice in applying it. The credibility weakens when institutions entrusted with the law preserve an unequal distribution of power. The Security Council still reflects the world of 1945. Africa, home to more than 1.6 billion people and the subject of most of the council's work still has no permanent seat. That's not fair. Africa seeks its rightful place because the council cannot be fully legitimate or effective while an entire continent remains permanently absent from its highest level of decision making. No durable global solution on peace, climate, food, energy or technology can be built without African leadership. The common African position espoused in the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration calls for no fewer than two permanent seats, with all the rights and privileges of permanent membership, including the veto if it is retained, and five non-permanent seats. As coordinator of the African Union Committee of ten, Sierra Leone will continue to advance that position. Years of intergovernmental negotiations without realizing the reform has tested the credibility of the process. Before this session concludes, member states should have a consolidated model, which we committed to in the pact for the future. Sierra Leone speaks with the authority of service. During our time on the Security Council in 2024 2025, we worked as a voice of reason and a bridge across Division. We convened the Security Council's first high level debate on redressing historical injustice against Africa, placed conflict related food insecurity at the centre of its agenda and with Guyana, Co-drafted unanimously adopted resolution 2807 on youth, peace and security, strengthening young people's role in conflict prevention and peace building. Mr. president. Representation becomes meaningful when it changes decisions and improves lives.

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Luxembourg has unstintingly worked to contribute to this effort through peacekeeping operations humanitarian interventions protecting children affected by armed conflict, the women peace and security agenda, as well as the mine clearance humanitarian activities in Ukraine. The experience we gained as an elected member of the Security Council in 2013 and 2014 showed us that elected members can make a real difference, especially when the permanent members of the Security Council are divided. It is for this reason that Luxembourg is asking for member states to place their trust in it, as it seeks a Security Council seat for the 2031 2032 period. We do this humbly, but firm in our conviction, our conviction that a small country can offer up a different perspective, can bring different positions closer together and help find common ground when this is particularly difficult.

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Madam president, excellencies, dear friends, the United Nations was born from a harsh lesson of history. The generation of 1945 had learned at terrible cost that while states can choose their actions they cannot control all the consequences they set in motion. That lesson is painfully relevant today. We are living through a period of profound uncertainty. Power is shifting, conflicts are multiplying, and there is a growing tendency to treat the rules and institutions of the international system as constraints belonging to another age. But the United Nations was built precisely for times of uncertainty, to bring rules and restraints to an unpredictable world, and to prevent conflict from descending into catastrophe. The task of our generation is both to preserve the institutions built by those that came before us, and also to remember the hard earned wisdom on which they rest. Today, that wisdom and the United Nations that embodies it is under enormous pressure. Madam president, this year marks 80 years since Iceland joined the United Nations. For eight decades, Iceland has held that a small state should enjoy the same protection, same rights and voice as a powerful one. That idea matters more today, not less. Despite its shortcomings, the United Nations has mattered and it has mattered a lot. UN peacekeeping and peace building operations have helped prevent and contain conflict around the world. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights transformed our understanding of human dignity. The convention on the law of the sea became the Constitution of the ocean, on which countries like mine depend, now strengthened further by the BBNJ agreement. The International Court of Justice has helped states settle disputes by peaceful means through law rather than force. And the International Criminal Court was created to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. The United Nations has advanced gender equality, fought racism and discrimination, delivered humanitarian assistance, and help countries build more peaceful and prosperous societies. But loyalty to the United Nations cannot mean pretending that everything works perfectly. Bureaucracy can be cumbersome, decisions slow, and resources fragmented. The Security Council, entrusted with maintaining international peace and security, has too often been paralysed when action was needed most. Too often, the veto has become a shield against action rather than a tool for preserving peace. So yes, the United Nations needs reform, and Iceland fully supports the UN80 reform process. We need a United Nations that uses resources effectively and responds quickly when people need it. United Nations that delivers for all. The deeper challenge, however, is political. The strength of the United Nations depends on our willingness to uphold the principles and wisdom on which they were founded. Madam president, the most basic rules of international relations are being tested, not because we no longer know them. We do, but because increasingly governments apply them selectively, meaning that international law applies until it becomes inconvenient, that court decisions must be respected unless they challenge our own actions or those of our friends. That sovereignty is sacred only unless someone else's territory stands in the way of our ambitions. We cannot build courts, celebrate them when they prosecute our enemies and undermine them when they turn their attention to our friends. When grave violations go unanswered, they are more likely to be repeated.

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Created in the aftermath of the Second World War, the immediate focus was obviously on peace and security but the UN system has evolved significantly over the decades to expand its scope and sphere of influence within the confines of its charter. However, the UN must now look to the future, building on its record of achievements as well as from lessons learned from what it could not achieve. As we look to the next 80 years, we must ask ourselves a searching question is the UN fit for the purpose for the 21st century, not the world of 1945, but the world of today and beyond? We are entering a new era of international relations defined by unprecedented technological developments, often absent from the table where the rules of tomorrow are being adopted, developing countries risk being left further behind. The same exclusion afflicts the international financial architecture, which remains skewed against the Global South. Developing nations must have a seat at the table as equal stakeholders. We all acknowledge that the three pillars of the UN charter are peace and security, development and human rights. The twin institutional pillars provided in the charter were and still are, the Security Council and ECOSOC as the apex bodies for achieving these purposes. However, over the years, optimal use has been made primarily of only one of these organs. We need to enhance and accelerate the revitalization of the General Assembly and that of ECOSOC so that they are not merely forums for debate, but engines of action. This must be done as we bring about the reform of the Security Council, the historical injustice regarding the composition of the Council was acknowledged in action 39 of the pact for the future, but the process for reform is still stalled. Mauritius fully supports the Common African Position, the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration calling for no fewer than two permanent and five non-permanent African seats on the council. Mauritius also supports the call for SIDS to have a seat on a reformed council. On the question of the veto, Mauritius aligns itself with the position of a growing number of states that, in the event the veto is retained, any new permanent member must have the same rights as the original permanent members. Mauritius also supports the Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. We support the positions of the G4 and the L69 on council reform, and we reiterate our support for India's candidature for a permanent seat commensurate with its constructive role in global affairs. Mr. president, Mauritius welcomes the increasing recourse to the International Court of Justice as a mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes and determination of issues of international law. We call upon Member States which have not yet done so, to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. We welcome the landmark unanimous advisory opinion of the ICJ on the obligations of states in respect of climate change. This was a vindication of the tireless advocacy of Vanuatu and the core group of states. Mauritius was proud to stand among them.

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International law must apply equally to all. The credibility of the international system depends upon this consistency. Madam president, the United Nations reform programme must extend to the Security Council its composition, its decisions and its capacity to act. Antigua and Barbuda welcomes the initiative, led by France and Mexico, calling on the permanent members to refrain voluntarily from using the veto or abuse it, especially in situations of mass atrocities. We will join the growing number of member States, last count 127, in supporting this call. The veto must not paralyse the Council's work or prevent it from fulfilling its responsibility to maintaining international peace and security. Reform must also address representation. Africa's continued exclusion from the permanent membership is an injustice that must be corrected. Africa must have permanent representation at the Security Council. Small island developing states must also have an assured seat at the table, and we call for a dedicated SIDs seat on a reformed council. Madam president, the Council's credibility depends equally on its response to those who urgently needs its support.

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Friends, the United Nations is entering its ninth decade at a moment of great uncertainty and challenge for the global community. Conflicts are having devastating effects on the most vulnerable. The impacts of the climate crisis are felt in every corner of our world. Hard won rights are being rolled back. Narrow self-interest is breaking the bonds of solidarity, which have so often lifted us to meaningful progress. The international legal order is under tremendous strain. New and emerging technologies that offer unlimited potential could also, without human intervention, create unprecedented dangers. In such moments of uncertainty, it can be easy to question our foundations, to retreat, to turn inward, to say that international cooperation is too difficult, that multilateralism does not work, that the problems of others are not our problems. But that would be the wrong conclusion, because the answer to a world under strain is not less international cooperation. It is more. The answer to the weakening of principles is not to abandon them. It is to defend them. And if our multilateral system is not working effectively, the answer is not to walk away from it. It is to make it stronger, fairer and fit for the world we live in. That is Ireland's position, and that is what all of us, as members of the United Nations need to deliver on. We should also remember what our collective commitment to the United Nations has achieved. The multilateral system anchored in the United Nations Charter has been the foundation of many of humanity's greatest achievements. It has driven advances in poverty alleviation health care, education, social protection, and food and nutrition security. It has championed human rights and dignity and insisted that accountability matters. It has given voice to the marginalised. Mr. President, the people of Ireland understand that we live in an interdependent world, that the challenges we face are interconnected, cross borders and require collective solutions. Ireland currently holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union. Our stewardship of the European Union's agenda is deeply rooted in the principle of strength with unity, and this principle is at the heart of our vision for the United Nations, as well as our unwavering commitment to the pillars which guide its work. Peace and security. Human rights and development. These pillars equally bear the weight of our shared ambition for a better, fairer and peaceful world. Collectively, however, we are not delivering on their ambition. We are not staying the course. At a time when global needs are increasing and becoming more complex, our responsibility to act does not diminish.

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Mr. president, esteemed Member States. I speak to you today as the Palestinian people faces one of the most dangerous times of its history. This is following long decades of historic injustice, uprooting asylum seeking occupation and the deprivation of its basic right to self-determination, freedom and independence. In the Gaza Strip, our people are being subjected at the hands of the Israeli occupation forces to killing, destruction, starvation and attempts at displacement, as well as a genocidal war that has created an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. It has destroyed neighborhoods, cities, camps, institutions, schools, universities, hospitals, mosques and churches. And it has targeted all the basic necessities of life and the future of entire generations. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, settler expansion is accelerating, the West Bank is being fragmented and Jerusalem is being isolated and judaized. Settler terrorism is escalating under the protection of the occupying forces. While the crimes of land theft, home demolition checkpoints and raids continue under a system of laws, measures and practices, all built on racial discrimination, ethnic cleansing and state terrorism. Ladies and gentlemen. We have long warned the international community, through the United Nations General Assembly and through the Security Council, that these Israeli policies, in violation of international law, would destroy the two state solution, and that this is what is happening now. Today, we warn of an even greater danger ahead, one that requires international action to address it. The danger is no longer limited to undermining the two state solution and preventing the realization of the Palestinian state. It has now come to threaten the very life and existence of the Palestinian people on their homeland. What is taking place in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are not isolated incidents, but rather a malicious colonial scheme aimed at making the lives of Palestinians more difficult in their homeland and forcing them to leave it. We warn you today do not allow another Nakba to occur. Do not allow further massacres like those that occurred in 1948. Do not allow terrorist gangs protected by the Israeli occupation forces to burn Palestinian homes while their occupants are sleeping inside them. Do not allow our children to live afraid and threatened. Once again, I ask before this assembly. How much longer will some states continue to remain silent on Israel, or supply it with the weapons that it uses against our people? The world has witnessed the tremendous cost in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. So what is the international community waiting for in order to protect the Palestinian people, ensure their continued presence on their land and end the Israeli occupation, and implement the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy. This solution guarantees peace for all, instead of the threat emanating from Israeli extremism, which seeks to expand its colonial project towards establishing the so-called Greater Israel and completely erasing Palestinian presence. Mr. president, esteemed member states. We welcomed President Donald Trump's 20 point plan. We also welcomed Security Council Resolution 2803 and the roadmap for implementing the second phase. This was to halt the aggression against our people and their humanitarian suffering, and secure the withdrawal of the occupation forces from the Gaza Strip and begin rebuilding the Gaza Strip. However, regretfully, we have not seen any of this materialize on the ground. The Israeli killing and aggression continue to claim the lives of men, women and children in Gaza. Nearly a year has passed since the adoption of resolution 2803 and the establishment of the Board of Peace. And only one year remains of the designated transitional period before the end of 2027. Therefore, we call for accelerating the implementation of the second phase rather than wasting any more time. The transitional period must not be allowed to become a permanent or open ended situation without any clear time bound political horizon. Rather, it must lead to the reunification of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, under the authority of the State of Palestine and its legitimate institutions, in accordance with the principle of one state one government, one law, and one legitimate entity authorized to bear arms. Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed Member States. The threats and attacks carried out by extremists against Islamic and Christian holy sites, particularly Al-Aqsa mosque and the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron constitute a violation of their historic and legal status and of freedom of worship.

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My second observation is that everywhere I travel around the world, I hear the word realignment. Realignment, whether it is in Europe, Africa, the Middle East Asia or the Americas, nations are seeking new alliances and partnerships. This is a logical consequence in times of uncertainty and transformation. You seek security where you can get it. We're seeing an intensification of regional integration, akin to what we saw in the immediate aftermath of World War Two. Regional organizations like the African Union, Gulf Cooperation Council Mercosur, ASEAN or the EU build trust. When integration is not feasible, other forms of cooperation can prove essential. We Finns are happy to point out that the historic signing of the Helsinki Final Act in 1975. It brought together 35 nations in the midst of the Cold War, and laid the foundations for what would later become the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Why do I give this example? Because at the time there was no trust. There were deep disagreements and outright hostility, yet there was room for a process that reduced tensions and built common ground. I believe regions such as the Middle East where conflicts are raging today, may consider something similar. Even in the face of conflict and grievance, a region may be able to agree on principles that foster cooperation and prevent further conflict.

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It is ultimately the responsibility of Member states to prevent and resolve conflicts. We cannot outsource that responsibility, but at the same time, we need a Secretary-General who is active in conflict prevention, mediation and peacemaking. The Secretary-General should never have to ask permission or forgiveness for acting to prevent or resolve conflict. As a custodian of the UN Charter, you have the right and the obligation to speak up when its core norms are breached. We expect you to do so in an objective, impartial and consistent manner. We will support you when you do. So we ask you to be active in seeking an end to the horrific conflict in Sudan. You must be bold in pressing for a sustainable and just end to Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, one that is consistent with Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity and the core principles of the charter. You must be determined in your efforts to help alleviate the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza. We ask that you use your influence to progress a fragile ceasefire into a sustainable, durable peace. And you must be resolute in preserving conditions for a two state solution. You must take the initiative despite the challenges and entrenched views to achieve a just and lasting resolution, where Israel and Palestine can live side by side within secure and clearly defined borders. We urge you to use your good offices to secure a lasting end to hostilities in the Persian Gulf and restore freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, which is a right guaranteed under international law. Of course, you cannot do this alone. For our part, as Member States, we must provide you with the tools the resources, and above all, the political support to ensure you can play this role effectively. Parties to conflicts must engage with you constructively and in good faith, while global and regional partners with influence must provide the necessary incentive for the parties to do so. The UN Security Council needs to fulfill its responsibilities.

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This need for inclusiveness is particularly important in the Gulf of Guinea, a maritime area whose importance to international trade is growing by the day. Consequently, Gabon calls for a substantial strengthening of security in this strategic area, which represents a foundation for shared prosperity. Mr. president, Gabon, in its capacity as member of the African Union's Peace and Security Council, stresses the urgent need to implement UN Security Council Resolution 2719 on the financing of peacekeeping operations on the continent. Fulfilling this commitment would help consolidate peace in Africa and strengthen cooperation between the UN Security Council and the AU's Peace and Security Council. Trust also depends on honouring commitments made at the regional level.

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These are shared responsibilities and opportunities that require a collective effort that must unite us all. Mr. President. Excellencies. Despite everything, the United Nations is a political masterpiece of humanity. It will be constantly evolving and will reflect the decision of its members. The results in maintaining peace and security will, to a large extent, depend on the decision by the members of the Security Council and particularly its permanent members. For the UN to achieve the goals we have set, we must make it more agile and effective. To that end, we must at the outset honor our financial commitments. We must provide the UN with the appropriate resources so that peacekeeping missions in which Portugal is proud to participate can make a difference on the ground where they are deployed. We must strive to make the Security Council more representative, which requires permanent seats for Africa, Brazil and India, thereby reflecting the changing world.

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Malaysia will speak plainly, Mr. President. We are sick of it. Mr. president, nowhere is the need for reform more critical than in the Security Council. Nowhere are the shortcomings of the United Nations more glaring than in the Security Council. The exercise of veto must be questioned and strongly challenged by every single member of this General Assembly particularly in cases of crimes against humanity. Resolution 76/262 has already created an accountability channel between the Council and this Assembly. We must make full use of this resolution as a launch pad for greater accountability regarding the use of veto. Expanding the Council's membership alone will not be enough to resolve its failure. It is the veto that must be challenged. The veto must be abolished. We must begin the work now. There is still time to save the global order. The paralysis of Security Council will not be the paralysis of United Nations. Mr. president, it is fair to say that global trust in the United Nations ability to deliver is at an all time low. This, in turn, demolishes trust in the very idea of the multilateral order. The citizens we serve and represent are afraid. Excellencies. They are watching the world order fragment. They are witnessing the re-emergence of arms race. They have heard overt threats to use nuclear weapons, and they are seeing their governments choose not to regulate AI and the many ways it is being abused, but instead give it more power in such chaotic times. The only way to course correct is to rebuild trust in the power of proactive governance and multilateralism. Mr. president, trust comes from the way in which we, as the world leaders, can manage transformation forces. For centuries, global power was concentrated in states.

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We have heard that this also requires United Nations Security Council able and willing to discharge the responsibility entrusted to it. As I said at the opening of this debate, in the eyes of the world, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. Excellencies. Development, another pillar of the United Nations, featured prominently throughout the debate, but the message was clear time is running out and promises remain unfulfilled. We heard that only a few of the Sustainable Development Goals are on track. We heard that progress has stalled, and we heard the question that should trouble us all. Should we have done much more? The answer must be a resounding yes. The burden is not shared equally. Those speaking most urgently about development were often the countries facing the heaviest debt burdens, the narrowest fiscal space, the greatest climate vulnerability, and the least voice in the institutions that shape the global economy. Debt was spoken of more forcefully by those who bear it not by those with the greatest ability to resolve it. We have heard that we must honor the Sevilla Commitment to reform the international financial architecture, provide affordable and accessible finance, expand fiscal space, strengthen productive capacities, and invest in people. And we must deliver on the promise of Paris. Climate disasters are erasing hard earned development gains and deepening inequality. For small island developing states, low lying coastal countries, least developed countries and climate vulnerable nations, adaptation and resilience are not optional expenditures.

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In that regard, Tanzania remains firmly committed to supporting the efforts of the UN Security Council to fulfil its primary responsibility, for the maintenance of international peace and security. our commitment is demonstrated by our two terms of service on the Security Council, during which we made substantive contributions to such cause. Notable achievements include the adoption of Security Council Resolution 1653 (2006) on the Great Lakes Region and Tanzania’s collaboration with Denmark in establishing the Peacebuilding Commission. Building on this record of service and sustained commitment to multilateralism, I am pleased to inform you that, last month, the African Union formally endorsed Tanzania’s candidacy for a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for the term 2029–2030, during elections to be held by this Assembly in June 2028. I, therefore, seize this opportunity to formally announce our candidature. During our tenure in the Council, we will put forward and prioritize deliberations on matters vital to the maintenance of international peace and security, such as preventive diplomacy and the peaceful Settlement of disputes; women in peacekeeping; youth in peace and security and the Reform of UN Peacekeeping. In the coming days, we will engage with each one of you and present our vision and respectfully seek your valued support to enable Tanzania to serve with a strong African voice, principled leadership, and unwavering commitment to international peace and security. Tanzania is deeply concerned and saddened by the protracted conflict and humanitarian suffering in Gaza and across the Middle East. We continue to call for the protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian assistance, and renewed diplomacy towards lasting peace. Furthermore, Tanzania remains firmly committed to the two-State solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and harmony, in accordance with international law and relevant UN resolutions. We reaffirm the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and believe that lasting peace must guarantee the dignity, security and legitimate aspirations of both peoples. We have been consistent on this for the past 50 years. For us, this is a matter of our foreign principle.

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the people of Palestine should be allowed their own state and full membership of the UN alongside the State of Israel. We also speak today about Haiti. Member states of this organization must act in a manner that will restore the trust of the people of Haiti in the United Nations. Some member States have failed to meet the commitments and pledges to the gang suppression force in Haiti whose one year mandate ends this month. The Security Council is urged to renew the force's mandate and member states to provide the necessary resources to operate effectively and successfully. While gang violence is the main factor to be resolved in Haiti, the crisis in this country is multidimensional. The international response must include long term social and economic assistance that will help restore an acceptable quality of life for the people of Haiti. This is why the Caribbean community has been actively engaged in Haiti, a Caribbean country, a Caribbean community member state, to assist with a solution to the political and governance dimensions of the crisis. Through its Eminent Persons Group comprising three Prime ministers, it will continue to facilitate dialogue amongst Haiti's political and civil society stakeholders as they work towards holding the first round of general elections this year. Trust in the United Nations will be restored if the daily lives of the people of Haiti are transformed and enhanced. It is in a similar quest for trust and transformation that Saint Lucia believes there should be dialogue and the removal of obstacles that hinder the true development of the people of Cuba. Cuba has long been celebrated for its continued contribution to health, education and development across our region and beyond. Saint Lucia stands with the Cuban people in their hope for a better future, supported by the friendship and solidarity of the international community. In the same spirit of transformation and consistent with our commitment to the right of all people to self-determination, Saint Lucia supports Taiwan's full membership in the United Nations.

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Next December, our country will finish its mandate as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. As we took on this high, lofty task, our premise was clear. We didn't come to the council to choose sides. We came to the council to defend principles: sovereignty, territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, and the protection of civilians. They are the rules that protect the very existence of states, particularly the smallest states. I wish to reiterate to this General Assembly the need for Latin America and the Caribbean to have places with greater decision-making power in the Security Council, specifically a permanent seat, a permanent member of the Security Council of this organization. We are a region that plays a protagonist role in food, minerals, biodiversity, and a deep-seated belief in peace and integration. Our conclusion is without doubt. The world doesn't need less UN. It needs a United Nations that works better, that acts with preventive diplomacy, and that can yield positive results in the short term. We are at a turning point in our history. The election of the next Secretary-General will be of paramount importance to determine the next agenda, to ensure robust, lasting trust, of course, in the understanding of the new global balance, if you can call it that.

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As President Putin said the dictatorship of one hegemon is spiraling out of control. It's dangerous for everyone else. At the start of this year in contravention of all norms, including moral norms, the US invaded Venezuela, resulting in the abduction of President Maduro and his spouse, held in an American prison without trial. And this despite the fact that international law clearly states that the highest ranking public officials of any state should enjoy immunities. We insist that the Venezuelan leader and his spouse be liberated immediately, and that such excesses do not come to be repeated. It is unacceptable the fact that force was used to kill the Supreme Leader of Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and members of his family, members of the military and political leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We're particularly disquieted by the fact that the U.S. and Israeli aggression, which began in June of last year, also seeks to target the civilian infrastructure in Iran and civilian nuclear infrastructure under IAEA safeguards. This dealt an irreversible blow to the authority of the agency and the entire nuclear non-proliferation system. Repeated armed confrontations in the Persian Gulf and the Strait are ongoing, despite the fact that this is dealing a blow to global navigation and trade. We need the prerequisite for the settlement of this crisis. We need trust in the relationships between the Gulf states, the Arab states and Iran. We need stable regional architecture. This is what drives our concept for collective security in the Persian Gulf. Russia, together with other responsible states, stands ready to constructively contribute to stabilizing this strategically important region. We stand convinced that it's time to resolve the main issue in the Middle East ensuring Palestinian statehood on the basis of countless UN decisions. Almost a year ago, the Security Council approved the peace plan for the Gaza Strip. But peace does not reign there. Older persons, women and children continue to perish. The humanitarian situation is critical. The situation in the West Bank continues to deteriorate, where Israel is stepping up its settlement activities. If the situation continues, it won't be possible to set up a Palestinian state. There won't be any room. But if that were to be the case, Israel's security would also be constantly under threat. Experts understand this full well. The UN and all its member states absolutely need to think outside the box so as to buck these unfavorable trends in the Middle East and nearby areas. I'm not just referring to Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Sudan, Somalia, South Sudan, and other countries in Africa where conflicts rage. We need urgent measures to be taken to address the terrible humanitarian situation in Cuba, which is under extreme, unprecedented pressure on the part of its northern neighbor. We stand in solidarity with the Cuban people and its government. We insist that the U.S. lift its siege on the island of freedom and lift all restrictions on trade with Cuba striking it off the list of that vile list, list of state sponsors of terrorism. This is a stark example which requires the attention of the international community. But there are many other issues as well. The use of force and double standards espoused by the West are destabilizing the situation all over the map. In the Balkans, the EU is flagrantly ignoring U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, compelling Serbia to accept the fact that it has lost Kosovo, part of its history, and Belgrade is basically being forced to impose sanctions against Russia in exchange for nebulous prospects of Euro integration. There are attempts for Bosnia and Herzegovina to be unitarist the Serbs to be unionized and forced to give up their constitutional powers, which were guaranteed by the Dayton Agreement, together with the Security Council. In this spirit of running roughshod international law and security, there are reckless actions being taken in Ukraine in order to supposedly constrain Russia. The US has destroyed the European security system and created a russophobic regime in Kiev. Understanding how vain this is, Europe is doing everything it can to thwart peace talks in which the Trump administration is interested. The West is pumping the Ukrainian regime full of weapons, helping Kiev to target drones and missiles to target them at civilians and civilian infrastructure. The West aspires to inflict strategic defeat on Russia, but these aspirations will result in the warmongers being led into a strategic dead end. Colleagues. A year ago, we marked the 80th anniversary of the victory over German Nazism and Japanese militarism. Next week, on the 1st of October, we'll be marking the 80th anniversary of the completion of the work of the Nuremberg Tribunal.

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My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths. The horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability. Sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence, there is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task then, we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that. We understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029-2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful, our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. President, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions listened to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN Charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the Council's decisions. We will work to prevent crises, resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering, protecting. Colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing. Emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it, so it's up to the challenges ahead and building beyond multilateralism, with new coalitions and partnerships to address and solve complex problems.

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Madam president, with regard to the North African region, thanks to the momentum initiated by His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, the question of the Moroccan Sahara reached a historic turning point with the adoption by Security Council of Resolution 2797 last October. Since then, this regional dispute has embarked on an irreversible course, breaking with the past and looking to the future with a view to its final settlement. This track rests on principles and parameters that admit no interpretation, nor any reading between the lines or in the margins, as some are vainly attempting deluding themselves in flagrant denial of reality and total disregard for established truth. These principles, as set forth in the Security Council resolution, are as follows. First, there is no solution outside the framework of the autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty. Second, there is no approach or mechanism other than the political negotiation process under the auspices of the United Nations and on a sole basis, namely the Autonomy Initiative presented by the Kingdom of Morocco. Third, there can be no discussion or dispute regarding the responsibility and obligations of the four parties clearly identified by Security Council resolution 2797. Fourth, there will be no maintaining of the status quo preferred by the other parties. The train of political solution has already departed. Fifth, there is no credibility for interlocutors who violate the ceasefire and refuse to respect Security Council resolutions. Sixth and last, there can be no tolerance for the continued holding of the population of the camps as hostages for half a century, in flagrant violation of international law and international humanitarian law. Alongside with its firm commitment to the final settlement of this regional dispute, artificial regional dispute, the Kingdom of Morocco steadfastly continues to drive social and economic development in its southern provinces, particularly in the areas of infrastructure, university, education, health sector and airports, among others.

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Mr. president, there can be no world in which might make right. Sovereignty and territorial integrity, political independence and self-determination matter. These principles are not optional, and they cannot depend on the size of a country or the power of a government. There can be no impunity for violation of international law. The law must apply to all. For San Marino, this is not an abstract principle. For small state, international law is our protection. It is the ultimate equalizer. A rule based international order allows every state, large or small, to have an equal voice and equal legal standing. This is why San Marino strongly support the Secretary-General UN80 initiative. The United Nations must become more effective, more efficient and more responsive. And reform must include the Security Council. The Council must better reflect today's world. It must be more representative, transparent and accountable. San Marino is also a member of the Uniting for Consensus group and support its effort to promote a comprehensive and balanced reform of the Security Council based on a greater regional representation, equitable geographical distribution and wider access to elected seat. Reform must strengthen the voice of all Member States, including small states, and it must be achieved through broad consensus. We support efforts to restrain the use of the veto, including the French-Mexican initiative and the ACT Code of Conduct in a situation involving mass atrocity alongside the General Assembly Initiative. We also reaffirm our full support for the International Court of Justice. Its order and judgment are legally binding. Mr. president, the next Secretary General will carry a vital responsibility. The United Nations must remain relevant and credible. Above all, it must remain capable of protecting people and upholding the charter. San Marino stands ready to contribute. I now turn to one of the most painful crises of our time.

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Advance nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament without delay. And demand accountability without fear or favour. We must also reform the Security Council so that it reflects today’s world with the legitimacy and effectiveness that today’s challenges demand. The Security Council was designed in the aftermath of World War II. But the world has fundamentally changed since then. A change that is far from reflected in the Security Council. The most stunning example is Africa. When the UN was founded, most of Africa was still under colonial rule. Today, Africa still has no permanent representation on the Council. A 21st century Security Council without permanent African seats is unjust and indefensible.

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So while others have talked, I have acted. While others have spoken of peace, I have made peace. While others have ignored threats, I have confronted them. While others have talked of courage, America has shown it. While others have promised strength, I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake. Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region. They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity. The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime were ever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation in this hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran, until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve, anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief. Morocco, Bahrain, these are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump in six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The Prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've had it. 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago. In January, at my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolás Maduro.

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It must be acknowledged, however, that in certain circumstances, the expectations that people have placed in it have not always been met with a response commensurate with their aspirations. This reality should not lead us to question the foundations of the multilateral system, but rather to strengthen the effectiveness representativeness and capacity for action of international institutions. It is incumbent upon Member States to renew their commitment to multilateralism that is more effective, more inclusive and more responsive to the aspirations of peoples. We also consider it urgent to reform the architecture of global governance, so that it reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century. It is essential that Africa have more adequate and effective representation in the international institutions that play a central role in shaping responses to the challenges of peace, security and development. The reform of United Nations Security Council must reflect the legitimate aspirations of the African continent and ensure fairer, permanent and effective representation. In keeping with the principle of a more inclusive, equitable and representative international order, Guinea-Bissau welcomes the efforts of the United Nations to achieve a lasting political solution to the question of Western Sahara. We welcome the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2797 of 2025 and view favourably the Autonomy Initiative presented by the Kingdom of Morocco as a basis for resolving this dispute. Ladies and gentlemen, on November 26th, 2025, during the electoral process, the constitutional order in Guinea-Bissau was interrupted and transitional bodies were established.

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As a current member of the United Nations Security Council Liberia is putting these principles into practice while confronting evolving threats across West Africa, including transnational organized crime, cyber war and illicit narcotics trafficking along the maritime corridors in the Gulf of Guinea. Through our joint security forces, we are tightening the vice on transnational drug cartels. No nation can police global criminal network alone, so we call on international partners for targeted support in Coast Guard surveillance, intelligence sharing and port security technologies. Sustainable development and reforming the international financial system.

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Mr. President, this session is taking place at the time of a twofold need: to restore trust and to manage transformation, to understand the urgent need for action. Let us gaze upon the world as it is, first. It has been a long time since peace has seemed so fragile. On all continents, conflicts are multiplying, becoming entrenched, and fueling one another. Each has its reasons, its history, its instigators, but they all have one thing in common: they are costing civilian lives, destroying schools and hospitals, and displacing entire families. These crises never remain contained. Disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz are causing energy and fertilizer prices to skyrocket. Migration—forced migration—routes are growing crowded. Terrorism, trafficking, and armed groups are flourishing in zones beyond state control. However far they may be from the front line, no state is safe from the repercussions of these conflicts. At the same time, divisions within the Security Council— the body charged with protecting international peace and security— are paralyzing action where it is the most urgently needed. International law is supposed to protect the weak from the ambitions of the powerful, and yet it is increasingly being dismissed as optional.

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Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we are here today at a unique moment in the history of our organization. At a time when the UN is discussing crucial reforms and multilateralism is at a crossroads, the topic of this 81st session, restoring trust, managing transformation is a very relevant topic. It summarizes the expectations of member states and the peoples of the world in all of their diversity vis a vis the UN. Each year we adopt new resolutions and we reaffirm our commitments. Each year, we renew our faith in multilateralism. Nonetheless, conflicts persist. People are still awaiting justice. Will generations still grow up with fighting as their backdrop? Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Security Council reform illustrates alone this situation and this crisis of confidence. For decades now, positions have been well known. Calls for reform have stacked up and consultations have multiplied. But progress still remains insufficient. Chad reiterates to this end, its complete support for the common African position, as stipulated in the Ezzelini consensus and the Sirte declaration, and taken up in the African model for reform of the Security Council, presented in April by Sierra Leone on behalf of the Committee of ten of the African Union. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Chad considers that those difficulties facing multilateralism stem in part from the cynicism of the most powerful and from double standards policies. My country remains committed to multilateralism that is based on the UN charter, the sovereign equality of states, the respect for their independence, cooperation and international solidarity.

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Excellencies, there is a wider lesson here. Peace requires effective institutions, and international cooperation requires an effective United Nations. This is why Tajikistan supports the ongoing UN reform process. Reform is not an end in itself. It must make the United Nations more effective, agile, coherent and better able to deliver. We support reducing duplication, improving efficiency and strengthening accountability while preserving the organization's ability to fulfill its mandate. Member states must remain at the center of this process. Excellencies. A stronger UN also requires member states willing to assume greater responsibility. Tajikistan is ready to do so. For the first time in its history, Tajikistan is seeking election to the United Nations Security Council for the 2028 2029 term. We approached this responsibility with humility and determination. We congratulate brotherly Kyrgyzstan on its election to the Security Council for 2027 2028, and look forward to its contribution to the work of the council. Tajikistan would bring the experience of a country that has known conflict and built peace, that has faced difficult borders and chosen dialogue and compromise. A country that shares a long border with Afghanistan and understands firsthand the importance of prevention, stability and regional cooperation. And a country that has consistently advanced practical, multilateral initiatives on water, glaciers, counter-terrorism, sustainable development and peace. For us, membership in the Security Council would not be about status. It would be about responsibility to uphold the charter, to listen to all voices, large and small, to seek common ground where divisions persist, and to contribute constructively to the maintenance of international peace and security. Mr. President, we begin with peace. Let me end with peace. The challenges before us are great, but they are not greater than our capacity to overcome them.

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It assures us that international relations will be governed by the strength of agreed principles. Botswana believes that rules that bind only the weak are not rules, and principles applied selectively soon cease to command respect. That is why Botswana calls on this General Assembly, the Security Council, and every organ of the United Nations to recommit to dialogue as the first instrument of diplomacy. Botswana has sought to live by this principle as a host to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Secretariat through our contributions to regional mediation and election observation, and through our consistent commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes.

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And as the world transforms, so must the United Nations. The UN80 Initiative is an opportunity to reduce duplication, improve accountability, and focus resources on results. But efficiency must not be measured simply by what we cut. It must be measured by what we deliver. And the United Nations must not retreat from the countries that need it most, in the name of efficiency. Reform must preserve a meaningful UN presence on the ground, particularly in SIDS. The UN Development System must respond to the needs of programme countries and remain guided by relevant international frameworks. The reform process must be Member State-led. It must be inclusive and transparent. This is how reform will restore trust, by bringing the United Nations closer to the people and the countries it serves. Reform must also confront one of this Organization’s oldest weaknesses: unequal representation. The Security Council cannot reflect the world of 1945 while deciding for the world of today. It must be expanded in both permanent and non-permanent categories. SIDS must have a rotating seat. Africa must receive the representation long denied to it, and the veto must be abolished. After all, representation is not merely symbolic. Who sits at the table shapes what the table sees. Small States understand how closely climate, finance, trade, supply chains and security are connected. We also know that international law is our strongest safeguard against unequal power. That principle must remain at the heart of the international system. The Maldives will take its seat on the Economic and Social Council for the 2027 to 2029 term. We are seeking election to the Human Rights Council for the 2028 to 2030 term. And we seek the support of Member States for a seat on the UN Security Council for the 2033 to 2034 term. We do so because small States must be decision-makers, not decision-takers. Representation matters not only within the bodies of this Organization, but also in its leadership. As Secretary-General Guterres approaches the end of a decade of service, the Maldives thanks him for his leadership and commitment to international cooperation. The process to choose his successor must be transparent and based on merit. It must draw from the full breadth of talent available to this Organization. For more than eight decades, every Secretary-General has been a man. It is time for a woman to lead this Organisation. A leader who will defend the Charter, without exception, who can turn reform into delivery, and who will listen to all Member States, including the smallest. The task ahead is immense. The choice we make must meet it. So, what should this Assembly do? The Maldives proposes a simple test for a sovereign future. When we act on conflict, climate, finance, technology or institutional reform, let us ask: Does this decision expand a State’s freedom to choose? Does it build national capacity and reduce dependence? Does it protect sovereignty and independent decision-making? If the answer is no, we must change course. And we must hold every State to the same standard. Let this be the measure of international cooperation, not what we promise, but what we make possible. That is the measure of a United Nations that delivers for all. In 1989, the Maldives asked this Assembly to protect small States from external threats. Today, we ask it to protect something just as fundamental: Every State’s freedom to choose its own future. A future chosen by its people, a future grounded in international law, a sovereign future for every State.

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Common rules do not hold us back. They provide the stability and predictability necessary for countries to advance their ambitions. The world is being transformed by technology, climate change, demographic pressures, illegal migration and geopolitical rivalry. Our responsibility is to govern them so that change expands human freedom and security instead of weakening them. The United Nations must begin with its own transformation. Croatia supports a UN that is more effective, accountable and financially sustainable and stronger across all three pillars peace and security, sustainable development and, of course, human rights. Reform must also produce a more representative and effective Security Council. When the council is blocked, the General Assembly can and must act, but it cannot replace the council's primary responsibility under the charter. This makes the selection of the next secretary general all the more relevant. I thank, therefore, Secretary General Guterres, for his work over the last decade. The United Nations needs leadership capable of bringing member states together, defending the charter and turning reform into measurable results. No country alone can successfully respond to the global transformations we witnessed today.

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The General Assembly has adopted a resolution after resolution, while the Security Council and Human Rights Council have repeatedly addressed the situation. Let me be clear the search for peace and security in the Middle East is of profound importance, and the suffering of Palestinian and also Israeli civilians deserves serious and sustained consideration. Every civilian life matters. But are we applying the same standard of urgency when victims are elsewhere? Last year alone, over 4800 Christians were killed because of their religion. Millions of Christians around the world suffered discrimination and persecution. In Iran, the criminal theocratic regime has brutally murdered tens of thousands of its own citizens this year alone. After 1948, more than 1 million Jews fled or were expelled from Arab countries, many amid persecution and violence. Or consider Nigeria. For more than a decade, Nigerian communities have faced mass killings, kidnappings, the destruction of villages and places of worship, and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people. In return, this body produced a single Security Council resolution not 70, not 17. So we must ask if every civilian life matters, why does our urgency seem so different from one crisis to another? This does not mean caring less about one crisis, but caring more consistently about all of them. We must also be willing to ask difficult questions about how Palestine is discussed and used politically. The majority position does not by itself determine what is right. The right of a democratic state and its people to defend themselves against terrorism must be recognized and upheld, not only in the words. Civilian suffering is tragic and must be addressed but it can never justify terrorism or the pursuit of political objectives through violence.

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And in this regard, the Republic of the Congo is following very closely the selection process for the next UN Secretary General. We believe that Africa a continent at the centre of many UN challenges and global geopolitical issues, must remain at the heart of the future Secretary-General's agenda. The next Secretary General must embrace a truly universal vision of the United Nations, one that leaves no continent at the margins and which fully takes into account Africa's place, responsibilities and legitimate interests. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, for the Republic of the Congo, restoring trust and managing transformation of our international institutions is a collective imperative. The theme of this session, Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation, resonates as a call for clarity and courage in a world where trust is eroding, tensions are rising and double standards and relationships of force threaten to replace both the spirit and the letter of the UN charter. Humanity has never needed a renewed, inclusive and representative multilateralism more than it does today, a multilateralism that can reflect the realities of a multi-polar world in which Africa occupies its rightful place. This renewal requires a deep reform of international institutions, foremost amongst them the Security Council. Africa, strengthened by its history, its demographic dynamism and geopolitical importance, can no longer remain on the sidelines of decisions that shape its destiny. It must become a full and legitimate actor in accordance with the consensus. Africa's demand for two permanent Security Council seats with veto power is not a request, but a right, a legitimate right, grounded, which reflects the realities of the 21st century. The world has changed and our institutions must evolve with it. This is an imperative, and Africa is not asking for a favor. It is claiming its rightful place. The Republic of the Congo is a member of the Committee of Heads of States and Governments of the African Union on Security Council reform. The C10 Committee will not compromise on this shared demand. Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen, the Republic of the Congo reiterates its willingness to serve the international community. With your support, we renew our aspiration to serve as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council for the 2030 2031 term. This candidacy of ours is rooted in a long diplomatic tradition, our sustained commitment to peace and a strong sense of international responsibility.

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President, the triple crisis I have set out here is no less than an existential crisis for our United Nations. Yet, thankfully to counter this, we have concrete proposals for reform on the table, the UN80 initiative. The UN80 initiative is a test of our ability to build a stronger more robust UN. Norway supports the level of ambition that the Secretary-General has set out. We support the proposals across all workstreams, including structural changes. The UN80 process has already produced successes. The mandate resolution laid the foundation for better joint decisions. We all agree that we must rationalise mandates, streamline reporting and organise our work to allow for broad, effective participation. Norway is proud to play a role in this process, but we also do need structural change. We need to be better at delivering as one. Some UN organizations frankly overlap. They should be merged in order to serve our common interests. But unfortunately, colleagues too often member states show vested interests, engaged themselves in turf battles and become fearful of change. Let me be clear: reform will not succeed if we always keep protecting the status quo. Let us remind ourselves that we, the Member States, are the owners of this organisation, not the Secretariat. With that comes responsibility. The UN80 process needs to continue under the next Secretary-General. We need to see this initiative succeed. For an organisation of 193 states to function, we need a strong independent Secretary-General that firmly advocates the principles of the UN Charter with integrity and with authority. In a time of geopolitical tension, the Secretary-General's good offices function becomes more important than ever before. The next Secretary-General will face the formidable task of helping us lead the United Nations out of its current crisis. We need someone bold and transformative. She must be able to build trust to implement our decisions, lead meaningful reform and improve effectiveness. A true reform of this organisation must also address the composition and functioning of the Security Council. That is the common call of the majority of this room. The absence of Africa among the permanent seats of the Council is but one striking example. While striving to improve legitimacy, we must ensure that we do not reduce efficiency. We need a Security Council that is open, transparent and accountable in its deliberation.

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In addition to terrorism, which remains active in some countries, particularly in Africa, the situation of global peace and security has been worsening year after year, bringing us to the present moment in which we note with deep concern that the world has taken a course that brings it alarmingly close to a global conflict. Over the years Angola has sought to make its contribution to building and consolidation of peace in Africa and the world, but the current situation in no way reflects the aspirations of peoples for harmony and understanding amongst nations. Among these contributions to peace are several initiatives undertaken in Africa, of which I highlight the 21st Extraordinary summit of Heads of State of the African Union on the strengthening of conflict prevention and resolution Mechanism in Africa recently held in Luanda, which opened serious and sound prospects for resolving the problems affecting peace and stability on the African continent. Also worthy of particular attention is the holding in July of this year in Luanda, in partnership with the United Nations Alliance of Civilisation, the third edition of the Initiative Call for Peace, an End to Wars and Respect for International Law. In these same contexts, Angola will host next October the Pan-African forum for the Culture of Peace and Non-Violence, the so-called Luanda Biennale. My country takes seriously the issues relating to peace and resolution of conflict through dialogue, respect for norms governing international relations and defence of international law, sparing no efforts to bringing the conflicting parties closer and build consensus in Africa. We remain available to render our attention and contribution to resolving the conflicts that persist on the continent. Our paradigm for peacebuilding initiatives is based on the search for realistic and sustainable solutions within the principle of African solutions to conflicts in Africa. We call for effective implementation of the Security Council Resolution 2719, which must ensure a predictable, adequate and sustainable financing for African Union led peace support operation authorized by the United Nations Security Council, because investing in Africa's capacity to prevent and resolve conflicts is also an investment in international peace and security.

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In this context, we call upon the Security Council to discharge its responsibilities and to follow up on the United Nations reports submitted to it. This includes the report of the panel of experts on violations and cases of noncompliance. We call upon the Council to give serious consideration to the panel's recommendations and to take the necessary action within its established mandates. The purpose is to ensure the effective implementation of the Council resolutions and the relevant sanctions measures without selectivity or double standards. Documented violations should not become mere recurring facts in reports, nor should accountability end at documentation. The authority of international law and the credibility of its institutions are measured by their ability to move from monitoring violations to holding perpetrators accountable, and from resolution to implementation for all without exception. Sovereignty also means that the state's foreign relations are an extension of its national interests, not an extension of others' conflicts within it. Mr. President.

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Africa must be listened to more. It must be better represented and more closely involved in the decisions that shape the future of our planet. This is what must build trust between Africa and other continents, as well as with international institutions. We no longer wish to see the Human Rights Council become a forum for oppressing countries that are deliberately singled out because they defend and fight for the interests of their peoples. We want to see this council working for justice and equity for all states, without distinction. International human rights law must apply without exception to all states of the world, both in its corrective function as well as in its regulatory function. The Human Rights Council cannot be instrumentalized by other countries to the detriment of others, given that all member states of the United Nations enjoy a status of sovereign equality. Burundi wishes to reiterate, once again, its opposition to the imposition of a special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burundi, who was appointed without any prior dialogue or consultation. Burundi is a responsible country that respects human rights. It has fought impunity for decades. It upholds the rights and freedoms of all and ensures security as well as the guarantee that crimes it has experienced in the past will not be repeated. Mr. President, Africa intends to be a full-fledged actor and not a mere observer called upon to applaud decisions in whose preparation it played no part. Africa is not seeking any privileges. It is demanding justice, equity, and representation. We, therefore, strongly reaffirm the need for reform of the United Nations Security Council in order to allow for permanent African representation and more equitable participation by the continent in the international community's decision-making mechanisms. In this regard, Burundi believes that discussions on reform must also address the financial viability of the United Nations system by strengthening the predictability, transparency, and sustainability of its financing. It would not be coherent to entrust the organization with ever greater responsibilities without guaranteeing it the resources necessary for their implementation. We, therefore, call on member states, particularly the wealthiest, to demonstrate responsibility and solidarity in order to preserve the organization's financial stability. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as part of this process of reform, strengthening, and consolidation of our organization, Burundi also wishes to contribute to the debate on the selection process for the next Secretary-General of the United Nations. In the current international context, marked by deep geopolitical divisions and growing challenges to multilateralism, this process must be conducted in a spirit of transparency, openness, and collective responsibility. Burundi believes that this process must be based above all on qualifications, experience, integrity, independence of judgment, diplomatic skill, and the ability to bring together the positions of all member states. We need a true bridge-builder, a leader capable of engaging in dialogue with all parties, of bringing positions closer together even when divergences appear unsurmountable, but also of showing firmness, courage, and independence when it comes to defending the principles of the United Nations Charter and ensuring that the collective interest prevails. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, peace remains the primary condition for development. The African Union is deeply concerned by the persistence of conflicts and crises that continue to cause massive population displacement, destroy infrastructure, and deprive millions of children of their right to education and to a better future.

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Mr. president, as we commence this 81st session, we have the opportunity to build a United Nations that is truly fit for purpose. The crisis confronting multilateralism can become the catalyst for its renewal. The United Nations must not be a monument to the past. It must become an instrument for the future. We need a Security Council that reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, not the power structures of 1945. A council that embraces the emerging multipolarity of our world, including permanent representation from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. Mr. president, if the United Nations is to remain humanity's best hope, then this is not the hour to retreat from multilateralism. This is the hour to reclaim and to renew it. For it is in times such as these, when wars rage across borders, when the shadow of existential threats falls across the future of human civilisation, when the old certainties are dissolving before our eyes, that multilateralism must rise. Multilateralism rests upon the proposition that our destinies are bound together, that the security of one cannot be at the insecurity of another, and that in an interdependent world, cooperation is a necessity, and where there can be no enduring prosperity, when inequality deepens and no just international order, when rules are applied selectively. It is to that truth that this 81st session of the General Assembly must recommit itself. But recommitment cannot mean merely repeating the language of yesterday. The world has changed and multilateralism must change with it. We need a new and invigorated multilateralism, one equal to the turbulence of our age, sufficiently courageous to confront its trials, sufficiently imaginative to navigate its transformations, and sufficiently principled to defend the rule of international law. To make the United Nations fit for purpose, we must make it more transparent, accountable, and responsive. We must strengthen the General Assembly and give greater weight to its deliberative and representative authority. We must bring greater coherence to a system too often divided by institutional rivalries, bureaucratic silos, and competing mandates. We must ensure that the resources of the UN match the responsibilities we have entrusted to it. But institutions do not reform themselves. They require leadership capable of seeing beyond the present and imagining the institution the future demands. The United Nations needs leadership that can bring its different organs, agencies and programs into greater unity of purpose, leadership that can build bridges where division has become habitual. Leadership that can defend the principles of the charter without fear or favour. The United Nations needs its next Secretary-General to work with all Member States to restore confidence in the organisation, mobilise its energies and turn the language of multilateralism from aspiration into action. The reform of the United Nations, the restoration of trust and the need to manage transformation, is therefore inseparable from the question of leadership, and the choice of its next secretary general will be, in no small measure, a choice about the kind of United Nations we wish to leave to the generations that follow. It is in this spirit that Guyana has put forward the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett for the office of Secretary General of the United Nations. She has served her country, represented the developing world and worked within the multilateral system with a deep understanding of both its promise and its imperfections. We believe that her experience, her convictions, her record of service, speak directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. Her candidature, therefore, acquires special significance amid the profound challenges confronting the United Nations and international order. We need leadership capable of restoring trust without compromising principles, of listening, without surrendering conviction of building bridges across the widening chasms between north and south, between large states and small, between the developed and developing world. We need a secretary general who will defend the charter not only when it is politically convenient, but precisely when its principles are under pressure. On a personal note, Mr. President, Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett. Come from every experience. Her very upbringing crossed every struggle, every aspect of our accomplishment defined and broke barriers. An indigenous woman coming from a small indigenous village defying the odds. The odds against indigenous persons, the odds against women, the odds against poverty. Defining every challenge and rising to the top amidst those challenges. Her character is built on struggle, sacrifice, commitment her accomplishments are crafted in her humanity. This is an individual of extreme qualities not because she is a Guyanese, not because she come from Guyana, but because I know personally and many of you know this too, the permanent representatives sitting here in New York, you know, her character knew who? You know her integrity. You know her will. You know her commitment. You know her love for humanity. You know her love for this world. And I know that this world will be a better place with Carolyn Rodrigues as the secretary general of the United Nations. In the humblest of ways, I call on the P5, the Security Council and every member here to look beyond the small country that nominated her. Look beyond the small country that nominated her. CARICOM as a body has endorsed her. And let us rise to the challenge of giving this indigenous woman the chance of helping us craft together the United Nations we want to see succeed. The responsibility for recommending the next Secretary general rests in the first instance with the Security Council, and we therefore respectfully place before its members the candidature of Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett, endorsed by the Caribbean Community. We invite all to consider her candidacy on its merits and to judge whether her vision, experience, expertise and record can help restore confidence in the United Nations at this critical moment. Mr. president, the United Nations was conceived in hope, and that hope remains alive in the pursuit of peace, security and human progress over the perpetuation of division and war. This is why we must not abandon multilateralism because it is imperfect. We must renew it because humanity still needs it. Let us therefore build a United Nations that does not merely reflect the world as it is, but help create the world as it ought to be. A world where law restrains power, cooperation overcomes division, and every human being can look to the future with hope. Guyana believes that the choice remains ours as to whether the divisions of our age will define the future, or whether nations can summon the will to build a more peaceful, secure and prosperous international order. The United Nations must be at the heart of that endeavour, not as an institution looking back at the world it was created to serve, but as one helping humanity shape the world that is yet to come.

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And I do so at a moment of particular importance, as Greece reaches the end of our second year on the U.N. Security Council and is again preparing to assume its presidency next month. 12 months ago, as we marked the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, we spoke of the need to reinvigorate multilateralism. And one year later, that need has only become much more urgent as we are living through extremely perilous times. Conflicts are multiplying, tensions are deepening, and perhaps most alarmingly, we're witnessing a further erosion of restraint in international affairs. The rules and understandings that have long provided a relative degree of stability in international relations between states are increasingly being tested. Secretary-General António Guterres has steered these United Nations through this exceptionally turbulent decade, with a steadfast commitment to its charter and the values it embodies, and the selection of the 10th Secretary-General presents a historic opportunity for the reinvigoration of the organization when it is most needed. Ladies and gentlemen, the first step in restoring confidence in multilateralism is acknowledging where it has actually succeeded.

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Thank you so much for your hard work for the United Nations Organization and for the Republic of Poland. Distinguished Excellencies, distinguished guests, the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly begins at one of the most difficult, in my view, moments since the organization's founding. Poland was, in fact, a founding member of the United Nations. From the very beginning of the UN's existence, we have been faced with a question about the foundations of the international order that we are shaping within our organization. Despite many achievements, we must not forget that at the very root of its creation lies a fundamental flaw, an original flaw, that continues to undermine the system's credibility to this day. The UN was established in response to the greatest tragedy in human history, World War II, but it was not founded on a simple and fundamental principle: that every wrongdoing must be met with accountability, and sometimes with just punishment. For Poland, this is not an abstract issue. At the very moment the foundations of the UN were being laid, my nation, a victim of two totalitarian regimes, was under the domination of one of them, Soviet Russia, and, after several years of devastating occupation, of the other, Germany. Thousands of Polish heroes who fought for the freedom of Europe and the entire world were, at that time, imprisoned, tortured, and sentenced to death. The UN already existed at that time. At the same time, the state responsible for those crimes had a say in shaping the postwar order, as a permanent member of the Security Council. Poland has never received redress for that period and those wrongs. The failure to hold anyone accountable for these crimes was not merely historical oversight; it sent a signal that violations of international law, aggression, and imperialist policies could go unpunished in reality. It is precisely this lack of justice, this sort of original sin of the postwar order, that creates space for the return of old aggressive ambitions and methods of operation. The aggressive policies of certain states today are, therefore, not a phenomenon detached from history. These policies are a direct consequence of it. A state that has not been held accountable for its actions is more likely to resort to the same tools again. That is why it is so important that today, as the international community, we restore the full meaning of the principle of accountability. Without it, there will not be a lasting peace, and international law will remain nothing more than a declaration devoid of real power. Ladies and gentlemen, today we must show courage while remembering that sometimes courage alone is not enough, that without prudence, courage can lead to disaster.

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Mr. President, the theme of this session—restoring trust, managing transformation, the United Nations that delivers for all— expresses perfectly the challenge that we must collectively address to restore the hope that the UN nurtured when it was created. For the DRC, this session is another occasion to reaffirm its faith in a multilateralism based upon the unwavering quest for peace and justice, which paved the way not to the prosperity of a select few, but to the creation of a true common horizon for peoples and generations of the future. This faith, however, calls upon us to be clear-eyed about the world's transformations, and to ask about the ability of the UN to evolve alongside it. For our peoples have never ceased to believe in the need for international cooperation, a cooperation which, at the most difficult times, can be promptly mobilized but, in other circumstances, may seem to drag its feet when territorial integrity is vigorously defended in one crisis but seems negotiable in another, when the suffering of civilians calls for immediate action in one place but seems less urgent in another. In reality, there can be no lasting trust when the force of our principles varies depending on the peoples, crises or circumstances. In a world in constant flux, the trust of our peoples in multilateralism begins when the law is applied uniformly, regardless of geography, economic power, or alliances. Our transformation ought to be based upon the need to uphold the Charter in its entirety, especially through the respect for the principle of the sovereign equality of states, peaceful dispute settlement, the prohibition of the use of force, respect for territorial integrity, and human dignity. This ought to be the ambition of the United Nations. Mr. President, we cannot speak of restoring trust toward the UN, let alone of a transformation, as long as the UN continues to reflect a world that has ceased to exist. The world of 1945 no longer exists. Digital revolution, energy transition, and climate deregulation are now altering equilibria, and yet the institutions charged with managing these changes too often reflect an order that no longer exists. Artificial intelligence today offers one of the most striking examples of this. It has immense potential, but also poses the risk of new fractures. Its governance should not be the sole remit of certain powers or corporations. Developing countries ought to be able to participate in defining its rules and to access the capacities that determine its use. The DRC supports the UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance, as well as the creation of a global capacity-building fund. The digital divide must not become an intelligence divide. This need for inclusion ought, first and foremost, to be reflected in global governance. Africa has proven itself, over time, to be a demographic, diplomatic, and geopolitical power, a vital one, but it still remains inadequately represented where decisions are being made about the world's future. How can we fail to mention the historic anomaly that is the absence of Africa among the permanent members of the Security Council? The admission of the African Union to G20 is certainly a major step in the right direction. However, it is not sufficient to meet this need for representation. As a member of the Security Council of 2026-2027, we reaffirm our support for the common African position, enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. That is to say, two permanent seats for Africa, with all of the associated privileges, including veto rights as long as they exist, and two non-permanent additional seats, in order to make the Council more representative, more legitimate, and ultimately more effective. This need for representation goes hand in hand with a need for responsibility, and it is in this spirit that the DRC intends to fully exercise its responsibility when it comes to choosing the next Secretary-General, whose mandate ought to be part of the transformation of our organization and help adapt it to the priorities of a world in profound evolution. This same ambition is our driving force within the francophone world, through the candidacy of Ms. Juliana Amato Lumumba for the position of Secretary-General of the OIF, with the vision of a renewed francophonia that is closer to its peoples and capable of strengthening trust between its members and to tackle the challenges we are facing. For the DRC, it is precisely in the gap between the trust we are calling to be restored and the transformation that we hope to manage that the real impact of our international commitments is measured. Our country is at the heart of several of these transformations, and sometimes at the intersection of their very contradictions.

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I also thank Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her stewardship of the 80th Session, and wish to thank the Secretary-General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to the United Nations." Mr. President, eighty-one years ago the United Nations was established in the aftermath of the Second World War to foster international cooperation and prevent future armed conflicts. As we convene here today, we must confront the reality of living in very uncertain times, shadowed by the persistent threat of global conflict. It is imperative that we work together to avoid warfare. We must reflect on the founding principles of the UN Charter and recommit ourselves to saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity of human person, ensuring equal rights for all large nations and small, establishing conditions for justice and respect for international law, and promoting social progress alongside better standards of life. Uganda firmly believes that multilateralism and international cooperation remain the most vital mechanisms for addressing our shared challenges. Accordingly, we remain and reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the UN Charter as the cornerstone of global diplomacy, supporting the interconnected pillars of peace and security, human rights, humanitarian affairs, and sustainable development. We believe the United Nations must remain agile and adaptive to evolving global realities. Uganda is committed to working with the entire membership to build consensus on necessary systemic reforms, particularly within the UN Security Council. We call for a comprehensive reform to render the Council more equitable, transparent, democratic, and representative. In this regard, we demand Africa's rightful representation in both the permanent and non-permanent categories to correct historical imbalances in line with the common African position articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. Regarding the ongoing UN80 Initiative, Uganda commends efforts to streamline the UN system to make it cost-effective, efficient, and well-coordinated.

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This applies particularly to permanent members of the UN Security Council. China has the power, influence, and responsibility to help prevent conflicts, de-escalate tensions, and contribute to ending wars. This includes using its influence to help bring Russia's aggression against Ukraine to an end. That aggression was launched and continues to be waged by another permanent member of the UN Security Council, Russia, in violation of the UN Charter and fundamental principles of international law. Russia's aggression continues to inflict enormous suffering on the Ukrainian people. Civilians and civilian infrastructure continue to be attacked indiscriminately. And the risks are growing day by day. Russia's aggressive posture poses a direct threat to European security as a whole. The immediacy of that threat was starkly illustrated by the recent attempted Russian drone attack on Leipzig/Halle Airport in Germany, only 150 kilometers from the borders of the Czech Republic. The consequences of aggression reach far beyond Europe. Russia's war has undermined global food security, disrupting agricultural production, exports, and supply chains. Its effects are felt in my country, but even more acutely in parts of Africa and elsewhere, particularly in countries that depend on stable and affordable food supplies. While we need to raise costs of war for Russia, we must give serious diplomatic efforts a genuine chance. Diplomacy matters most not between friends, but between adversaries. That is where the United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue, even when agreement seems very distant. The UN was founded on principles. These principles matter in Ukraine. They matter in the South China Sea and across the Taiwan Strait. And they also matter in the Middle East, in Sudan, or DRC. The current developments in Yemen and Saudi Arabia demonstrate what happens when rules give way to force and coercion, when might replaces right, and how a regional conflict can, in an instant, have consequences for the entire world.

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Today the world needs not only more dialogue, but also more trust, more accountability, and greater capacity to act together. Humans must be at the heart of this collective response: human life, dignity, rights, and opportunities. This requires an international order based upon the UN Charter and international law, as well as the United Nations that not only formulates principles but also has the power and capacity to uphold them. This means a global order of rules by and for all, for countries small and large, without double standards. Bulgaria will continue to be a staunch defender of this order and of a strong, effective, and active UN. Ladies and gentlemen, today the UN must prove not only its capacity to bring states together but also its capacity to act. Thanks to collective efforts, it is our duty to transform a world in disorder into a world of international law and lasting peace. The Pact for the Future provides an important guideline, but it must be supported by real reform. The Security Council ought to reflect the world of today, with more equitable regional representation and greater legitimacy and effectiveness. Bulgaria is in favor of an enlargement of the Council's two membership categories, including with at least one additional non-permanent seat for the group of Eastern European states. The upcoming election of a new Secretary-General will also be a choice for the UN's leadership. We thank Mr. António Guterres for his dedication to serving the UN.

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Nevertheless, this protection is today under assault. Rearmament is accelerating throughout the world. We are seeing the use of force once again as being another political tool for some. Trade is breaking down and we are seeing a race to capture critical resources. The private sector is also part of these power relations. We are now in the era of the geo economy, and this is fertile ground for disinformation, which undermines people's trust in their institutions and leads them to question verifiable facts. Our belief has never been tried to such an extent since 1945 in Ukraine, the Middle East, Sudan, the Sahel in many other places out of the media spotlight. Civilians are paying the price for conflicts which have discarded the most basic rules of humanity. And never, since 1945 has the very legitimacy of states and multilateral bodies such as the UN, been called into question to such an extent. Given this danger, let us recall our mission. In the words of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary-General of the UN: The UN was not created to take mankind to heaven, but to save humanity from hell. That is the exact scope of our task, and that is why we do not have the right to give up. First in Ukraine for almost five years, a permanent member of the Security Council has been waging a war of aggression against a sovereign state in flagrant violation of the charter. From the very outset, Monaco condemned this aggression unambiguously and unreservedly. We voted in favour of all of the General Assembly's resolutions calling and demanding for Russian forces to withdraw. We took all restrictive measures aligned with EU measures, and we also provided our humanitarian support to the Ukrainian people and hosted people displaced by the war. Our support is unwavering and it will remain so. Monaco will never recognize any annexation of territory obtained through force. Allowing this for one state would be tantamount to allowing it for all. The principality welcomes the ongoing diplomatic efforts and hopes that they will lead to fair, comprehensive, lasting peace, respecting Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Next to the Middle East, Monaco was greatly relieved by the cease fire, which entered into force in Gaza, and the fact that the hostages were freed. Nothing can ever justify the acts of terror of the 7th of October, but nor can anything justify the price paid by the civilians in Gaza. The principality calls on all parties to strengthen the fragile ceasefire and to respect every stage of it, ensuring full, safe, unhindered humanitarian access. We support efforts to rebuild Gaza, and we are concerned about the ongoing violence in the West Bank, in the occupied territories which ride roughshod over human rights and dishonor democratic values. Our belief remains the same. The only viable option is the two state solution Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security, within safe and recognized borders. Any policy that makes that scenario less likely through settlement building, or sowing terror makes peace less likely too. In Lebanon, too, Monaco supports de-escalation efforts and calls on all parties to fulfil their commitments, first and foremost Security Council Resolution 1701. The people of Lebanon have the right to a fully sovereign state in peace throughout its territory. In the Persian Gulf, finally, tensions around Iran remain a source of deep concern. Monaco pays tribute to all the civilian victims of the conflict and reiterates its solidarity with the countries of the Gulf who have been affected by the attacks. Here again, only negotiations can lead to a global agreement on the Iranian nuclear program and will prevent further escalation. Above and beyond these crises, Monaco will continue to contribute to international cooperation focused on the least developed countries through its support to the International Committee of the Red Cross, the High Commissioner for Refugees and the World Food Programme, through development aid geared towards the health, education and empowerment of women and girls. Restoring trust also means changing the organisation itself.

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Hence, we commend you, Mr. President, for the timely and befitting theme of the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly, namely "Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nation That Delivers for All." Namibia's independence was born out of international solidarity and is renowned as a UN success story. This is a testimony to the effectiveness of the UN. Therefore, we shall not be passive observers to the efforts aimed at dismantling or weakening the international system that had served us over 80 years, albeit with some shortcomings. In this regard, we shall continue to call for peace over conflict, dialogue over confrontation, and peaceful coexistence over tension. In restoring trust, we need to manage transformation of the United Nations Security Council based on equitable representation in its decision-making process to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. The common African position, as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, has also been reaffirmed in the Pact for the Future, which recognizes Africa as a special case. The time has come for us to recognize that we have been negotiating for too long, and that it is because of those problems that erode trust in the United Nations.

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We are making the largest defence investments in generations, allocating over $80 billion in last year's federal budget. We are now spending over 2% of our GDP on defence. And we are building toward NATO's 5% pledge by 2035. These investments are strengthening our ability to protect Canada and to contribute to peace and security around the world. Canada is an Arctic nation, and the Arctic is central to our identity, our security, and our future. The Arctic is a region of growing competition, and for many Canadians, it is simply home. This is why we are investing in Arctic security in consultation with Indigenous Peoples. Their participation is a key element of our commitment to reconciliation. As we mark the 30th anniversary of the Arctic Council, we continue to strive for a region of cooperation. And to this end Canada has opened a new consulate in Nuuk, Greenland. And we are strengthening our ties with our Arctic partners. Canada welcomes the recent agreement between Greenland, Denmark and the United States to strengthen security in Greenland and the High North. This agreement is yet another reminder that North America and Europe are stronger together. And as a founding member of NATO, our commitment to the transatlantic alliance is ironclad. Alongside our NATO allies, Canada remains resolute in our support for Ukraine. We share Ukraine's commitment to restoring a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, one based on respect for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Canada is dedicated to advancing the unconditional return of Ukrainian children, unlawfully detained civilians and prisoners of war. Next week I will host with Norway and Ukraine a conference on this urgent issue in Toronto. And Canada with Ukraine will continue to work together to support safe and secure navigation in the Black Sea by strengthening Ukraine's port infrastructure and disrupting and deterring the illegal activities of Russia's shadow fleet. Canada is also a Pacific nation, and we are absolutely committed to a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region. We have increased our naval presence in the Indo-Pacific and are offering the Dark Vessel Detection Program to our partners. We will continue to implement UN Security Council sanctions against North Korea. And by working with our regional partners, we are cracking down on transnational crime, including scam centres. Canada's position on Iran is unequivocal. Iran is the principal threat to peace and security in its region. It must never acquire a nuclear weapon. Its threats to navigation rights in the Strait of Hormuz are a direct affront to international law. We join our Gulf and European partners in strongly condemning Iran's attacks in the region, and Canada is deploying every available tool, including targeted sanctions, that I announced this week to confront the Iranian regime's abhorrent behavior. Here at the United Nations, Canada will again lead the resolution in this very room in the General Assembly on Human Rights in Iran, because we stand firmly with the Iranian people against repression and for human rights dignity and aspirations for a better life. Nearer home, the people of Haiti deserve stability, security, and the opportunity to build a better future. We commend the many countries who proposed their assistance to the Gang Suppression Force, in particular the United States. Even if the population in Haiti is still facing significant challenges, we're encouraged by the measures taken by the government of Haiti to prepare for the elections, a sign of progress and hope. Throughout the world, Canada will remain a voice that can be trusted to defend maritime security, international law and the responsible development of artificial intelligence.

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Mr. president, we express our country's grave concern as the world continues its slide toward uncertainty and division. The erosion of trust among nations is rapidly reshaping the international order. Our collective inability to prevent conflicts, our collective indifference toward humanitarian crisis, and our collective reluctance to seek common solutions to shared challenges are all becoming normalised. Trust cannot be restored when international law is applied selectively and commitments remain unfulfilled. Our response must be grounded in the fundamental values we have affirmed together freedom, equality, justice and respect for human dignity. President Tokayev has repeatedly underscored the indispensable role of the United Nations as a single universal platform, uniquely capable of bringing the states together to address the challenges we face. But to fulfil its potential, UN must be able to act, adapt and deliver. We fully support the UN-80 initiative. The success of the reform should be measured not by what is cut or reorganised, but by whether the United Nations prevents conflicts more effectively, responds more rapidly to crisis and delivers better results for all member states. Central to this renewal is reform of the Security Council. Broader representation of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the Council, as well as greater voice for developing countries and for middle powers, is a moral imperative. Equitable geographical representation must apply throughout the United Nations system as a condition of legitimacy and credibility. The selection of the next Secretary-General will be one of the defining moments of this session, and Kazakhstan supports a transparent, inclusive and merit based process conducted in full accordance with the Charter. Mr. president, the international security environment continues to deteriorate. World military expenditures reached a record $2.9 trillion in 2025. Our small planet is home to more than 12,000 nuclear weapons, each one capable of untold damage and sorrow. Every year we seem to lose more biodiversity, yet gain more armaments. For Kazakhstan, nuclear disarmament in particular is not an abstract doctrine. It's a responsibility born of national experience. This year marks 35 years since the closure of the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site 30 years since the CTBT opened for signature, and 20 years since the signing of the Treaty on Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in Central Asia. Our experience of renouncing the world's fourth largest nuclear arsenal did not weaken our state. To the contrary through international trust, it strengthens sovereignty, enhanced security and promotes development. Today the trust is again in danger. New START has expired, while the 2026 NPT Review Conference ended without substantive outcome for the third consecutive cycle. Nuclear weapon states must never confuse the absence of agreement with the vacuum of obligation. They remain responsible until we secure a world free of nuclear weapons. Kazakhstan advocates the relaunch of high level dialogue among nuclear powers, and is ready to host one of their next meetings. We will also continue advancing our earlier proposal to strengthen the BWC through establishing an international agency for biological security. Distinguished delegates. Peace and stability are prerequisites for sustainable development. We stand firmly for diplomacy and dialogue, and against the escalation of tension and the use of force.

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In our view, restoring trust in multilateralism will not happen without meaningful reform of global governance, principally the UN Security Council. African citizens are growing weary of their continent's being consigned to the periphery of global governance. Africa is home to nearly one fifth of the world's population and African countries together account for more than a quarter of the UN member states. Yet over the past decade, 70% of UN Security Council resolutions have concerned conflicts on the African continent. If the future belongs to the young, then surely a continent that will be home to 1 in 4 of the world's youth by 2030 deserve a bigger seat at the table. South Africa therefore reaffirms its support for the Ezulwini Consensus and its call to end Africa's relegation to the margins of global decision making. A permanent seat for Africa in the Security Council, with all the prerogatives of the permanent memberships, is long overdue. Nowhere is the need to uphold our shared humanity more urgent than in Palestine. The rights and dignity and humanity of the Palestinians cannot be treated as conditional. The state of Israel continued violation of international and humanitarian law constitute genocide, and we remain steadfast in our view that international community must act decisively to end this impunity.

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Reflecting its emphasis on regional ownership, it brings together partners from the Middle East, North Africa, and the Gulf. This commitment to regional cooperation and regional engagement is also demonstrated through the Cyprus Center for Land, Open Seas, and Port Security, jointly created with the United States. In its four years of operation, it has provided specialized training to thousands of government officials from more than 50 countries from the Middle East, Africa, and Europe. Excellencies, the ability to bring different interests together was also at the heart of the Cyprus Presidency of the Council of the European Union during the first half of this year. For six months, a country of fewer than one million people assumed the responsibility of steering the work of a union of 450 million citizens. For Cyprus, this was both a responsibility and an opportunity: to listen, to negotiate, to build consensus, and to help the European Union and its member states move forward on common priorities. Our size did not diminish the responsibility to lead, nor did it diminish our ability to fulfill it. Our position is clear.

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We urge sustained international support for the gang suppression force, the Haitian National Police and its armed forces. This support must include the financial, logistical and operational resources necessary to restore security. We further call for the Security Council to renew the mandate of the GSF at this imperfect but particularly critical juncture. We are at a crossroads. We can either lose gains or we can build on progress made. The international community must send an unequivocal message. Armed gangs cannot be allowed to determine Haiti's future, nor that of the region. Security must create the space for sustained humanitarian relief, developmental and economic progress. But even more foundationally, security must create the space for political stability, democratic governance, and credible elections, led and owned by the Haitian people. Mr. president, the suffering of the Cuban people is of deep concern to Jamaica. We encourage domestic reform and greater integration of Cuba into the international economic system, supported by policies that create pathways for progress and eliminating the dire humanitarian crisis rather than perpetuating isolation under the blockade. We call for continued dialogue and constructive engagement. Mr. president, Jamaica also remains deeply concerned by the terrible human cost of armed conflicts across the world. Wherever conflict occurs, our principles must remain consistent. International humanitarian law must be respected, civilians must be protected.

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Thus, Mozambique reiterates its support for the objectives of the UN80 Initiative to make this organization more effective, coherent, inclusive, representative, and suited to the challenges of our time. Reform must be embraced as political commitment focused on concrete results. Reforms must also correct imbalances in representation of global governance. In this regard, Africa cannot continue to be in the center of the Security Council agenda while remaining absent from its rank of permanent members. Africa must be a permanent member of the Security Council of the UN. We therefore reaffirm the common African position related to the reform of the United Nations Security Council, based on the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, under which no fewer than two permanent seats, with all prerogatives and privileges, including the veto, as long as it exists, and five non-permanent seats, are allocated to Africa. The contribution that Mozambique wishes to make to the debate on this Assembly has the objective of restoring trust through peace, managed transformation through inclusion, and produced results through coherent actions at the national, regional, and global levels. To this, it is important to strengthen international cooperation and equip the UN with greater capacity to address the challenges of the present and make sure that the future generations can have a stronger organization than the one we have received— an organization equal to the challenges of our time, capable of serving the people with dignity, protecting the planet, and promoting a shared prosperity at the international level. Your Excellencies, 81 years ago, the founders of this organization entrusted humanity with a promise of peace, cooperation, dignity, and, most of all, hope. Today, that responsibility falls to us, and the path remains very clear: dialogue, cooperation, partnership, innovation, solidarity, and continued strengthening to the role of the United Nations, and never the use of force in order to impose decisions. This organization is the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility and our commitment to multilateralism to the service of humanity. Mr. President, allow me to conclude by returning to the opening words of our Magna Carta or Charter:" We, the people."

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But if the West wants to take its rightful place in the emerging multi-polar world, it must change. It must understand that the future of our planet lies in cooperation and not confrontation. Yes, it will have to make room on the global bench of international relations and do so in a meaningful way. It will require abandoning the policies of neocolonialism and putting aside the self-imposed isolation to which the EU is condemning itself by creating a new Iron Curtain along its borders with Belarus and Russia. Now on the UN. Is our organisation keeping pace with the times? No, it does not correspond to today's realities. It cannot keep up with change and it is not reforming significantly. Criticism of our organisation is growing every year and it is fairly justified. The very fact that new international global initiatives are emerging outside the system, for example Trump's Board of Peace or the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization, China's project. This confirms that the UN is failing to recognise new trends. That is why new formats of cooperation are emerging. The BRICS, the SCO and regional economic and political alliances and they are gaining momentum. But we in Belarus do not see them as competitors to the UN, but rather as catalysts for necessary reform. We have a recipe for restoring the UN to its intended purpose. And it's very simple. Individual countries must stop using the organisation, our shared organisation, for their own selfish ends, and they must begin to think about the fate of our planet, our shared planet as a whole. Only then will the theme of this session cease to be a romantic wish, and instead become a real programme of action. Concrete structural steps are also necessary. First, reform of the UN Security Council. This body cannot remain in a form that was appropriate for the mid-20th century. The council must be strengthened by expanding the category of permanent members to include the countries of the South, which today play an ever increasing role in world affairs. The voice of the global majority must be heard loud and clear in the Security Council. Second, restoring respect for international law and the UN Charter and specifically respect for the law, not the rules based order. The UN Charter has been and remains the only universal document that recognises the sovereign equality of all states. Third, reform of specialized UN agencies. First and foremost, the international financial institutions, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the International Finance Corporation, the World Trade Organization.

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Here is the most uncomfortable thing I came to say. The hardest pill to swallow in my speech. This organization has not been commensurate with the challenges of our times. It's not only a leadership problem, one of the present or the future, but rather a problem in terms of action. For decades and for several reasons, the United Nations has not been part of the solution to the problems I've outlined. We cannot simply continue to play by the same rules of an order that was established in 1945 in 2026. What we've seen is the development of a UN architecture that holds too many discussions and is too quick to act. A Security Council that reflects the political arena of 1945 and the reality and not the reality of 2026. We have red tape that continues to proliferate, as is true for indeed many countries. We're seeing agendas that, however noble they might appear have ultimately postponed what this organization committed to do with its founding charter that is maintain peace, protect rights, life, and defend the freedom of its peoples. We believe in the United Nations, and believing in the United Nations means ensuring that the organization discharges its mandate. I propose three things reducing bureaucracy and focusing our resources where there are lives at stake. We must suspend agendas that are not priorities to return the spotlight to those that really are priorities. We must reform the Security Council, not as a symbolic gesture, but as a vital prerequisite to ensure that the council's decisions are once again respected and upheld. Chile signed the San Francisco Charter and has been present, ready and willing to defend all of its causes. We are committed to the High Seas Agreement known as the BBNJ, and we proposed Valparaiso as the headquarters of its executive Secretariat. That means that we now have the first UN body to ever have had a headquarters in Latin America and this is an agreement which brings together many different sectors in Chile to play this role, this housing of this headquarters is an expression of the multilateralism that we believe in a tangible, ambitious and able to yield results. There needs to be a multilateralism that is effective and efficient. And allow me to say that the reforms I talked about cannot wait.

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The government bears the primary responsibility for protecting its citizens, maintaining public order and safeguarding the electoral process. South Sudan, therefore, continues to call for constructive engagements with the Security Council concerning restrictive measures, including the arms embargo. South Sudan objective is not militarisation. The objective is to develop professional, unified discipline and accountable security forces operating under the civilian authority and the rule of law. South Sudan believes that accountability and national capacity should reinforce themselves. We therefore call for the lifting of all restrictive measures. Sanctions must be instruments for achieving clear defined objectives. They should not become permanent substitute for political engagements and institution buildings. Mr. President, South Sudan remains grateful for the contribution of the United Nations mission in South Sudan. We recognise the men and women who served under the United Nations flag, particularly those who have lost their lives in the service of peace. As South Sudan advanced its transition, international engagement must also evolve. President Kiir's vision is not for South Sudan to remain indefinitely dependent upon international peacekeeping. The objective must be a South Sudan capable of sustaining its own peacekeeping. South Sudan, therefore, calls for a greater emphasis on peace building, institutional development, continuous capacity building, and we are also keen to establishing partnership invest in South Sudan police and judiciary, invest in public administration, invest in education and healthcare, invest in infrastructure, invest in women and young people. Invest in institutions that will sustain peace long after peacekeepers have departed. The ultimate measure of a successful peacekeeping should be the establishment of a condition under which peacekeeping is no longer required. South Sudan, therefore, seeks a responsible transition from managing crisis towards building a lasting national capacity. Mr. President, peace cannot be sustained without development. And at independence, South Sudan inherited extremely limited infrastructure and institutional capacity. Nation building, state building and service delivery have therefore have to proceed simultaneously. President Kiir has placed particular emphasis on agriculture, infrastructure, education, healthcare and economic diversification.

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In terms of international peace and security, our world remains up against multiplication of armed conflicts, the emergence of new crises, and a return to the principle of might is right. Unilateral approaches, unlawful sanctions, selective interventions, and double standards weaken the international order and put the multilateral system to test. The Confederation of Sahel states calls for an immediate end to violence against civilian populations, unhindered humanitarian access and a just and lasting political solution. The inability of the Security Council to prevent or resolve in a lasting way these crises reveals the limits of a system that too often protects the interests of powers to the detriment of human life. On the development file, the confederation remains concerned over the aggravation of climate vulnerabilities, the multiplication of humanitarian crises, the malicious use of technology and ICTs for manipulation and destabilization.

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Africa is home to 1.5 billion people, over 18% of humanity, and constitutes the largest regional voting bloc in this General Assembly. And yet Africa remains without a single permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. This is fundamentally unacceptable in the 21st century. Africa must be granted permanent representation on the UN Security Council, complete with all the rights and responsibilities. We cannot credibly champion the sovereign equality of nations while preserving a global governance structure that was designed for the postwar geopolitical realities. Mr. President, Security Council reform is not a favor to Africa. It is an imperative for the legitimacy, the credibility and the survival of the United Nations. The same systemic inequalities permeates the international financial architecture.

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That is why today I reaffirm our support for the full and meaningful participation of the Republic of China, Taiwan, in the United Nations and its specialized agencies. Taiwan has concrete contributions to make to peace, development, and human rights. Excluding it doesn't serve to strengthen the system. It deprives the system of capacities that could benefit us all. And it is a stain on the United Nations. But let's make no mistake: the problem is not Taiwan alone. What's happening there, in that part of the world, is simply too dangerous for us all. Dear friends, let us not stop at words or slogans. Let us move to concrete action. I assure you that at this negotiating table, at the table for peace and concord, Paraguay will be on the front row, ready to help. But the world's problems do not end in a single region or place. They go to the very heart of the international system. The United Nations— and I am neither the first nor the last to say so—needs renewal. It needs fresh impetus. And the admirable theme of this assembly calls for a United Nations for All. An admirable theme, certainly. But I fear that it's not enough. So I ask you today, respectfully but firmly: how can we have a United Nations for All when it is led by a security council of the few? Worse still, this is a council that was designed 80 years ago, for another era, for another scenario, another entire set of circumstances. One that all too often demonstrates it is simply unable to address today's problems. That original design, a product of its time, has achieved much, without any doubt. And today I recognize and celebrate those achievements. We all should. Nonetheless, as the great Nobel laureate Bob Dylan would say, things have changed. And the organization, dear friends, has to change too. Different problems need different solutions. Otherwise, this magnificent idea, the United Nations, will simply be overtaken by events and will be reduced to a forum for beautiful speeches with very little action for ordinary people. Some have concluded from all of this that multilateralism has failed. Paraguay reaches a different conclusion. The United Nations remains indispensable. It is the only system that enables all the countries of the world to coexist. But it must become more effective at preventing conflict, protecting people, and ensuring respect for the rules that states themselves have agreed upon. Our commitment to peace is summed up in the words of a distinguished Paraguayan, Manuel Gondra:" Since we cannot ensure that the just are always strong, we must strive to ensure that the strong are always just." Paraguay wishes to shoulder greater responsibilities within the system. But this system, as it stands, simply isn't working. That is why we believe that the selection of the next Secretary-General will be a fundamental decision. The time has come for that leadership to come from Latin America and the Caribbean. Our region has a vocation for peace, dialogue, and multilateralism. And it has candidates that are capable of taking up that responsibility. We need a Secretary-General who restores the organization's political leadership, one that strengthens preventive diplomacy, acts before crises become irreversible, and one that listens to the states and the peoples whom this organization serves. In short, the Security Council must cease to be a pretty snapshot of the world as it was in 1945. It must listen more closely to this assembly and must not remain paralyzed when peace is threatened. We need a UN for 2026 or for 2050, not one for 1945. Only then will the United Nations be able to truly deliver for all of its members.

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We cannot simply accept this new order of impunity which some are trying to erect. This is why at the Security Council, France supports reforms aimed at bolstering its effectiveness. We must open up to new members, new regions, first and foremost Africa. But in terms of the substance, the Security Council must be able to take action in the face of mass violations of international law. Who can accept a procedural deadlock when we see barbaric acts being committed? The Franco-Mexican initiative on regulating the veto in the case of mass atrocities being committed is needed more than ever, and I'm delighted that it now has the support of 128 member states. The campaign will continue and we are seeking to secure the commitment of each and every permanent member of the Security Council for this initiative. But it's not enough invoking the law, invoking our values in order to uphold the obligations we all signed up to when we joined the United Nations.

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Distinguished heads and members of the delegations, honourable delegates. At the beginning of this year, our region witnessed a war that could have been avoided. Subsequent events have shown that the escalation has extended to threaten the security of the countries of the region, and paralyze navigation and trade through the vital Strait of Hormuz, affecting energy security, price stability and confidence in the current international order. The Sultanate of Oman once again reaffirms its steadfast commitment to continuing its efforts aimed at safeguarding navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, in accordance with the principles of international law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. We also call upon all parties to cooperate with Oman in these efforts aimed at safeguarding the interests of all parties relying on transit through the Strait of Hormuz. The Sultanate of Oman renews its solidarity with all neighbouring countries including the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the legitimate measures they take to maintain their security and protect their sovereignty and territorial integrity. At the same time, we call upon all parties concerned to settle their outstanding disputes through pursuing a policy of self-restraint and foresight, and through engaging in dialogue to reach consensual political solutions and sustainable understandings for the benefit of all. The government of the Sultanate of Oman renews its support for reaching a political solution to the crisis in Yemen, one that preserves the unity, stability and territorial integrity of this great country one that meets the aspirations of all components of the brotherly Yemeni people. One that puts Yemen on the path of reconstruction, development and prosperity. In this context, we renew our call upon all parties to cooperate with one another, to engage positively with one another, to reach a just settlement to this crisis, one that preserves the rights and dignity of the Yemeni people, one that preserves the independence and territorial integrity of Yemen, and one that ensures stable relations with neighboring states in the region. The Sultanate of Oman reaffirms its firm rejection of the ongoing Israeli attacks against numerous Arab states. We also express our condemnation of the crimes of the Israeli occupation and its increasing violations against the Palestinian people, which have compounded the suffering of the Palestinian people in its struggle to obtain its legitimate rights and liberate its land within the borders of June 4th, 1967, based on the two state solution and relevant United Nations resolutions.

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None of the threats stop at national borders. That is why we need the United Nations more than ever. We need the United Nations capable of implementing decisions, not just making them. We need the United Nations where voices of every country are heard. Uzbekistan supports the UN Secretary-General's efforts within the framework of the UN80 initiative aimed at adapting the organization to modern requirements. We support expanding the composition of the UN Security Council based on modern realities. Next year, Uzbekistan will take up the chairmanship of the Non-Aligned Movement. At a time of escalating tensions, we take this as a responsibility to create new platforms for dialogue. In that spirit, Uzbekistan has offered its candidacy for the non-permanent membership in the Security Council for 2035 and 2036. We count on your support. For us, the international law is not an instrument that changes based on interests; it's a common rule for all countries. There cannot be universal justice without universal law.

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Furthermore, we firmly reject unilateral coercive measures that violate international law and inflict disproportionate hardship on innocent populations. Yet our global architecture is failing to enforce these principles because its key organs remain outdated. The Security Council's inability to act decisively in moments of global crisis undermines its very purpose. Its composition reflects a bygone era, not 21st century geopolitical realities. Reform is no longer a matter of political convenience. It is a matter of institutional survival and legitimacy. Seychelles, therefore reaffirms Africa's unified position. Our continent must hold no fewer than two permanent seats on the Security Council, with full prerogatives, including the veto for as long as it exists.

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Excellencies, learning also means embracing change. The world of today is not the world of 1945. The institutions we created to respond to the challenges of that time, need to learn in the world that has changed. Cabo Verde, therefore, supports a United Nations that is more effective, more transparent, and more representative. The UN80 Initiative presents an opportunity to modernize this organization and strengthen its response capacity. In this spirit, we also support the reform of the Security Council. Africa is home to nearly one quarter of the member states of this organization and represents approximately one-fifth of the world's population, and yet it still lacks the representation it deserves on this council. Therefore, we support a more equitable African representation in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. A fairer international order also requires fairer and more inclusive institutions. The election of the next Secretary-General should reflect the same principles: transparency, inclusion, merit, and equal opportunities. Ladies and gentlemen, but the United Nations is not just a place where we discuss crises; it is also a space where we build common paths. The 2030 Agenda, the African Union's Agenda 2063, and the Pact for the Future point us in one clear direction: sustainable development centered on the people, capable of transforming global commitments into concrete changes in the lives of populations.

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With this in mind, I propose that we take the following four steps. First, we should safeguard the postwar international order and foster lasting peace based on common security. The world wants peace not war. The international system centered on the UN and the international order, underpinned by international law that emerged after World War Two must be upheld. We should turn into action the vision of common, comprehensive cooperative and sustainable security and reject the Cold War mindset and block confrontation. We should settle differences and disputes through dialogue and consultation, and oppose unilateral military actions that violate the UN Charter and circumvent Security Council authorization. Major countries shoulder special responsibilities for safeguarding international peace and security, and they should take the lead in complying with the rules, upholding the rule of law and doing what's right. China holds that the sovereignty and security of countries in the Middle East, including the Gulf should be respected. International industrial and supply chains should be kept stable and unimpeded, and global trade should be safeguarded. China calls for advancing the governance of the West Bank and the post-conflict reconstruction of Gaza, in accordance with the principle of the Palestinians governing Palestine. It also calls for bringing the Palestinian question back onto the right track of the two state solution at an early date. On Ukraine, President Xi Jinping has put forward four points on what must be done, which are the fundamental guidance for China in playing a continued constructive role in its own way for achieving a political settlement of the crisis. China urges the relevant country to immediately stop using threat of force against Cuba, and immediately and completely lift the blockade and sanctions against Cuba. Second, we should address the global development predicament and promote prosperity for all through openness and cooperation.

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For some, security means protecting borders; for others, it means food, water, energy, or the future of their children. And many countries face all of these challenges at once. That is why a world ruled mainly by power rather than by rules would be dangerous for everyone. For small countries such as Slovakia, this is especially clear. But no country, large or small, is truly safe in a world where international law is ignored and institutions are weakened. Sadly, we no longer need to imagine such a world. We can already see parts of it around us: trade is becoming less predictable, security cooperation is more fragmented, the idea that every country should have a voice is under pressure. And when rules are weakened, when cooperation is replaced by confrontation, all of us become more vulnerable. But we still have a choice. The international system we have built is not perfect. It can be slow. It can be frustrating. At times, it does not deliver as quickly as people need. But the solution is not to destroy it. The solution is to make it work better. Slovakia is firmly anchored in the United Nations, NATO, and the European Union. We believe in cooperation. But we also believe that institutions must produce real results. Over the past year, Slovakia has hosted several international meetings and offered space for dialogue. Where we can be useful, we are ready to help bring parties together and to support diplomacy within the UN framework. Because when diplomacy stops, confrontation fills the space. That is why, when we speak about the United Nations, I believe in evolution rather than revolution. The world has changed, and the United Nations must change with it. The Security Council should better reflect today's realities and give a stronger voice to countries and regions that are still underrepresented. Countries from the region often understand a crisis best. Giving them a stronger voice can help us act earlier and prevent escalation. Slovakia sees its engagement in UN reform as a part of its responsibility to this Organization, including through UN80 and the implementation of the Pact for the Future. Our responsibility to the wider international order is also reflected in our candidacy for the Security Council for 2028 and 2029. We would be, of course, grateful for your trust and support. If elected, Slovakia will focus on four priorities: international law and the UN Charter, accountable security institutions, the protection of strategic resources and critical infrastructure, and the security challenges linked to digitalization and artificial intelligence. I fully share the concern of the United Nations about the inequalities that can be created by unequal access to artificial intelligence. It is in our common interest that innovation benefits all of humanity, not only the strongest economies or the biggest companies.

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For generations, the Palestinian people have waited for justice, statehood and dignity. They cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for rights that are already theirs. In Gaza, the scale of human suffering and destruction is intolerable. Civilians, including far too many children continue to bear the heaviest costs. Medics, journalists, humanitarian workers and United Nations personnel have also lost their lives while carrying out their duties. This suffering cannot become normal. In the West Bank, Palestinians continue to endure occupation, expanding illegal settlements, settler violence and displacement from their homes and land. Whether in Gaza or the West Bank, these are not merely numbers, they are human lives, and their suffering exposes a fundamental truth. International law and the principles of the charter must apply equally to everyone. There cannot be one standard for some and another for others. A just and lasting peace, therefore, requires more than managing the consequences of conflict. It requires addressing its root cause and realizing the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and an independent state of Palestine, based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. Without justice for the Palestinian people, there can be no lasting peace. This remains a defining test of the credibility of the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council, and the conflict is no longer confined to Palestine. Its consequences are now spreading across the region. In neighboring Lebanon, United Nations peacekeepers have also lost their lives while serving the cause of peace. It is in this wider context that Brunei Darussalam co-sponsored Security Council Resolution 2823 strengthening accountability for crimes against United Nations peacekeepers. Those who serve under the United Nations flag must be protected, but accountability cannot be episodic. The protection of those who serve peace and the protection of innocent lives, especially children, must remain at the heart of this organization. Mr. President, rebuilding confidence does not mean returning to a world that no longer exists. It means equipping ourselves to face the world that is emerging from conflicts and climate change to sustainable development and emerging technologies. The challenges before us are increasingly complex and interconnected.

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But the answer is not withdrawal. The answer is to reform, renew and reinvest. The UN80 initiative offers an opportunity to make the United Nations more efficient and more effective. The European Union also continues to call for a comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council to make it more effective, inclusive, democratic and accountable. The European Union will continue to contribute to strengthen the United Nations politically, financially and through concrete actions. Because the best argument for multilateralism is what it delivers: on peace and security, with the treaty of Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. On climate action, with the Paris Agreement. On poverty and health, with the global response to Covid-19. The truth is, when we act together, multilateralism delivers for people. And that is why this week, the European Union has launched together with Australia, Barbados, Brazil, Canada, India and Kenya, the P4M: Partners for Multilateralism, international law, peace and prosperity. Our initiative aims to be an open platform for partners from all parts of the world who are ready to defend common principles and work towards practical solutions. It is a network for dialogue, coalition building and practical cooperation. It will support the work of United Nations and other multilateral formats. It will help to build bridges across regions, and it will contribute to advancing the reform and modernization of the United Nations and the multilateral system, helping to turn shared commitments into concrete action. And I invite all the nations in the chamber to join this initiative and endorse the P4M declarations. Excellencies. There can be no double standards in terms of international law. The facts are clear. We are bearing witness to deliberate violations of international law. Upholding international law is not optional. It is our responsibility. That means protecting the institutions that give their very meaning to these principles, including the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. We support these courts firmly and we will defend their independence, integrity and their ability to fully carry out their mandate. Threats and attacks on the International Criminal Court and its staff and authorities are unacceptable. Accountability cannot depend on political considerations.

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We are a credible and reliable partner, ready to contribute to shared prosperity. Ladies and gentlemen, we have entered the fifth year of the illegal, unprovoked, and unjustified full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine, waged by a permanent member of the Security Council. This member, entrusted by the entire UN community with the responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, has deliberately disavowed its fundamental obligation and is pursuing a revisionist agenda. As the EU member state sharing the longest border with Ukraine, Romania has felt the effects of this war directly, through repeated violations of our airspace. A few months back, a drone crashed onto a residential building on our territory, injuring people and causing material damage. It was one episode in an ongoing series of such incidents. We have said it before, and we will say it again: Romania will stand with Ukraine and its people, as they exercise their legitimate right to self-defense for as long as necessary. Moreover, Romania is acting responsibly to stabilize the region. We provided assistance to refugees from Ukraine. In response to Russia's attacks on ports and grain infrastructure, which disrupted global food supply chains and deepened food insecurity for millions of people, Romania has coordinated with Ukraine on the transit of grain through Romania, by rail and by waterway. In response to the disruption of freedom of navigation in the Black Sea, together with Bulgaria and Türkiye, Romania is part of the Mine Countermeasures Task Group in the Black Sea. Through mine detection and mine neutralization missions and the protection of critical undersea infrastructure, this initiative safeguards freedom of navigation and the region's energy security. And in order to enhance security in the Black Sea area, Romania places particular emphasis on the EU's strategic approach. Accordingly, together with Bulgaria, we are establishing a maritime security hub aimed at strengthening situational awareness. Finally, in response to disruptions to energy supplies in the region, Romania has expanded its energy interconnections with Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova. Romania will continue to support the resilience of our neighbor, the Republic of Moldova, the second most affected country by this war. It is facing the economic shock caused by Russia's aggression and a sustained hybrid campaign, consisting of disseminating disinformation, energy pressure, and attempts to destabilize its democratic institutions. Romania is a staunch supporter of the Republic of Moldova in the face of these challenges. Romania also remains the Republic of Moldova's strongest advocate within the European Union, sharing our own experience of accession and providing political, technical, and diplomatic support for its European path. The threat posed by the Russian Federation is not only limited to Ukraine. Europe is the target of a hybrid war involving cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns, sabotage, and disruptions to critical infrastructure, with the aim of undermining citizens' trust in democratic institutions and discouraging support for Ukraine. We must deter the Russian threat, and unfortunately, we can only do that by increasing military spending. Romania supports balancing military expenditure and a target of 5% of GDP, reaching this year 3.7%. Distinguished audience, we are equally concerned about the proliferation of conflicts worldwide. It is essential to advance the implementation of the Peace Plan for Gaza in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2803, and to address, with no delay, the humanitarian situation on the ground. Within the Board of Peace Initiative, Romania has offered its support and has so far contributed to the medical evacuation of numerous patients, especially children. Disarming Hamas remains a prerequisite condition for lasting stability in Gaza. President Trump's Peace Plan represents the most credible path toward peace and prosperity in the region, and Romania supports its full implementation. At the same time, recent developments in the West Bank are a genuine reason for concern and risk undermining the peace that this plan seeks to promote. Regarding Iran, our position is clear: Iran must not possess a nuclear weapon. Iran must comply with the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, the safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency, and restore full transparency regarding its nuclear program. Diplomacy must be the first option toward a comprehensive, verifiable, and lasting agreement that would pave the way toward a more stable Middle East. Romania will continue to promote maritime security and unrestricted freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, as well as in the Black Sea area and elsewhere. It is a shared responsibility and a priority to my country. Specialized bodies such as the International Maritime Organization can make a contribution to this effort. The suspension of the Black Sea Grain Initiative, following Russia's unilateral withdrawal in 2023, reminds us that agreements only matter when the parties honor their commitments. Lasting peace in Sudan, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia, Libya, in the Sahel, and in all regions of Africa affected by conflict. Romania is contributing to conflict prevention, mediation, peacebuilding, and economic recovery, while stressing the importance of African solutions, in full respect of the charter. Prevention and mediation must play a greater role. Peacekeeping operations must have a clear mandate, produce measurable results, ensure responsible financing, and equitably distribute responsibilities. Since 1991, Romania has contributed to United Nations peacekeeping missions through political support, troop and equipment contributions, as well as through training of blue helmets and close protection officers.

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An efficient, effective, nimble and well-coordinated UN is urgently needed. Sweden strongly supports the Secretary-General's UN80 initiative and expects all UN entities to engage fully with a clear focus on improving delivery at country level. We also expect Member States to give the UN adequate resources. Assessed contributions must be paid in full and in time. As members, we also need to carefully consider institutional reforms and align mandates with available resources. UN80 is an opportunity to strengthen the UN's impact across all three pillars and to reinforce the international system firmly grounded in the UN Charter and international law. Sweden remains firm in its defence of the UN's normative mandates on human rights, gender equality, and sexual and reproductive health and rights. Everyone has the right to live freely and with dignity, to be who they are and to love whom they choose. Sweden will always stand up for that freedom and for equal rights of all. Mr. President, a balanced expansion of the Security Council would strengthen its credibility and the legitimacy of its decisions. Sweden would like to see permanent and non-permanent seats added, and a fairer representation of all continents on the council. Africa, home to 1.3 billion people and the largest regional bloc in the United Nations, has no permanent seat. This is neither logical nor fair. Further, the veto should never be used to prevent the UN from acting against serious violations of international law or in humanitarian disasters. Mr. President, we must continue to strengthen our United Nations to make the organisation stronger and better equipped to prevent conflict and meet the challenges of tomorrow. We must continue to find common agreements based on the fundamentals. Every country's sovereignty and territorial integrity, prohibition of the use of force, respect for international law, human rights and humanitarian principles. It is our shared responsibility to ensure that the UN remains relevant, effective and resolute. That it becomes greater than the sum of its parts. To show once again that we can turn the page on conflict and chaos and move towards peace and prosperity. Mr. President, this year also marks 65 years since Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld died. His integrity, conviction and commitment to the vision and values of our organisation are still remembered. Sweden continues to support the UN investigation aimed at clarifying the circumstances surrounding Secretary-General Hammarskjöld's death, and I would like to conclude with the words of Mr. Hammarskjöld. It is no news to anybody, but we sense it in different degrees that the world of today is more than ever before one world. The weakness of one is the weakness of all and the strength of one, not the military strength, the real strength, the economic and social strength, the happiness of the people is indirectly the strength of all.

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In this area, Turkmenistan will continue to promote multilateral dialogue by proposing the establishment of the Ashgabat Climate Dialogue, an open multilateral platform for regular political and expert engagement, the advancement of practical climate initiatives and the strengthening of international relationships. We believe particular attention must be paid to strengthening the climate resilience of regions severely affected by drought and water scarcity. This requires coordinated solutions combining modern technologies, financing, data exchange and regional cooperation. In pursuance of the General Assembly resolution entitled Key Role of Reliable and Stable Energy Connectivity in Ensuring Sustainable Development, Turkmenistan will continue consultations in preparation for the high level Forum on Sustainable Energy for all. We view the forum as an effective platform for developing practical approaches to ensuring a reliable, affordable and sustainable energy supply. In the socioeconomic sphere, Turkmenistan will continue its active and responsible work as a member of the United Nations Economic and Social Council for the period 2026 2028, as well as its constructive engagement in the work of the council's subsidiary bodies. Ladies and gentlemen, Turkmenistan attaches great importance to the humanitarian dimension of international cooperation.

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The persistence of conflicts across the world recalls the purpose for which the United Nations was founded, to spare succeeding generations the devastation of war. We must therefore return to the founding principles of dialogue mutual respect and collective responsibility. Nigeria stands by the charter and its promise of a world in which diplomacy prevails over coercion, cooperation over isolation and international law over arbitrary exercise of power. Mr. President, the reform of this institution must begin with the reconstitution of the Security Council, for the world of 2026 cannot remain captive to the distribution of power in 1945. Africa cannot continue to fill the council's agenda while remaining absent from its permanent membership. Nigeria demands, in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, at least two permanent seats for Africa, with all the rights and responsibilities of permanent membership, including the veto for as long as it exists, and five non-permanent seats in total. The authority to speak for humanity carries an obligation to represent it.

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It reminds us that the principles we uphold must protect people when they need them the most. That is why human rights must be universal in practice. As a member of Human Rights Council, Thailand believes that our work must reach beyond resolutions and make a real difference in people's lives. Development must be people centred and sustainable. Growth must improve people's lives today, without closing off the opportunities of tomorrow. Consistent application of principles gives countries the confidence that they will be treated fairly.

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Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, heads of State and government. President of the General Assembly. Secretary general. Ladies and gentlemen, heads of delegations. Ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of the president of the Council, his Excellency Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, of the government and the Togolese people, I would like, Mr. President, to convey to you my sincere and warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. To you, Secretary General, Sir, and Mr. António Guterres, I would like to convey Togo's sincere gratitude for your unfailing commitment to peace, to security, to solidarity, and to sustainable development. At a time when you are completing your term, Togo would like to pay a particular tribute to you for these years of commitment, of courage, of listening and of service, for the defense of the ideals of the United Nations and to reform our organization. We would like to express the desire that the legacy of your action will continue to inspire our organization, and to guide those people who will have the responsibility to continue your work. We wish you every success in the future for your future commitments. Mr. president, the topic of this session asks us to do two things to be clear in our diagnosis and to be strong in our commitment. To be clear, because we can no longer have insufficient responses to those challenges that affect our international system. Commitment, because noting the limits of multilateralism should no longer mean that we renounce multilateralism.

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Fourth, we must strengthen multilateralism and the essential, indispensable role of the UN. The strength of the UN does not lie in its ability to replace the responsibilities of state, but in its legitimacy and capacity to build consensus, established norms, develop rules and mobilise global efforts to address common challenges. For the UN to adapt to the transformations of the time, Vietnam supports efforts to reform the organisation, particularly the GA, the Security Council and the Secretariat, with a view to enhance its effectiveness, prioritising structural reform and streamlining the apparatus, while fully harnessing the UN's advantage in advancing global agendas and safeguarding the interests of developing countries. These perspectives are drawn from the experience of Vietnam itself over the past half century, since its accession to the UN mirrors the transformation of our own country.

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Ladies and gentlemen, as global challenges become increasingly complex, no country can address them alone. And yet the growing limitations of multilateral mechanisms continue to undermine our collective ability to respond effectively to current and emerging threats. Meeting these realities requires joint action but true transformation is impossible without first restoring trust in the international order and demonstrating that multilateralism can once again deliver tangible results for all. In an era marked by division, growing intolerance and stark double standards, Azerbaijan advocates for a reinvigorated and reformed multilateral system underpinned by strict adherence to consistent and non-selective application of universally accepted norms and principles of international law. Azerbaijan supports a more effective UN capable of delivering tangible results for member states, especially in peace and security development, climate resilience and humanitarian action. Through inclusive multilateralism, all states, large or small, particularly developing countries, must have the opportunity to participate equally in global decision making. In this context, reform of the UN Security Council is essential to make it more representative, effective and responsive. Ladies and gentlemen, restoring global trust begins first and foremost with respecting international law, sovereign equality, and peaceful coexistence.

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The United Nations was born in 1945 from humanity's determination that the tragedies of war should never again define our common destiny. Eight decades later, the world continues to look to this organization as a sanctuary where nations can assemble, where differences can be resolved through dialogue, and where hope can be transformed into tangible action. Yet, at a time when conflicts persist, inequalities deepen, climate-related disasters intensify, and countless communities continue to struggle against poverty and insecurity, the international community must renew its commitment to global cooperation. To ordinary people across the globe, this Assembly must not be perceived merely as a forum where the world discusses its problems, but as an organization that actively solves them. The true test of international cooperation is whether a child in a conflict-affected community can live without fear, a young person can find decent employment, a family can afford food, and a developing nation can access the finance required to build its future. Trust among nations has eroded on multiple fronts. Multilateral commitments have too often gone unmet, financing pledges have not yet been fulfilled, and developing countries face trillions of dollars in annual investment gaps to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, billions of people reside in countries where governments are forced to spend more on debt servicing than on healthcare or education. Restoring trust cannot be achieved through declarations alone. It requires that promises already made be honored, and that our institutions demonstrate the capacity and will to respond to changing global realities. Since the Ezulwini Consensus was adopted in 2005, sadly, Africa still has no permanent seat on the UN Security Council and yet the continent remains a global strategic partner in the world stage. The question is: how many more years should African leaders travel to New York and stand before this Assembly to call for a fair representation in the UN Security Council? Mr. President, we are being deprived of the opportunity to contribute to global security issues. We meet at a time when multiple wars and armed conflicts continue to claim lives, destroy infrastructure, and displace communities across various regions of the world.

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The sacred trust of the UN trusteeship to ensure our wellbeing was jeopardised by these tests and the lack of due acknowledgement remains a moral failing. For generations, our families have testified to displacement, illness, contamination and loss. All of them impacts to our core human rights, as our survivors would say, and I quote, this is a song that has been sung far too many times, unquote. It was in the same building that the UN Trusteeship Council sat in session and voted on resolutions 1082 and 1493 in 1954 and 1956, respectively, to effectively authorize further nuclear testing over the demands of our local leaders and many citizens. The United Nations ultimately allowed testing to continue, but the shock and tragedy of nuclear exposure in the Marshall Islands was a profound driver of the 1963 global ban on atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons. We acknowledge the ongoing actions, dialogues and complex legacy of the UN's administering authority, the United States. But the role of the United Nations cannot pass without comment. For us and for fellow member states. This apology is an opportunity to reflect upon the past, to bring healing and closure to the Marshallese.

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The theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all, reflects the core of our responsibilities towards the common goal of this organization that was established after the horrors of the 20th century. They decided to rely on the strength of law and not that of the might. They decided to choose dialogue instead of confrontation. Our responsibility today is to maintain the scores, and we have to counter the selectivity in applying international law, especially when there is a systematic avoidance of collective commitments. Some countries do not want to uphold the same rules that they call on others to uphold. This leads to weakened collective cooperation mechanisms. We no longer can prevent conflicts or settle them. This danger extends to institutions that might falter and fail. Multilateralism is not limited to the interests and sovereignty of states. It is not an example of weakness. Instead, it is a necessity to ensure human dignity, bring peace, and confront challenges. Defending the United Nations is a defense of the right of all peoples to determine their future and participate in decision making. Those decisions that define their destiny. We want a more just United Nations. A United Nations capable of confronting the current challenges. After more than eight decades since the establishment of the UN, the Security Council reform has become a necessity to ensure a fair representation of Africa, including permanent and non-permanent membership.

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The Holy Quran commands: Wa in janahu lis-salmi fajnah laha wa tawakkal ala Allah, innahu huwa as-Sami al-Alim. If the enemy is inclined towards peace, make peace with them. Surah Al-Anfal. Ladies and gentlemen, Pakistan's founding father, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had famously declared, we stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world. These pearls of wisdom have shaped Pakistan's national ethos and guided our conduct at home and abroad. The unanimous adoption of resolution 2788 on strengthening mechanisms for peaceful settlement of disputes under Pakistan's UN Security Council presidency demonstrated our unwavering commitment to global peace. Mr. President. Unfortunately, in February this year, conflict engulfed Gulf along with wider Middle East. Precious lives were lost. Economies suffered. Critical maritime routes, particularly the Strait of Hormuz, came under severe pressure. At this critical moment, Pakistan chose to act swiftly. Through concerted efforts, Pakistan successfully brought Washington and Tehran under one roof in Islamabad. From the Islamabad talks to the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding, many historic steps were taken to bring an end to this serious conflict here. I deeply appreciate Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, Pakistan's chief of defense forces and chief of the Army staff, whose relentless efforts helped create space for diplomacy under exceptionally difficult and challenging circumstances. I would also like to commend the efforts of our Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, in this behalf. Regrettably, Mr. President, recently we have witnessed a dangerous surge of hostilities. Yet amid the roar of missiles, drones and guns, the voice for diplomacy must echo even louder and stronger. The Strait of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb are arteries of the global economy. They must remain open, connecting nations, not becoming choke points of confrontation. These waters must carry the promise of prosperity, not the perils of war. Excellencies, we once again condemn in the strongest possible terms the recent deplorable attacks by the Houthis against the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The attempted drone attack on the holy city of Makkah Al-Mukarramah has outraged Muslims across the globe. Any threat to the safety and sanctity of the Haramain Sharifain is a red line that must never be crossed. No Muslim can even dare to think of committing such a heinous crime. Pakistan stands in complete solidarity with the brotherly people of Saudi Arabia, as we always have throughout our history. Ladies and gentlemen, our enduring commitment to peace is also reflected by the historic Makkah Joint Defense Agreement among the brotherly countries Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan. This alliance is not directed against any country. It is a collective commitment for defense, stability and peace in the region and nothing more. Mr. president, a year ago, Pakistan faced external aggression from India under a false pretext. Pakistan exercised its inherent right of self-defense under article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Our brave and valiant armed forces, under the courageous leadership of Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, responded with precision and professionalism. They silenced the enemy, repulsed its attack, and taught it a lesson it shall never, ever forget. And of course, thanks to President Donald Trump's resolute and visionary leadership that hundreds of millions of lives in South Asia were saved. His timely intervention came at a decisive juncture when two nuclear armed neighbours stood at the brink of an all out war. And who knows, Mr. President, the extent of devastation that could have taken place had President Trump not stepped in at this critical moment with clarity of thought and action? Mr. president, we must therefore ensure that South Asia never reaches that precipice ever again. But this requires a just and fair solution of the Kashmir dispute. For eight decades, the Kashmiri people have waited for the United Nations to fulfill its solemn commitment of a free and impartial plebiscite under its auspices. Generations have endured illegal occupation, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and collective punishment. More recently, there have been attempts to alter the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir through demographic reengineering and other illegal measures. Helpless Kashmiri mothers and fathers yearn for their sons and daughters who never return. Their homes lie silent under curfew and in deep grief. For many, there is no closure, only a lifetime spent searching for graves that bear no names. Mr. president, from this podium, I assure my Kashmiri brothers and sisters with fullest authority at my command that we shall continue to extend our full diplomatic, political and moral support to them till they are granted their inalienable right to self-determination. Kashmir has and always will be Pakistan's jugular vein. Excellencies, another foundation of stability in South Asia is now under strain. The shared waters of the Indus River system are the lifeblood not only for the people of Pakistan, but for the entire region. India's unilateral decision to hold the existing treaty in abeyance has no legal basis whatsoever. In fact, both its claims and actions have been rejected by UN experts and more recently by the Court of Arbitration. Our legitimate stand that the treaty remains valid, binding and fully operative has been vindicated beyond any doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, water must never be weaponised. Rivers should nourish nations, not divide them. Therefore, any attempt to stop, impede or divert Pakistan's share of the waters will be treated as an act of war. India. India. India must make no mistake about it. Ladies and gentlemen, for generations, Palestinians, particularly women, children and the elderly have been subjected to occupation, eviction, suffering and death. Last year, Mr. President, I had shared with you the heart wrenching story of Hind Rajab, an innocent Palestinian girl who was brutally shot by Israeli soldiers. This year, another tragedy weighs heavy on our hearts, your hearts and the world's heart. This time it is the deafening cries of the sobbing mother of eight year old Wafaa Akila, who embraced martyrdom in this senseless aggression. What should have been the first day of her school, alas, became the last day of her life. Does not a child born in Gaza deserve the same life and the same future and same dream as a child, anywhere else in the world? The tragedies of Rajab, Wafaa Akila and countless others will echo through history as an indictment of our collective silence, failure, and inaction. Excellencies, it is deeply worrying that Israeli violence has now spread to the West Bank where the forcible eviction of Palestinians clearly reflects Israel's genocidal agenda, which continues unabated. Pakistan believes that the only just and lasting solution is the creation of an independent, sovereign, viable and contiguous state of Palestine, based on the pre 1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Ladies and gentlemen, we also condemn continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Syria. This, too, must stop immediately. Ladies and gentlemen, terrorism remains one of the greatest threats to international peace and security.

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Multilateralism allows us to project the power of our ideas rather than the might of our power. Tonga participates as an equal under the founding principles of the United Nations Charter, the sovereign equality of states. This is how we must approach our theme Restoring Trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Enduring trust is restored when commitments produce results. True transformation is realized when our communities, economies and ecosystems can anticipate change and recover with greater strength. The small island developing states must not bear the disproportionate costs of the challenges they did little to create. Mr. President, too much of our international architecture still reflects the world of 1945 rather than today's realities. If the United Nations is to remain the principal vehicle through which sovereign nations confront global challenges, it must transform. We need a United Nations that enables innovation one that expands meaningful access to investment and technology, especially for the small island developing countries who are too often excluded from both. We need a stronger General Assembly and institutions that respond effectively to the needs of the majority of our members. We cannot keep negotiating climate biodiversity and the ocean in separate COPs when they are clearly an interconnected ecosystem requiring integrated and coherent solutions. We call on global processes to recognise the ocean climate nexus and address these interconnected challenges together. We need a more inclusive Security Council equipped for today's challenges. A Security Council that recognises the triple planetary crisis as a profound threat to peace and security. We need a financial architecture that delivers timely and accessible financing to those who most need them. Internationally pledged commitments must be actioned urgently. The next Secretary-General must understand these realities intimately. It is in this spirit that Tonga's nominated ambassador, Ivonne Baki of Ecuador, whose vision for a renewed reformed United Nations speaks to the needs of vulnerable states. To restore trust, every member state, large or small, must have a voice in shaping this organisation's future and a stake in its success. Mr. President, Your Excellencies, the Pacific region spans one third of the Earth's surface. It is our home.

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Italy stands for rules, dialogue, and diplomacy. That is why we have condemned and continue to condemn Russia's aggression against Ukraine. We will continue to support Ukraine for as long as necessary, while working towards a just peace and towards a future in which Russia can once again be a partner in dialogue rather than a threat to Europe. Russia, as a permanent member of the Security Council, cannot evade its responsibilities. A ceasefire is not a concession to the other side. It is the first step towards a European security that protects everyone, including Russia. This is why we view with grave concern the growing hybrid threats posed by Russia against Europe, and why we have expressed our full solidarity with Germany following the attack on Leipzig Airport. Peace requires openness, but it also requires resolve. Dialogue without truth is weakness. Resolve without dialogue leads to a dead end. The same principle guides our approach to the Middle East. Peace can come only through a two-state solution, two peoples, two states. In Gaza, the truce has slowed the fighting, but it has not yet ended the suffering. There is not a minute to lose. The truce must be consolidated. Humanitarian aid must be allowed to enter without obstruction, and the disarmament of Hamas must become a reality.

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Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, what form of United Nations cooperation should we establish to support the contemporary transformation of our world? How can we restore trust? Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen, we must look to the future with greater ambition. To ensure lasting and measurable impact over the medium and long term. And to do this, we must move on to a new stage, one of increased solidarity that is more integrated and better coordinated. Madagascar advocates for a multilateral system that is not only capable of acting, but that is also capable of supporting member states in their efforts to break the cycles of poverty and insecurity. My country aspires to an international order founded on the primacy of international law and trusts in the virtues of dialogue and diplomatic action. Our commitment to multilateral cooperation remains unwavering. Multilateralism is a privileged forum where states unite in a shared responsibility, enabling them to define common and appropriate solutions in the face of challenges such as epidemics and climate disasters or armed conflicts arising from contemporary geopolitical rivalries and latent multidimensional tensions. History and future generations will judge our organization according to a single criterion namely our ability to fulfil our original mission, serving all peoples without exclusion or privilege, and in full respect for the sovereignty of nations. It is imperative to restore to the United Nations fully its central role as a guardian of peace, as a strengthened institution capable of restoring order and challenge, and addressing the challenges of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, our challenge today is therefore, to rethink our mechanisms of cooperation through greater synergy between UN agencies and governmental structures in order to optimize the effectiveness of our actions on the ground, but also to provide better visibility of tangible results achieved for the benefit of populations. In this regard, the success of our agenda largely depends on strengthening governance and strengthening institutions priorities that are fully integrated into Madagascar's process of refoundation. We recognize also the absolute necessity of reforming the United Nations so that it may serve all peoples. And in this spirit, we would like to propose the following: first, more inclusive global governance. This must begin with a rebalancing of decision making power. First and foremost, by restoring the General Assembly's full political weight and central place in global governance, it remains indeed the only organ where every nation, regardless of power, enjoys an equal and sovereign voice. We must also correct the historical imbalance affecting Africa's representation on the Security Council. Indeed, Africa cannot remain on the margins of decisions. We have 1.4 billion inhabitants. Decisions concerning international peace and security. Africa should be granted permanent representation on the Security Council in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, which express a common position grounded in justice, equity and representation. Representativeness within the African Union. We must also strengthen coherence between programmes implemented by the UN Resident Coordinator offices and national priorities. UN country teams on the ground must listen carefully and respond effectively to priorities defined by host governments, avoiding one size fits all approaches. Secondly, we need a more accessible international financial architecture for effective development support.

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Say our name. Naoero. Mr. president, Naoero is an ocean state. We are not merely guardians of the ocean, but rightful participants in its future. For Naoero, the ocean represents both opportunity and responsibility. Never one without the other. Both are essential, or the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea is left hollow. Today I focus on a part of it that belongs to no one, the deep seabed area beyond national jurisdiction. Mr. president, the convention established the International Seabed Authority and charged it with a clear legal obligation to put in place regulations and regulate activities in parallel with sponsoring states. Its role is not to determine whether deep seabed mining is, as a matter of public policy, a correct course of action. Naoero joined trusting in the commitment set out in the convention and the 1994 agreement. For 15 years, Naoero has invested critical resources in sponsoring the exploration of a portion of the deep seabed. Our sponsored entity, NORI or Nauru Ocean Resources, has contributed about one petabyte of data more than one third of all Clarion-Clipperton Zone data held in the authority's DeepData. We called on the authority to seek an advisory opinion on the responsibilities of sponsoring states, and we followed it. We established a national regulator with the powers and due diligence obligations that opinion requires. At every stage, our decisions have rested on the best available scientific evidence, on the convention and on that opinion. At every stage, we have called for the mining code to be finished, and when progress stalled, we looked to the 1994 agreement and invoked the two year rule. We were told then that we were rushing. That was five years ago, and today the rules remain unwritten. We are participating in the first contentious proceedings before the Seabed Disputes Chamber, because our obligations as a sponsoring state require legal clarity. For 15 years, we have done everything a member state can do, consistent with our obligations as a sponsoring state. And today we continue to wait. Mr. president, there is a general understanding within the authority's council that nothing is agreed until everything is agreed, and that the regulations will be adopted by consensus. Achieving that is a great challenge for an institution whose members remain deeply divided on whether deep seabed mining should proceed at all, a question the convention never asked the authority to decide. Naoero welcomes every effort to ensure that seabed mineral development proceeds responsibly, and I ask this Assembly to reckon with this. A principle declared in 1970 and a bargain struck in 1994, both in this hall still wait for the rules that would give them effect. When a multilateral process cannot deliver, the world does not stand still. Those with the means to act will not wait. And every year of delay makes that more likely not less. That is why the theme of this session matters. A multilateral system that cannot deliver for a state like mine does not deliver for all. That holds here, in this assembly and in any institution we build. Naoero therefore calls upon the authority to let the waiting end.

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I would like to call this a partnership of constructive contributors. I am not seeking to propose a new organization nor an exclusive grouping. The idea is to respect the functions of the existing international order and the UN, work together in a flexible and open manner, in areas where each country has particular strengths and expand our ties of cooperation into new areas. By continuing to build on the achievements of collaborating separately yet together, we can move beyond geopolitical rivalry, deadlock and fragmentation, and rebuild trust in multilateralism. The United Nations must evolve with the times. Agreements reached at the negotiating table must translate into real change on the ground, so that people around the world can feel their impact in their daily lives. We must reduce duplication across organizations and programs, accelerate decision making, and direct limited resources where they are needed most. In this spirit, the Republic of Korea supports the UN 80 Initiative, which will improve efficiency, prioritize field operations and deliver greater results. We also support the reform of the UN Security Council so that it operates in a more effective, democratic and accountable manner. The Republic of Korea will live up to its responsibility and position to deliver results that can be vividly felt by people around the world, across the UN's three pillars of peace development and human rights. Through the Busan Global Partnership Forum, we will continue to support inclusive growth, share Korea's development experiences, such as the Saemaul Undong, and continue to make sustainable and innovative investments.

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Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights affirms that the will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government, expressed through periodic and genuine elections. It is in this spirit that Zambia recently concluded its general elections, through which our people exercise their constitutional right to choose their leaders, and we thank the people of Zambia for their participation in the democratic process and for renewing their confidence in our leadership. We also express our sincere appreciation to the international election observation missions for their invaluable support and contribution to Zambia's democratic process. Zambia remains a peaceful, stable and sovereign nation and a peaceful atmosphere that characterized the country before, during and after the elections is a clear reflection of our people's enduring commitment to democracy, national unity and constitutional governance. It is against this backdrop that Zambia has put itself forward as a candidate for the 2027 to 2029 Human Rights Council, and we seek your support in that regard. Mr. president, despite the political differences that naturally accompany a democratic election, Zambia has demonstrated that such differences can and must be managed peacefully and through the established constitutional and legal institutions. Our democratic process should never be mistaken for conflict or instability. We therefore reaffirm our unwavering commitment to preserving Zambia's long standing tradition of peace. We will continue to ensure that political differences are addressed through due process of the law, and will take all necessary measures within the confines of the Constitution and our laws to prevent political disputes from degenerating into violence, armed mobilization, insurgency or the emergence of militia groups. In this regard, we extend a sincere invitation to cooperating partners, international development institutions, investors, the private sector and Zambia's friends around the world to continue working with us in advancing our Grow Zambia Agenda.

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Throughout his two terms in office, Antonio Guterres has been a direct witness to the excesses of the superpowers. Mr. president, this is the 10th time I have opened the general debate of this Assembly. Since I first took up to this podium in 2003, this is undoubtedly the most critical moment for the United Nations. The feeling that drives me today is one of indignation. The U.N. is failing in one of its most important missions to rid humanity of the scourge of war. Its credibility has never been lower. Its ability to protect the most vulnerable, those who have no army or arsenals has never been so weak. We are all held hostage by the inaction of the Security Council for failing to fulfill its role. In 1946, at the first session of this assembly, Brazil warned of the high price that the international community would pay for the right to veto.

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In confronting these threats and dangers, the Sudan has in Egypt a strong supporter of its people and the right to unity, to institutions capable of safeguarding their resources and to justice that upholds their dignity. Mr. president, justice and rules is not complete if the institutions that make decisions do not fairly represent the world they govern. More than eight decades have passed since the founding of the United Nations. Yet the structure of the international system's institutions, particularly the Security Council, still reflect historical balances that have become outdated. Institutions that were created for a different world cannot maintain full legitimacy and effectiveness if they do not reflect the world they are meant to serve today, and represent the concerns and interests of the majority of its population. In this context Egypt continues to advocate genuine and comprehensive reform of the Security Council in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, particularly to mend the historical injustice suffered by Africa. The imbalance in political representation is matched by another imbalance in the global economy. Developing countries are required to accelerate development, create jobs, finance green transitions and adapt to crises while simultaneously facing growing debt burdens, higher financing costs and a shrinking fiscal space. Therefore, reforming international financial architecture is no longer a luxury but a necessity. We need financial institutions that are more representative and responsive. We need expanded concessional financing, greater mobilisation and lending capacities for multilateral development banks and accelerated debt workout in a fair and effective manner. We need innovative financing tools and a fairer system for assessing countries needs and investment risks, thus enabling the mobilisation of private capital without shifting risks onto the most vulnerable countries. Countries should not be forced to choose between debt servicing and financing, education, health care, food security and essential infrastructure. Development is not charity. It is a right and a shared interest. Investing in development is an investment in global stability and in the ability of states to prevent crises before they become cross-border, humanitarian and security crises.

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He stood firm in defending our organization against attempts to undermine its foundations. He worked tirelessly to strengthen its role whenever efforts were made to diminish it, he devoted himself to keeping the voice of multilateral action strong whenever attempts were made to silence it. Today we meet at a crossroads. In many parts of the world, tensions are rising, conflicts are expanding, and crises are deepening. Meanwhile, trust among nations is declining. Isolationism and polarization are intensifying. Whereas selfishness and exclusion are prevailing at the expense of cooperation. Unilateral coercive measures are increasingly being imposed, and the logic of power is once again reasserting itself, eclipsing the virtues of dialogue and disregarding the benefits of consensus and understanding. In such a turbulent international context, the danger lies not only in the outbreak of wars, but also in the normalization and acceptance of war itself. It lies in the transformation of the exception into the rule, to a situation where the rules of international law become applicable at times and suspended at others, subject only to the dictates of power balances. What sort of international order can function properly when principles are selected according to the identity of those who violate them? What confidence can remain in international law when the aggressor is granted the right to self-defense, while the victim is required to justify even the right to survive? And what future await humanity if imposing fait accompli and once again becomes a tool for managing conflict or determining their outcome. This matter is not simply a temporary crisis facing the international system. Rather, it is a profound review of our collective conscience and our capacity to preserve and develop the order we established after two world wars, so that future generations would not suffer the scourge of war. Because we fail to learn the lessons of a not so distant history, and because we did not heed these lessons, and we did not transform them into measures that would protect us from the catastrophes of the past finally and in full. And because we built a system of international relations whose central purpose was to reject war. And to safeguard a lasting peace, but without providing the system with the means and instruments necessary to achieve an ambition of this size. For this reason, the theme that was chosen by the president of our General Assembly for this session, namely restoring trust and managing transformation: a United Nations delivering results for all, this theme not only reflects the challenges of our time, but also presents us with a fundamental question how do we restore confidence in an international system whose rules and institutions have lost credibility? Algeria believes that the starting point must be from the place where the will of the international community must be embodied, namely the United Nations itself, this very place and this very hall. Particularly reforming the United Nations system is no longer an institutional luxury, nor is it a choice that can be postponed indefinitely. It has become a necessity imposed by the profound transformations the world has undergone. It is imposed by the need for a more just international order, an international order that is more representative and more equitable. We cannot ask peoples to trust in multilateralism if its institutions continue to reflect the balances of a bygone era. We cannot speak of international justice without addressing the historical imbalances that still mar the structure of international decision making. Nor can we advocate for international peace and security while the system of international relations continues to favor war as a means of resolving dispute. Accordingly, Algeria calls for strengthening the role and the authority of the General Assembly. We call for a profound reform of the Security Council that would make it more representative, more equitable and more effective, and that would put an end to selectivity and double standards in the application of international law. In this regard, Algeria reaffirms its steadfast support for the common African position. We stress that correcting the historical injustice suffered by Africa requires permanent and fair African representation in the Security Council with full powers. If restoring trust begins with institutional reform, then it cannot be complete without doing justice to the peoples aspiring to self-determination and the realization of their national projects.

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The humanitarian situation in Cuba is heartbreaking. We understand that the U.S. has provided $100 million in emergency humanitarian assistance to Cuba through CARITAS. In keeping with the U.S. humanitarian tradition, and toward creating an environment conducive to normal, long-term Cuba-U.S. relations, trade relations between Cuba and the U.S. and the rest of the world could be improved. Regarding the situation in Israeli-occupied territories: Gaza and West Bank, Timor-Leste, joined with the vast majority of U.N. member states, to reaffirm our belief that the two-state solution is the only viable solution for Israelis to live in peace with themselves and with the Palestinians, and for the Palestinians to live in peace with themselves and with the Israelis. The risks are too high to continue an unstable status quo. The opportunity to better sit before us, and the choice is an international order: falling to pieces or rising to peace. Regarding Western Sahara, we welcome the Moroccan proposal and the recent Security Council resolution as an opportunity for dialogue. As with any situation of this nature, the people directly interested must be consulted on the future status. We hope that a just, comprehensive settlement is reached between Moroccan authorities and the Polisario Front. Excellencies, please take some time to look at the situation in Sudan, the worst humanitarian crisis in the world today. Look at the situation in South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Afghanistan, Myanmar, Yemen.

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The climate crisis is now a national security threat for countries around the world, as this summer of extreme heat, wildfires and floods has proved beyond doubt. Britain will continue to lead with others to fight this threat, to protect our children and grandchildren, to protect the natural world and also to seize the benefits for jobs, growth and reindustrialisation that the clean energy transition can bring. So we must raise our sights and I believe the United Kingdom has a unique position as an honest broker to help drive this forward. We are America's closest ally. We have deep ties with our friends in the European Union and seek to deepen them further. We work with China and emerging powers like India and Brazil. We sit on the UN Security Council in the Commonwealth, in the CPTPP.

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more than around 1.5 billion inhabitants and its 54 states, still does not have a single permanent seat on the Security Council. Through me, Niger reaffirms its commitment to the Ezulwini Consensus and calls for this historic anomaly to no longer be the subject of sterile debates, repeated day after day to at long last, become subject to a full and concrete decision. Excellencies, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, our Sahel is at war. It is in a war of liberation against a conspiracy aimed at recolonizing it. What is happening in the Sahel is not merely not simply an armed rebellion or a war of religion, nor is it the inevitable result of our own weaknesses, what some call terrorism in our region is the cynical machinery of recolonization dressed in the trappings of extremism.

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The UN reform process must strengthen the organisation's effectiveness and relevance without diminishing its presence, services or support in the most vulnerable regions, where assistance is needed most. Reform must enhance delivery, not reduce it. The UN is not perfect, but it remains the cornerstone of multilateral diplomacy and the indispensable platform through which nations preserve peace, advance sustainable development, uphold international law and protect human rights. Solomon Islands looks to the next secretary general to lead with vision and to ensure that the Secretariat is accountable to all member states, serving the interests of small and large states on an equal footing. Mr. president, Solomon Islands reiterates its support for comprehensive reform of the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent, accountable and reflective of today's realities. A council with a dedicated seat for small island developing states would strengthen the legitimacy and effectiveness of the entire multilateral system. The veto is a relic of 1945. Too often it has been used to shield violations of international law and to entrench the double standards that fuel conflict. At a minimum, the veto must never again be used in situations of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. Ultimately, it should be abolished. Mr. president, it is with great pride that Solomon Islands is again contributing personnel to UN peacekeeping in South Sudan. Despite our small size, our participation reaffirms our enduring commitment to the charter, to international peace and security, and to the noble work of peacekeepers serving communities affected by conflict.

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Too often, the United Nations has been more effective at responding to crises than anticipating them. This is true of pandemics, of climate shocks, of technological disruption, and it is nowhere more costly than in conflict. Eastern DRC is a clear example of that. For more than three decades, the FDLR has spread genocidal ideology, committed grave abuses in Eastern DRC, and directly threatened Rwanda's security, including through cross-border attacks. It now operates alongside Burundian troops and DRC-sponsored militias and mercenaries, in violation of the 1989 UN Convention and the 1977 OAU Convention against mercenaries. And this does not happen overnight. The roots of the conflict in Eastern DRC are political, and they lie in long-standing grievances, exclusion, and failures of governance. So the solution, too, must be political. Rwanda fully supports the diplomatic efforts underway to reach such a solution. We commend the Washington Accords between Rwanda and the DRC, and the Doha Process between the DRC and AFC M23, as steps in the right direction. We are grateful for the relentless efforts deployed by President Donald Trump, His Highness the Amir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, and the African Union mediator, President Fore Nyasimbe of Togo, in advancing these processes. And we remain committed to a region where all countries can coexist peacefully, where they can trade and develop together. Rwanda calls on all actors, including the Security Council, to support this same peace effort fairly and to encourage all parties to honor their commitments. There is no lasting peace without confronting the root causes of the conflict and addressing the legitimate concerns of all those affected. Excellencies, the value of prevention extends beyond conflict. It also means addressing the conditions that leave countries vulnerable to poverty, economic shocks, and exclusion from opportunity.

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We must move towards a more balanced international community in which Africa participates fully in global decisions and strengthens its ability to lead its own development. Equatorial Guinea reaffirms the African common position as enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, which calls for two permanent seats with veto rights for Africa, as well as two additional non-permanent seats on the Security Council. Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, respect for international law, sovereign equality and friendship with all peoples is what guides Equatorial Guinea's foreign policy. Based on that position, we encourage the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba to continue to pursue paths of dialogue, which will make it possible to end the blockade and build a relationship of mutual benefit. Moreover, we see the United Nations as a universal space for pursuing solutions to shared problems. Equatorial Guinea maintains its trust in this organization because cooperation among nations remains the most certain path towards preserving peace and building shared prosperity. We also thank Mr. Antonio Guterres for his years of service as Secretary General, for his commitment to peace and to the attention he has paid to Africa. On behalf of President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, the government and the people of Equatorial Guinea, we express our gratitude to him. Excellencies. I will conclude by saying that the history of the United Nations shows that peace and prosperity can move ahead when nations work together, and it is in that regard that Equatorial Guinea will continue to contribute based on mutual respect, sovereign equality and dialogue to turn our cooperation into development and opportunities for future generations. Thank you very much.

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Any attempts that violate our sovereignty, violate international law, will be stopped. Golan will remain Syrian territories. Any other attempts will be thwarted according to Security Council Resolution 497. I thank all of those who abided by the international law, and I thank those who refrained from reinterpreting Resolution 497. This resolution is clear, and I ask our partners to abide by international law and by this resolution. The world is joyed about our return, but Israel is launching attacks against Syria. There have been 500 airstrikes, more than 1,200 incursions, and 300 detentions. This is at odds with the orientation we're seeing at global level. It is reminiscent of an era that we thought it was long gone. We are committed to the 1974 agreement. We called for the withdrawal of Israeli forces to the lines of the 8th of December 2024. We reject Israeli attempts to impose a fait accompli. We reject their aggressions, which undermines peace and security. The opportunity for peace and security is available to those who wish to live in peace and just peace that maintains the rights of all. In conclusion, the war has taught us that truth is strong and that falsehood is weak. Syria will continue its reconstruction, will continue to restore its dignity.

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Cameroon also has the intention of contributing to the full expansion of the African Continental Free Trade Area, has the acronym being AfCFTA. We are one of the first countries in the continent to have ratified its statute in order to strengthen development and trade cooperation among African countries. Moreover, my country reiterates its solidarity when it comes to the African Union's common position for better representation of the African continent in the United Nations Security Council. My country also has the intention of continuing to participate in peacekeeping operations led by the United Nations, as well as training and building capacities of African staff that serve in these operations.

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Africa has waited far too long in the shadow of global decision-making. Now it is demanding immediate justice through the comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council. With genuine political goodwill, how can a world with a right conscience justify the denial of 1.6 billion Africans the right to equal representation? That indeed is a generational quest for truth and for morality.

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We witness geopolitical instability in Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere. It is made worse by growing nuclear ambitions in the Middle East and Asia, as well as the irresponsible transfer of military related goods, dual use items and sensitive technologies. In recent months, Iran has continued attacking neighboring countries, often through its proxies, while actively impairing the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. These actions constitute a serious threat to regional and international peace and security. We reaffirm our full solidarity with the Gulf Cooperation Council countries and Jordan. We call on Iran to halt its nuclear and missile programs, as well as its collaboration with armed groups across the Middle East. Lithuania commends all efforts to find a solution ensuring freedom of navigation. We will contribute with our demining capabilities to the international maritime missions in the Strait of Hormuz. As regards the situation in the Gaza Strip, my country supports international efforts to maintain and consolidate the cease fire. The Comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict, including the deployment of the Temporary International Stabilisation Force, provides the guidelines to follow. Lithuania reiterates the importance of full demilitarization of non-state armed groups. Humanitarian aid must also be allowed to reach those in need safely and without obstruction. To this day, the two state solution remains the only way towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. In this light, it is crucially important to abstain from any further actions incompatible with a credible political process. Ladies and gentlemen, the one conflict that poses the greatest threat to the world order is Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, supported by its proxies. In the 12 years since the illegal occupation of Crimea, Russia has escalated from clandestine operations and limited warfare in eastern Ukraine to massive military operations, mass killings and ultimately the largest drone attacks against civilian infrastructure the world has ever seen. The current stage of the war, which began with the full scale invasion in February 2022, has already lasted longer than the First World War. In the last 55 months, Russia has suffered 1.5 million military casualties. In the last year, it has gained 0.3% of Ukraine's territory, at the cost of over 400 000 soldiers killed and wounded. Yet all these enormous efforts, all that blood and tears, basically came to nothing. Ukraine is still standing proudly as an independent state. The Ukrainian language, culture and national identity are alive and thriving. In all but name, Russia has already lost the war. Yet its leadership does not allow itself to admit defeat, fearing international legal accountability and possible revenge from its own people. As inevitable approaches, the stakes get higher and the Kremlin regime increasingly finds itself cornered. How much more Ukrainian civilian lives will be sacrificed on Russia's war altar? How many people will be tortured, sexually assaulted thrown into dark dungeons, never to see the sunlight again? How many children will be illegally separated from their parents and sent to Russia to suffer indoctrination? We do not know the answers, yet we must all feel the deep pain brought by this brutal and pointless war. And we all should join our forces to draw Ukraine's victory closer, for it is only Ukraine's final victory safeguarding its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity that could ensure the global peace, security and credibility of the United Nations Charter. What we can not allow is the brute force prevailing over international law. We cannot tolerate any longer Moscow's colonial aspirations, which undermine global food security and driving up food prices. Russia's imperial ambitions reach far into Europe, Africa and Asia. No country should consider itself immune from this threat. Naturally, Lithuania witnesses many dangers up close. In recent months, Russia's war of aggression has led to numerous violations of our airspace by combat drones. Russia has also intensified hybrid attacks, disinformation and sabotage efforts. Where Russia advances, opening Pandora's box of new techniques for destabilisation, other hostile actors follow, learning new skills and ideas.

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Lasting peace requires addressing the root causes of conflict, empowering local communities, and ensuring that women are at the center of peace building. Mr. president, excellencies, our world is evolving. So must the United Nations to remain effective. We must reform the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent and accountable, expanding the voices of developing regions across Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. As we look to the future, we are reminded that everything we strive for ultimately depends on how we choose to navigate these trials together. We need to reflect deeply on the promises of our charter and on the state of our fractured world. We must actively seek collective pathways that transcend borders and bridge divides. And above all, we must always put a face to what we do, remembering that every policy, every treaty, and every institutional reform is ultimately about real human lives. It is in this spirit that we voice a historic aspiration the hope for a woman Secretary-General, a leader who can rally nations back to true multilateralism and deliver for all. Thank you very much.

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For decades, the UAE's commitment to the Palestinian people has remained unwavering. Today, that commitment continues through our role as the largest provider of humanitarian aid to Gaza, along with our humanitarian and development projects in the West Bank. This role reflects the core values of our foreign policy, which is driven by the spirit of giving through effective international partnerships, while reconfirming the principles of international humanitarian law and protection of civilians. Across all these dossiers, the importance of developing and reforming regional and international multilateral institutions remains paramount to strengthen their capacity to fulfill their responsibilities, foremost among them the UN, including the Security Council, the United Nations.

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If we smile together, it is not because we have no problems, but because we are stronger than our problems. Ladies and gentlemen, for half a century , the Comorian state still striving for full sovereignty within its internationally recognised borders, remains under what it considers an illegal French occupation, despite the many relevant resolutions of this assembly. The Comorian side has always favored a peaceful settlement of this dispute, and has always believed that dialogue is the only alternative, and we have engaged in such a dialogue with France for two decades in an effort to reach a peaceful solution of this dispute, once described by former French President Francois Mitterrand as unpleasant. And we regret that this dialogue has not succeeded. On the contrary, France's unilateral actions, particularly in Africa, run counter to our expectations. We deeply regret attempts by some neighbouring brotherly and friendly countries, which have long defended the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Comoros, to establish relations with what we regard as an occupied part of our territory. We appeal to the solidarity that African countries have always demonstrated in defending sovereignty, and, in particular the territorial integrity of the Comoros. We strongly condemn initiatives of cooperation with the local authorities of Mayotte, as well as the recent statement by the French Prime Minister linking development assistance to the pursuit of migrants. Under General Assembly resolution 3385 of 12th November 1975 and 31/4 of the 21st November 1976 and Security Council Resolution 376, Comorians are at home in Mayotte. For the Comorian nation, sovereignty of the entire archipelago is not for sale. We therefore urge the French authorities to rethink their political narrative, to reconsider recently announced measures and productive cooperation and mutually beneficial partnership for both France and the Comoros.

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If these institutions are to be as effective as expected, they must therefore become more representative, more inclusive and better attuned to the demands of our time. Indeed, it is becoming increasingly difficult to explain to younger generations that organizations created in the aftermath of the Second World War can no longer faithfully reflect the political, demographic and economic realities of the 21st century. My country once again reaffirms its support for an ambitious reform of the Security Council so as to ensure permanent representation for Africa in this important body, whose decisions directly affect our peace and security. That is why Cote d'Ivoire welcomes the progress achieved through the Pact for the Future and calls for its swift implementation.

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First, we need a functioning UN that plays an active role in resolving conflicts rather than merely managing them. In times when the Security Council, as the central decision making body, is paralyzed, this is more difficult than ever. We need to keep its reform high on our agenda. Germany stands up for peace and security. Today, more people than ever are affected by violent conflicts. At the same time, for every member state, resources are limited. Thus, we have to join forces to bring conflicts to an end. Today, Germany is the largest supporter of Ukraine in its defense against Russian aggression. This aggression has been condemned consistently by an overwhelming majority here in the General Assembly. Russia's war targets the lives of millions of innocent people, the existence of the Ukrainian state and culture, and the European peace order. It puts vital grain deliveries for millions of people at risk, particularly in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. It shows contempt for the Charter and for the common order on which we stand. This is why we will continue to urge Russia to finally come to the negotiation table. I call on every member state to join us in convincing Russia that the future is built at the negotiation table, not on dead bodies in cities and villages. The day when negotiations finally begin will be a good day for the United Nations. Germany is also taking on responsibility for peace and security beyond Europe, for example, in Haiti, where we have significantly increased our contribution to the international mission to combat gang crime. Also, we shall not forget Sudan. At the Sudan conference in Berlin in April, together with our partners, we mobilised more than $1.7 billion to alleviate the biggest humanitarian catastrophe of our time.

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Mr. President, it is in this spirit that Indonesia presents its candidature for a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for the 2029 2030 term. Our commitment is clear: fostering unity, advancing peace. Fostering unity means rebuilding trust in the multilateral system and keeping channels of dialogue open. Advancing peace requires us to uphold international law and make effective use of the tools available to us. Indonesia will work to keep dialogue open, build common ground and turn shared responsibility into practical cooperation. We will uphold the UN charter consistently to maintain international peace and security. We will bring the same principle that guides our foreign policy to engage with all and keep the space for cooperation open. As President Prabowo Subianto mentioned in this very lectern last year, 1000 friends are too few and one enemy is too many. The same approach guides Indonesia's engagement with all partners through ASEAN, G20, D-8, BRICS, MIKTA and the UN. Indonesia will extend the friendship to deliver practical cooperation. Mr. President, 81 years ago, Indonesia fought against colonialism so we could chart our own future. Today, we reaffirm our promise for a future peace we all share. Also one year ago, President Prabowo Subianto called upon us to draw closer, not drift apart. Today, I carry that call forward. And as we draw closer, let us also make each other stronger. Strong enough for our nations to withstand crisis. Strong enough for our regions to preserve cooperation. Strong enough for our institutions to deliver for people. Because resilience is not simply about surviving the storms, it is about having the strength to keep moving forward together, and only through our collective resilience can the United Nations be strong enough to fulfill the promise we made 81 years ago a future of peace for generations to come.

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Mr. president, as we contemplate the future of community of nations, we must renew our collective commitment to a United Nations that is more inclusive, effective and responsive to modern times, global challenges, and one in which developing countries, particularly African nations, have a stronger voice in global decision making. We reiterate our support for comprehensive reform of the Security Council, in line with the Ezulwini Consensus, to make it more representative, equitable and reflective of our current geopolitical realities. The Kingdom of Lesotho reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the charter of the United Nations multilateral system and the rule of law. International law remains the cornerstone of sovereign equality, peaceful coexistence, and sustainable development.

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Our distinct geographical landscape features incredibly remote communities. This reality is precisely why the UN80 reform initiatives matters so deeply to Micronesia. For countries defined by distance dispersion and vulnerability, reform cannot be an abstract exercise. It must strengthen the UN's ability to deliver where the needs are greatest. Our priority is to create a UN architecture that preserves what works, fixes what does not work, and ensure that no community, no matter how remote and how small, is left behind. Mr. president, in its reform programmes, Micronesia supports an expanded council that includes Brazil, Germany, India and Japan as permanent members alongside permanent representatives for Africa and a dedicated non-permanent seat for small island developing states, SIDS. This ensures that the most affected by global decisions are finally present at the table.

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Yet our ocean faces increasing pressures from pollution, biodiversity loss, overexploitation and the impacts of climate change. Pursuing economic growth has come at a great cost to our marine ecosystem. Coupled with unchecked exploitation of deep seabed mineral resources, our oceans face a crisis of limitless proportion. And these planetary changes have no middle ground. Weak governance frameworks threatens what remains. Without urgent action, small island states face a future without land and no usable ocean. It is time to transform how we value and interact with the ocean, from a resource we exploit to one we protect and cherish. And we must do more on this front. Samoa has ratified the BBNJ Agreement, and we remain actively engaged in negotiations toward a global treaty on plastic pollution, particularly to protect our marine environment. We remain committed to implementing the Apia Commonwealth Ocean Declaration, the 2026 Pacific Islands Forum Leaders' Ocean Statement, and our own Samoa Ocean Strategy. These are critical to the implementation of SDG 14. Our maritime domain is increasingly exploited by transnational criminal networks involved in illegal trafficking including illicit drugs moving through our region. Illicit drugs enter homes, harm young people, fuel violence and place increasing pressure on communities and essential services. Excellencies. Non-communicable disease represents one of the most serious development challenges to Samoa's public health and economic productivity. In response, we are shifting towards prevention through strengthening health literacy, reforming school nutrition and food environments, and early intervention programs. And this includes our early childhood development framework, a multisectoral roadmap to ensure every child from pregnancy to age five receives nurturing care, protection, and early learning. Excellencies. In many of our Pacific countries, our water systems are highly vulnerable to disruptions, and these realities demand that the global water agenda fully recognise the special circumstances of SIDS. Samoa's priorities are fourfold. First, climate resilient water systems must be scaled up urgently. Second, access to finance must be significantly improved, and third, capacity and partnerships must be strengthened. And finally, we need a transnational water governance regime informed by the outcomes of the various water conferences held over the last eight years. Excellencies. Samoa remains a peaceful country, steadfast in our commitment to human rights and justice. We remain concerned by the ongoing wars in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran, the terrible loss of civilian lives, displacement of people as well as the destruction of infrastructure and the environment, is something we do not condone. The continued supply of weapons to fuel conflicts must end. We also reiterate our long standing call for meaningful reform of the Security Council to ensure that it remains effective, credible and representative of today's realities. It is imperative that the UN resolves disputes peacefully and strengthen international peace and security. The world needs a stronger commitment to peace, not more division, not more conflict and not more suffering. Excellencies.

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Crises arise not so much from an absence of resources and opportunities, but rather from a lack of commitment to the principles agreed upon by the international community. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the countries of the region have been subjected to flagrant Iranian attacks, targeting their security resources and civilian and economic facilities. The Kingdom reiterates its full right to protect its security and sovereignty, its citizens and residents, and its national resources. We call upon the international community to shoulder its responsibilities in confronting all threats to international peace and security. The security of the Gulf region is part and parcel of the security of the region and the world at large. The stability of this vital region is directly linked to global energy security, the steadiness of international trade, and the resilience of global supply chains. Mr. President, safeguarding international navigation and the resilience of global supply chains is a shared responsibility that requires serious international cooperation to prevent risks that could affect the global economy. In this regard, the Kingdom stresses the importance of ensuring freedom of navigation in all international waterways, foremost among them the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. We must restore the situation in the Strait of Hormuz to its pre 28th of February status, without the imposition of any fees or restrictions. The Kingdom rejects the use by any party of these vital waterways as an instrument of pressure, threat or harm to the interests of states in accordance with international law and relevant UN resolutions. Mr. President, efforts to restore security and stability in the region and to build sustainable relations among its countries cannot be based on domination, influence or exploitation of crises. Rather, they must be founded on mutual respect, common interests, good neighbourliness respect for the sovereignty of states, and full compliance with international law and international humanitarian law. In this vein, the Kingdom supports efforts and initiatives that contribute to de-escalation, foremost among them the efforts of Qatar, Pakistan and other sisterly and friendly countries. This would contribute to restoring stability to the region and creating conditions conducive to dialogue and diplomacy. We stress the importance of ensuring that any arrangements on the regional security must be comprehensive, effective and sustainable. They must clearly address the root causes of threatened instability. We stress the need to ensure that the entire region is free of weapons of mass destruction, and that peaceful nuclear programs are subject to international oversight, verification and safeguards. As such, we would enhance confidence and safeguard regional and international security. The continued suffering of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and the targeting of civilians by Israeli occupation, the obstruction of humanitarian assistance, attempts at forced displacement and the continued expansion of illegal settlements all constitute serious violations of international law and international humanitarian law. The Kingdom rejects any attempts at forced displacement or changing the status quo of the Palestinian territories. We stress that a just and lasting peace can only be achieved through the implementation of the two state solution and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. The Kingdom stresses the need to support efforts aimed at reaching a comprehensive political solution that will ensure the stability of Yemen and alleviate the suffering of those brotherly people. We have provided humanitarian and development assistance to the Republic of Yemen, amounting to more than 29 billion USD. We were the first among humanitarian donors to the Republic of Yemen in 2025. The Kingdom in this regard welcomes the statement issued by the members of the Security Council including the condemnation of the missile and drone attacks carried out by the Houthi terrorist militia against the Kingdom and against commercial vessels. The Kingdom calls upon the international community to reject and condemn all the Houthi terrorist militia's aggressions and criminal acts that threaten the security of navigation in the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb Strait. With regard to Sudan, the Kingdom stresses the importance of Sudan's stability, territorial integrity and unity while maintaining its natural resources and institutions. The solution to the crisis must be an intra Sudanese political solution that respects the sovereignty and unity of Sudan. It must be based on supporting Sudanese state institutions, thus fulfilling the aspirations of the Sudanese people, alleviating their humanitarian suffering and enhancing their security and stability. The Kingdom supports all efforts aimed at strengthening Syria's security and stability and preserving its territorial integrity. The Kingdom welcomes the USA's announcement of removing Syria from the list of states sponsoring of terrorism, in view of its contribution to strengthening stability and reconstruction and development. And we have to condemn and reject any effort at undermining efforts to restore security and stability within Syria. In Lebanon, the Kingdom reiterated support for the Lebanese state and its legitimate institutions, the implementation of the Taif Agreement, the restriction of arms to the state and preservation of its sovereignty security and stability. We also attach importance to Iraq's role in promoting cooperation and stability in the region, and support all efforts to contribute to achieving security and stability and prosperity. And we have to ensure that weapons will only be restricted to the state to ensure security and stability in Iraq.

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We also call for sustained international support for Haiti to restore security, constitutional order and democratic governance. Suriname supports solutions that place the Haitian people at the center. The UN80 process rightly emphasizes mandate rationalization, institutional coherence and efficiency. Reform must protect and improve the United Nations capacity to deliver and also make the system easier to navigate. It should not reduce support where it is most needed. Equally important is the overdue reform of the Security Council. Hence, Suriname reiterates its call for making it more representative, more accountable and more capable of acting. Africa, the Republic of Suriname supports your demand for just permanent representation.

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And this is why Andorra will continue to work, both within the Group of Friends of Multilingualism and the Group of Francophone Ambassadors, to ensure that new digital tools, as well as the UN itself, continue to reflect the plurality of peoples and cultures that we represent. This organization exists because the international community understood that the destiny of peoples is shared. No nation can prosper while ignoring the suffering of others, because the security of one depends on the security of all. In this regard, I would like, first and foremost, to commend the excellent UN80 Initiative, which proposes improvements to the work of the Secretariat, a stronger mandate lifecycle, and simplification of structures to avoid duplication and overlap. Secondly, I would like to emphasize the need for reform of the Security Council so that the UN can reflect the realities of today rather than those of 80 years ago. But the most important reform is to ensure that this organization remains a space where states not only defend their legitimate interests but are also capable of exercising a shared responsibility to address the great challenges facing humanity, and above all, continue to believe that what unites us is stronger than what divides us. I would like to also offer a few words of recognition to Secretary-General António Guterres. Since 2017, he has exercised his mandate during one of the most difficult and uncertain periods the international community has known, consistently defending the principles of the UN Charter and reminding us, even when it seemed most difficult, that multilateralism remains the best hope for preserving peace and cooperation among peoples as well as human dignity.

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Defending multilateralism does not mean defending the status quo. The United Nations must become more effective, representative, transparent and responsive to people. It must make better use of its resources, reduce duplication and respond more swiftly without weakening the purposes for which it was created. Efficiency must strengthen, not erode, its three pillars peace and security, sustainable development and human rights. Effectiveness cannot be measured solely in administrative terms, but rather by the ability to prevent a war, protect a population under threat, combat hunger, confront transnational criminal networks, or support a state in strengthening its institutions. We do not need a United Nations that is smaller in purpose. We need a United Nations that is stronger in results and firmer in defending democratic principles. That transformation must also reach the Security Council. Its composition must better reflect the realities of the 21st century and remedy the long standing underrepresentation of entire regions. When the veto causes paralysis in the face of serious threats to international peace and security, confidence in the entire system suffers. We also face an important decision for the future of the organisation the selection of the next secretary general. Guatemala hopes that the process will be transparent and inclusive, and will identify an independent leader able to build bridges, defend the principles of the charter and lead the reform our organisation needs. The Latin American and Caribbean region stands ready and prepared to shoulder its responsibility to the international community. The time has come for a Latin American woman to serve as secretary general of the United Nations. Excellencies. Distinguished delegates.

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This is the promise of the UN Charter, and this is what our people expect from the UN, and the reason why they hold it in high esteem. Over the past year, we have seen a record number of armed conflicts around the world and a rapidly diminishing role of the United Nations in ending them. In the Middle East, the UN's role has been further reduced, in contrast to the central position it has taken up over the years. In Ukraine, there are few prospects for a peace process, even though the aggression has now lasted longer than World War One, without even a nominal role for the United Nations. In Sudan, the role of the UN is limited to alleviating the enormous suffering of the civilian population, with no prospect of a political solution and an end to the conflict. We are well aware of the political dynamic in the Security Council, primarily tasked with matters of peace and security, which severely limits the options for UN action. But the conversation must not end there. There are alternatives for action. This Assembly in particular has wide authority over matters of peace and security, and it is universal in composition. A glance at its history demonstrates its authority in peacekeeping, conflict termination, and accountability. It is time that we make better use of this authority. The Veto Initiative, which we were proud to spearhead, provides a platform for such action. What is required is the will to spend our political capital here in this room on peace rather than force, by dealing with conflicts, through diplomacy rather than through war. The United Nations must not accept being reduced to a crisis mitigation organization that distributes state contributions to a skyrocketing humanitarian assistance bill. Instead, we need to see a return to the UN doing political work to prevent, contain and end conflict, through the wide range of peace operations available and through a strong interplay between a Secretary-General who is proactive and offers creative solutions backed by the UN membership. President, any successful community must be grounded in the rule of law. And so it is with the international community. Our commitment to the law as the foundation for the conduct of international affairs is grounded both in principle and pragmatism.

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Our multilateral framework is fractured because its foundational architecture is obsolete. The institution, designed in 1945, no longer reflects the geopolitical and economic realities of 2026. Malawi reaffirms its unwavering commitment to multilateralism, but it must be a multilateralism that is inclusive, fair and democratic. We call for an urgent, comprehensive reform of the United Nations Security Council to correct the historical injustice done to Africa. Africa deserves permanent representation with full veto privileges as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus. Furthermore, the international financing architecture, specifically the IMF and the world Bank, must be radically overhauled. The current system traps developing nations in cycles of unsustainable debt, forcing government to choose between servicing foreign loans or funding basic education and health care for their citizens. Mr. president, because Malawi strongly believe in multilateralism, we take responsibility when called upon by the international community to participate in causes that further the aims of this organisation.

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A diary that would make its way into the world and inspire millions of people. And I think that one of the reasons people are so inspired by Anne is that she had an unshakable belief in the power of people to turn the tide so that good prevails. She wrote, and I quote, how wonderful it is that nobody needs to wait a single moment before starting to improve the world. And these words are just as powerful and true today. This week is the perfect example of that. And I realize that the United Nations does not carry the most positive associations for everyone. And indeed, there is much that can and must be improved. But let us not forget what lay behind the founding of the United Nations over 80 years ago, the realization that doing nothing had led to the darkest chapters in human history. And we now live in a different time. New generations have arisen, and we face new challenges. But when we look at the world today, we see similar challenges as which preceded the founding of the United Nations. We see that the international legal order is under pressure in more and more places, even though it is a very foundation to our freedom and prosperity. We see the unending human suffering in Gaza, Sudan and so many other places in the world. We see violations of international law and of human rights, which are in stark contrast to the UN's aims. And we see institutions being undermined, institutions that were established to protect people and populations. And we must not be naive about the causes. These constant threats and attempts to dismantle the legal order are fueled by people and groups with their own agenda, an agenda that runs counter to the interests of everyone else. Yes everyone, and even those who don't feel directly threatened because they think it doesn't affect them. Sooner or later, everyone is affected. As we saw in the time before the United Nations. And when major powers chose to pursue only their own interests, it is tempting to respond defensively, but as Mahatma Gandhi, an eye for an eye will only make the whole world blind. And so it is time for us, the global community, to choose to pursue the common interest, not by trying to build an entirely new world order, but simply by working together. And the middle powers must take the lead in fostering such international cooperation. And everyone must be able to participate, including those countries who are currently too often left on the sidelines. It is time that countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America had a fully fledged place not only on the Equal Earth map, but in the real world too. To start with, here in the UN, improved African representation in the Security Council at the very least. Because if we want to preserve the UN for the future, we must change the balance of power in line with the changing times and modernize our institutions. And this means that we must focus on core tasks and stable financing, but also that we must work to protect the multilateral order with all our strength. And because international law either works for everyone or for no one. Take the attempts we've seen to undermine the International Criminal Court, which is based in my country, in my city. This undermines the international legal order as a whole, and that affects us all. This court was established to protect us against impunity. This court was built on the foundations of the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials. In the words of the Nuremberg chief prosecutor, Robert H. Jackson, and I quote one of the greatest tributes that power has ever paid to reason. And now, with the ICC under attack, the writing is truly on the wall. After all, how can you possibly be opposed to prosecuting the very worst crimes? And I believe there can be only one response to say, hands off the ICC and all those other institutions that protect the international legal order.

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Ladies and gentlemen, Your excellencies. In our Arab region, we reaffirm that comprehensive development and the establishment of state institutions are two fundamental pillars for realising the aspirations of peoples and achieving security and stability in the region. The vestiges of civil conflicts in some countries, and the presence of armed forces operating outside the control of the state must be eliminated. The state's monopoly over legitimate arms is among the most important foundations of the state, and it is what guarantees the ability to legislate and enforce the rule of law. Concerning brotherly Syria, we stand with its people during the phase of recovery and reconstruction. We support its state institutions, sovereignty independence and national and territorial integrity to fulfil the aspirations of the Syrian people to stability, development and dignity based on equal citizenship. In brotherly Sudan, we call for an inclusive dialogue that leads to sustainable peace and that maintains the unity and sovereignty of the state. In brotherly Libya, we support the political process, reconciliation efforts and the unification of state institutions. In brotherly Somalia, we reiterate our firm support for its sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. In brotherly Lebanon, we support its state institutions and its sovereignty over its entire territory. We condemn the Israeli attacks against Lebanon, and we stress the need to uphold the cease fire and to uphold Security Council Resolution 1701. In brotherly Yemen, we support United Nations efforts aimed at reaching a comprehensive political settlement based on the outcomes of the national dialogue facilitated by the United Nations in a manner that preserves Yemen's unity and sovereignty and achieve security and stability. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the State of Qatar goes beyond serving as a mediator and facilitating dialogue among parties in conflict, in pursuit of peaceful solutions.

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Africa today occupies a demographic, economic and political place that is not yet adequately reflected in the institutions where the most far reaching decisions are taken. It is in this area that reform of the Security Council becomes imperative. This is not a concession to Africa. It is a matter of legitimacy, justice and effectiveness.

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However, nor has humanity ever been so acutely aware of the need to make collective decisions about how these means should be used to serve the common good. This is why the theme of this 81st session, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation: A UN that delivers for all, resonates so strongly. The true challenge of our time is not just managing a succession of crises, but it is restoring our collective capacity to anticipate, to make decisions, to act before these crises become irreversible. Mr. President, Benin believes in multilateralism. We believe not because we harbour nostalgia for the world of 1945, but because in 2026, the world more than ever needs a forum where states can talk to one another, listen to one another and act in concert. Defending multilateralism also means taking a lucid look at the United Nations organization. Trust, indeed, is not something you can order. It takes shape when our organization can respond to the expectations of our people, the people it serves, when the organization can deliver concrete results. It is in this spirit that Benin supports the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 Initiative. We need to achieve greater efficiency, coherence, transparency and responsibility. Nonetheless, we should remain cognizant of a key requirement. Reforming the UN doesn't simply mean cutting costs. What it should mean is boosting the organization's impact. A more effective United Nations should be better positioned to prevent conflicts, to respond to humanitarian crises, to shore up development, and anticipate the transformations which are already shaping our future. It should also remain true to the principles which underpin its legitimacy, universality, the sovereign equality of states, solidarity and respect for the UN charter. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, there is one reform without which all the others will remain incomplete. The reform of the stewardship of international peace and security. The Security Council, for the most part, reflects a balance of forces in a world which is no longer today's world. Africa does not have a permanent seat. This situation raises issues of justice, equity and the legitimacy. It calls into question the very legitimacy of the entire multilateral system. Benin would like to reaffirm its unswerving support for the common African position set forth in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. We are not demanding a privilege. We are demanding for the stewardship of international peace and security, for that stewardship to be in keeping with the world we claim to serve.

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And this commitment comes at a time when the United Nations itself is facing a profound test. Eight decades after its foundation, the challenges confronting this organization are increasingly complex and interconnected. Conflicts are eroding trust in the international system. Climate change is testing the resilience of states and of societies, and artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies are creating risks at a speed that national frameworks alone cannot adequately address. So the answer cannot be less multilateralism. It must be more effective multilateralism. And Montenegro, therefore, strongly supports the UN reform agenda and the ambition to build a United Nations that is more effective, more agile, more accessible, more financially sustainable, and fit for the challenges of our time. This reform must strengthen the UN's ability to deliver where it matters most: in preventing conflict, protecting human rights and freedoms, advancing sustainable development, and responding effectively to humanitarian crises. This responsibility also extends to the Security Council itself, which must become more effective, representative, accountable, and transparent. And the exercise of the veto must carry the weight of conscience above all when the world is confronted with mass atrocities and the large-scale loss of civilian life. The Charter of the United Nations must remain our common reference point, and Montenegro will be a constructive partner in those efforts. Excellencies, Montenegro remains committed to supporting Ukraine and welcomes all credible diplomatic efforts aimed at bringing the war to an end.

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I owe it to the people who sent me here to be hopeful. I owe it also to people whom I have never met, who come from places I have never been to, but who nevertheless are my brothers and sisters. And so that brings us to the task at hand. We all know that the United Nations has its flaws, but we must not seek to abandon it. It is what we have made it. Some, no doubt are more culpable than others, but in one way or another we are all involved. We speak of culpability, not merely to point a finger of blame, but to understand better where the solutions may lie. We believe profoundly that more than ever, humanity needs the United Nations. Try to imagine a world without it. Where would we go to have the conversations we are having now and that we are having throughout the week? And that is only the beginning. As a global institution, the United Nations is fundamentally an inclusive space where every nation can play a role in addressing our common problems. A retreat from multilateralism undermines the interests of small states and indeed, of everyone. But we acknowledge that our support for the United Nations must be matched by our willingness to embrace reform, to make it more effective. Trust cannot be built or restored by declarations alone. It is only when ordinary people see that cooperation makes their lives safer, richer and happier that trust will be restored. Mr. President, let us restore trust through organisational reform and greater inclusiveness. The United Nations governance model designed in 1945, cannot adequately address the security and economic challenges of today. Therefore, we join with other nations in calling for reform, specifically of the Security Council, to include a permanent member from the continent of Africa with all the attendant rights and privileges. Failure to do so would only confirm that the current composition is not about governance and fairness, but about power. Further, as we proceed with selecting our next Secretary-General, let us be more open and inclusive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is pleased to join other Caribbean community members in endorsing the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana and of the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. We know her as a distinguished diplomat, a principled multilateralist, and a compelling advocate for developing countries and small states. Mr. President, as this is my first time here, like a tourist, I walked the halls of this historic building and admired the impressive portraits on the walls of the nine men who have served as Secretary-General since 1946. And while I appreciated the outstanding calibre and service of those men, I nevertheless could not resist thinking that after eight decades, surely the time has come for an equally capable woman to be Secretary-General.

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Today, however, these ideas are not only being called into question; they are being attacked by political actors and governments that want to take us back to a dark past. And I don't need to point them out; we all know who they are and what their modus operandi is. They start by questioning the rules, then they break them, knowing full well that nobody will dare to hold them accountable. They cut their contributions to multilateral bodies like this one. They point to their leaders and officials. They obstruct these organizations' ability to act, to then write them off as useless entities that we can do without. What they're doing, nevertheless, is a planned and coordinated demolition attempt that is presented as something that we can't stop and that's necessary. However, the reality is that it runs counter to the structural currents of history and is based on three misguided pillars. The first of these pillars is selfishness, the absurd belief that the world is a zero-sum game, where some winning must imply that others losing. The second pillar is ignorance, disregarding scientific evidence and assuming that there are countries that are so powerful that they can abuse all of the others and they don't need anyone else to prosper. And the third pillar, the worst in my opinion, is cruelty. Cruelty that isn't even moved when it sees the ribs of a starving child or a hospital reduced to rubble. Over these 8 years, I've seen these selfish, ignorant, and cruel forces grow. I've seen how they took off their masks and seized power in many places. And then I saw them start illegal wars, massacre innocent civilians. I've seen them treat millions of human beings like livestock and take away aid from those suffering the most, from poverty and disease. I've seen them pollute the atmosphere and also the ocean as if it's their own property, and conspire to destroy this organization and everything it represents. I'm saying this because bearing witness to these things has changed the way that I understand the world. However, it hasn't led me to lose hope. Because also, over these 8 years, I've seen wonderful things that allow me to still have confidence in humanity. For example, I've seen millions of people mobilized to defend nature, peace, and civil rights. I've seen thousands of activists and public servants confront these reactionary powers, knowing full well that they're putting their professional careers and even their own lives at risk. I've seen scientists make progress that we thought was impossible. And I've seen many governments do things right, opting for cooperation, social justice, and environmental sustainability. All of this has taught me something that I want to share with all of you, and that is that humanity is not intrinsically good or bad. Humanity can actually be both. And every day, every year, and in each and every crisis, we must decide how to act. The United Nations is one of these spaces where these decisions are made at the highest level. And the UN doesn't always do it well. Of course, I myself, on several occasions, have called out the contradictions and lackings of this body. However, with the same belief, I must call out the fact that the majority of the voices that today insist on criticizing the United Nations are not describing its failure; what they're doing is trying to cause its failure. And I must also say that multilateralism is the best tool that humanity has to manage its diversity and its interdependence, especially in a globalized and multipolar world like the world we're living in today. And this is why what we need to do is ramp up our trust in this organization. We must renew it and strengthen it so that this century it can play the same key role that it played last century. And doing this will not be easy. However, the good news is that all of the guidance we need is right here, in the United Nations Charter. In this charter, they wrote the best chapters. Our forefathers wrote it, the men and women who saw the world burn, and even then, they dared to imagine a better future. These men and women laid down their wisdom and their hope in this charter. And they didn't ask us to keep it in a glass case. They asked us to fulfill it. They asked us to defend it, and for us to turn back to it in times of uncertainty and extraordinary difficulty. And today is one of those times. And therefore, it's our duty to rise to the courage and the ambition present in this text, in the United Nations Charter. And this is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to reform the Security Council so that all of the regions in the world have fair representation, and so that we can do away with the right of veto of the permanent members. Because as the UN Charter sets out, no country should be judged in its own case, no matter how powerful they are. We therefore need to strengthen all of the other main bodies and reorganize the agencies, funds and programs, and provide them with more resources and more executive capacity so that they can have a more decisive impact on the great challenges that beset humanity. We must strengthen bodies like the International Criminal Court so that they can investigate, prosecute, and punish those that break the rules. It took humanity centuries to replace might is right with the rule of law. And we must not be the generation that backtracks on this. It's for this very reason that we must rebuild the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament architecture to avoid a poorly designed security policy that brings us back to another global conflict. And we must impose strict regulations on the tech oligarchs who control the functioning of social networks and the development of artificial intelligence. Because at the end of the day, the future of our children is more important than the pockets of these tech oligarchs. And of course, doing all of these things will require compromise, time, strong leadership, being able to build agreements, to listen, to look beyond our known reality, and imagine a better alternative. And what I'm advocating for, for this leadership, is very clear. Nine men have served as Secretary-General of this organization in its 80 years of existence.

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And that is also what we wish to see reflected in the world. We need a world where our capacity to uphold humanity grows faster than our capacity to destroy it. That is the transformation we should seek. It is for these reasons that we are pained by the developments in Gaza and the occupied Palestinian territories. Mr. President, the global security environment has deteriorated significantly in recent years. It is difficult to accept that in a world with so much wealth and knowledge, vast resources continue to be spent on weapons while children face starvation and are deprived of medicine and education. Sri Lanka remains deeply concerned by the conflicts in West Asia, and by the heavy cost being borne far beyond the region. International law, including international humanitarian law, must be adhered to and respected by all parties. We reaffirm our position that dialogue is the only viable way forward. Sri Lanka continues to support the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their rights to self-determination. We are among the countries that first recognise Palestine as a distinct state in the 1980s. We stand in solidarity with the international community in calling for an independent and sovereign state of Palestine, existing side by side with Israel in peace within the pre-1967 borders. We welcome the resolution of the Security Council on a ceasefire in Gaza and urge all parties to uphold it. Humanitarian assistance must reach civilians without obstruction. The recovery and reconstruction of Gaza must be an urgent priority. Mr. President, Sri Lanka is proud of its long standing contribution to United Nations peacekeeping in pursuit of global peace and security, having deployed more than 21,000 personnel on numerous missions since 1957. Our Blue Helmets, through their dedication and service over many years, have earned the trust of local communities and the commendation of UN Field Mission. Today, they continue to serve with distinction in some of the most challenging environments under the UN flag, protecting vulnerable civilians deterring violence and helping war-torn communities transition from conflict to stability. Sri Lanka has also long championed multilateral disarmament, from our early call for an Indian Ocean Zone of Peace to our leadership at the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference.

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These restrictions continue to inflict hardship on the Cuban people, contravene the human rights commitment of the UN, and run counter to the cooperative spirit of the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development. The continuation of those economic sanctions deprive Cuba of essential development, partnership and support needed for recovery and future progress, and we call for the lifting of those sanctions. Tuvalu also support the call for necessary reform of the UN Security Council to ensure that it is more representative, inclusive, transparent and accountable and better aligned with the reality of the 21st geopolitical landscape. Mr. president, to conclude, I wish to assure this Assembly that Tuvalu stands in solidarity with the rest of the Member States to play its part in restoring trust and managing transformation to ensure the United Nations delivers for all.

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And taking the floor at this General Assembly, I feel the weight of history. More than 80 years ago, in the wake of a war that plunged the world into chaos, Haiti, a founding member of the United Nations, joined the nations of the world to make a pledge for peace, for dialogue and respect for human dignity. Today, while deadly crises and conflicts have proliferated and the climate emergency is intensifying and new divisions are threatening stability in Haiti and throughout the world, this founding endeavor is being put to the test. It is imperative that, given the crises that Haiti is grappling with and given those that are causing so much upheaval throughout the world, it is imperative for nations to close ranks around what is essential. That is peace, security and the well-being of all peoples. This is the whole point of the topic that brings us together this year. Mr. president, I congratulate you on your election as president of the General Assembly. I also wish to hail the Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to peace. I still remember fondly his visit to Port-au-Prince on the 16th of June 2026, which bore witness to his solidarity toward the Haitian people. In these difficult times that our country is undergoing, Haiti wishes to extend its gratitude to all of its partners and friends that have continued to stand by its side. In this regard, I would like to hail the commitment of the United Nations system, and especially the commitment of the Security Council and that of the Organization of American States, Caricom and the European Union, whose support remains essential. More than ever, I want to pay a particular tribute to the kindred peoples who, by contributing to the gang suppression force and supporting its full rollout, have chosen to share with us the burden of fighting for peace and security. Haiti will never forget the solidarity nor their sacrifices. I also want to underscore the privileged partnership with the United States of America and the steadfast support of Canada and the invaluable assistance of our partners such as France, Chile and Mexico in the modernization of our national security capacity. Also, the opening of the Dominican Republic to dialogue and its advocacy for a sustainable resolution to the Haitian crisis. I express my gratitude for that. Finally, we wish to recognize the Integrated Office in Haiti, the funds and programs present on the ground, as well as all of our multilateral partners.

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This picture must be a shocking one for all of us. And what it tells us is clear. The United Nations, established 81 years ago to maintain international peace and security, is no longer able to fulfill this mission. Or more precisely, it has been rendered unable to do so. The UN continues to be weakened. Those in Palestine, in Lebanon, Sudan and in other crisis zones who have tied their hopes to the UN are deeply disappointed. But let me remind you that one day everyone will have to seek refuge in the collective conscience of humanity. Today we may feel safe, we may feel prosperous and at peace. Um. Today we may live in comfort far away from conflict zones and from crisis areas. But none of us knows what tomorrow will bring or what might happen to us. It is for this reason that I think that this year's UN General Assembly theme is particularly timely and pertinent, because it focuses on restoring trust in the international system. We support the sincere efforts of the Secretary General in this regard, including efforts around the UN 80 initiative. We expect this commitment to reform to continue in the same direction during the next Secretary General's term. Of course, I also want to clearly state the following here. We are truly committed to restoring confidence in the UN. The steps that must be taken are actually clear. Children in Gaza must be safe. When Palestinian children look up at the sky, they will see kites flying freely, not fighter jets, UAV or drones. Children in Lebanon will not wake up in the middle of the night to the sound of bombings. The labour of Asian workers will not be exploited by ruthless capitalists. Our African brothers and sisters will look to their future with as much confidence and hope as the citizens of prosperous countries. Now, only in this way can trust in the UN possibly be restored. We must acknowledge that a system in which the will of more than 190 countries is subject to the whim of just five countries, is not a fair system, and it is not capable of fully inspiring or establishing trust either. The Security Council must absolutely be reformed in accordance with the principle that the world is bigger than five. Dear friends, while we must keep pace with rapidly advancing technology, we also have the demanding but noble responsibility of building a more equitable international order. At this point, I want to share with you some basic principles. First and foremost, we are compelled to change the current mindset where international law is applied differently to the strong versus to the weak. Let us not forget that an international system where wrongdoers get away with it, and to make it worse, where impunity has become the norm. Such an international system, let's face it, is doomed to decay. Secondly, whenever international efforts fall short in resolving crises, we must harness regional ownership as an effective means of addressing those issues. As Turkey, whenever we have acted upon this principle, as in the case of the Black Sea Grain Corridor, we have achieved results and we have contributed to both regional and to global security. Third. We must absolutely re-establish an approach that places cooperation and open diplomacy at the core, at the center of relations among states. History has shown us time and again, through bitter experiences, that there is no winner in a political approach which is built on mistrust.

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Ladies and gentlemen, this morning on my way to New York, somewhere in the sky over the big and beautiful Atlantic Ocean, I read President Trump's post on Truth Social. The president wrote that Russia has lost control of its diesel oil industry due to its war with Ukraine, and it is hard to imagine a more humiliating loss for a country that has a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and takes so much pride in its oil exports. I quote," A large number of their diesel refineries have been blown up and are at least temporarily out of commission." End of quote. And this is true: Russia messed up. And the conclusion of the post is also right: this ridiculous and never-ending war with Ukraine must be ended. I do not know a single world leader who would say otherwise. I do not know anyone who is openly for this war, except one man. Ladies and gentlemen, for almost 5 years now, Russian generals have been trying to carry out Putin's crazy order to seize our eastern land, the Donetsk region. And just this year, from January through August, the Russian army lost 248,964 people on the battlefield in Ukraine. In 8 months, 248,000. Killed and badly wounded. Twenty-one countries in the world have smaller population than the number of Russian troops lost in just 8 months. We have video confirmation for every one of these losses. And these are not just statistics; it's about people. We have an archive of drone videos, videos showing thousands and thousands of Russians losing their lives in kill zones. It's madness. But they still keep going there to die, because that is what Putin wants. After losing so many people, Russia managed to capture just over 1,000 square kilometers of our land this year, and we have already liberated a significant part of it. Russia is a country that already has 17 million square kilometers of its own land, without any Ukrainian territory, by the way. So to add another 1,000 square kilometers, Putin is paying with 248 people for every kilometer. Does anyone still think that he is reasonable and moderate? His comrade, the leader of North Korea, sent his troops to Russia to support the weak points of the Russian army. The North Koreans also suffered losses. Heavy losses. You probably saw the broadcast from Pyongyang when they honored those who were killed. And this is madness too. Why should Koreans give their lives in a war against Ukraine? Kim Jong-un uses them like currency, and he gets something in return. And North Korea's neighbors and countries across Asia have probably already noticed its improved ballistic missiles and Pyongyang's much greater drone capabilities. So a war that was not prevented in time, was not stopped in time, and for which Russia was not punished in time, keeps spreading and spreads evil with it. Recently, we sent two North Korean prisoners of war to the Republic of Korea. These guys are not easy to capture alive. One of them, when he realized he was going to be taken prisoner, tried to kill himself, and he was shocked that fate didn't let him die. And this is how they raise people in the North. It's reality. They take away their freedom. They take away their right to choose. And they drill into them that they must die, no matter what. Do you really want to give such a force more time to learn how to wage war? This has already been going on for 5 years. And we know that Putin recently once again promised representatives from the American president that he would seize our Donetsk region, and he said he needs just a few more months. This is probably the 17th or 18th time in 5 years that he has made this promise. It's always the same:" just a few, a few more months." And then he moves the deadline, moves again. Putin will fail this time too. But after that, he will once again make it clear to the world that even our Donetsk region is not enough for him. He wants more of our cities: Odesa and Kharkiv, Dnipro and others. Someone in the Kremlin even put up a picture with the words "On to Kyiv." Russia has claims against our neighbor Moldova. It constantly threatens Poland and the Baltic States. Russia shows no respect for the statehood of the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia. And sadly, sadly, people in Syria and across Africa also know very well what Russian killers are. Something always seems to stop Putin from simply saying," That's it. Enough. Peace." Something always stops him from admitting that 17 million square kilometers of his own territory, internationally recognized by all of you, should be enough for this man. Putin is always looking for someone who can help him kill more people for every kilometer of land, take more territory, attack another country, instead of simply stopping and running his own country. After all of this, can you even imagine him without war? He is patient zero, the one from whom this idea of war keeps spreading further. And wherever it spreads, it brings only pain, instability, new risks, and of course new crisis. The more freedom Putin has to act, the more dangerous the world becomes for everyone else. That is why patient zero must be stopped. He must be denied the space to act and the space to spread this evil further. Ladies and gentlemen, last year, speaking here, I said that we are living in a time when weapons decide who survives. And I've said, if a nation wants peace, it must work on strong weapons. Ukraine is doing exactly that. And this is why, for the first time in Russia's history, we now hear that its pride, its oil industry, is running off fumes. But oil itself is not Ukraine's target, not our target. Not gasoline or diesel. Not factories or ports as such. Our target is Russia's ability to finance this war, to drag it out, to make it more brutal and more destructive. Russia's finances and Russia's production are what must be stopped if Putin is to be stopped. And our great soldiers and our weapons are working for this, only for this. The world's support for Ukraine helps us do it. And I am grateful to everyone, to every country that stands with us, stands with Ukraine, and helps our people.

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Mr. president, at the end of August, the Vanuatu government initiated proceedings against France before the International Court of Justice concerning sovereignty over Umaenupne and Umaeneg/Leka islands, or Matthew and Hunter, as they called in English, and the maritime boundaries between Vanuatu and New Caledonia. These islands are integral part of Vanuatu's territory, grounded in customary governance, long standing historical connections indigenous ownership and is seen as part of our duty as ancestral custodians to protect and preserve. We recognise France as a steadfast champion of the international rules based order and under the leadership of President Macron, a strong supporter of international judicial institutions. France has stood alongside Vanuatu in advancing global climate action, including through its support for initiatives before the International Court of Justice. We greatly value this partnership and France leadership on issues of international importance. It is in the same spirit of mutual respect and commitment to international law that we respectfully invite France to consent to the jurisdiction of the court. Mr. president, trust is important for the United Nation's credibility. It cannot be restored through declarations alone. Trust must be earned through action. People will trust the United Nations when they see it preventing conflict. They will trust it when international law is respected. They will trust it when humanitarian assistance reaches those who need it. They will trust it when development commitments become real projects. They will trust it when climate finance reaches vulnerable communities. They will trust it when small states are heard and they will trust it when the international system treats all nations with equal dignity. For Vanuatu, restoring trust also means restoring confidence in multilateralism itself. We must resist the temptation to conclude that because the international system is imperfect, it is therefore irrelevant. The UN80 reforms currently implemented are paramount to rebuild trust again at the United Nations, and therefore needs to be managed diligently. Vanuatu supports efforts to strengthen the United Nations. But reform must preserve what is most important the principle of sovereign equality. The United Nations cannot become an institution where the voices of the most powerful states dominate, where smaller states are expected merely to follow. Reform must strengthen General Assembly. It must make international institutions more accessible to developing countries. It must address the financing and capacity constraints facing small delegations. It must strengthen preventive diplomacy. It must improve the implementation of international decisions. It must ensure that the development pillar remains resourced and that the implementation on the ground is effective and efficient. And it must ensure that international law remains central to the international system. Vanuatu calls for UN Security Council that is more representative, transparent and accountable, with membership and working methods that reflect today's realities and give all regions a meaningful voice. But reform cannot be limited to institutional structures. The deeper reform we require is political and renewed commitment by member states to the principles we have already agreed to. That charter does not need to be reinvented. It needs to be respected. Mr. president, excellencies, for Vanuatu, the United Nations Charter remains our compass. It tells us that the nations are sovereign equals. It tells us that disputes must be settled peacefully. It tells us that the force must not be used against the territory or political independence of states. It tells us that the nations must cooperate. And it reminds us that the ultimate purpose of the international system is not power for its own sake. It is peace, justice, human dignity, development, and cooperation. And it is a better future for succeeding generations. These principles are particularly important to Vanuatu because we know what independence means. Our independence is not merely the absence of colonial rule. Independence means the right of a people to determine our future. It means sovereignty. It means dignity, it means equality, and it means having an equal place in the family of nations. That is why Vanuatu will continue to defend the multilateral system. That is why we will continue to defend international law, and that is why we will continue to speak for the principle that every nation, regardless of size, matters. Mr. president, we meet at a critical moment in international affairs. There are wars that remain unresolved. There are communities facing humanitarian catastrophe. There is growing geopolitical rivalry. There is economic uncertainty. There is climate disruption. There is technological transformation. And there is declining confidence in the international institutions. Yet I remain convinced that this is precisely the moment when we must choose cooperation over confrontation. We must choose dialogue over division. We must choose law over force. We must choose solidarity over indifference. And we must choose multilateralism over fragmentation. Vanuatu comes from a part of the world where our ancestors navigated vast oceans using the stars, the winds, the currents and the knowledge passed from generation to generation. Today the international community is navigating another uncertain ocean. We need a compass. The United Nations Charter is that compass. It provides the principles by which we can navigate a world of competing interests while preserving our common humanity. The theme of this 81st session Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all reminds us of what is required. But ultimately, restoring trust will depend not on the words we adopt here, but on the actions we take when we leave this hall. Let us therefore, build a United Nations that is strong enough to prevent war, fair enough to protect the vulnerable, courageous enough to defend international law, and inclusive enough to give every nation a meaningful voice. Let us build a United Nations where the concerns of a small island nation in the Pacific and all over the world can stand alongside those of the largest powers of the world. Let us not allow division to rule our era. Instead, we choose cooperation. We choose peace. We choose justice. We choose solidarity. And we choose to renew our faith in the idea that together, nations can build a world. We can build a better world.

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