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I owe it to the people who sent me here to be hopeful. I owe it also to people whom I have never met, who come from places I have never been to, but who nevertheless are my brothers and sisters. And so that brings us to the task at hand. We all know that the United Nations has its flaws, but we must not seek to abandon it. It is what we have made it. Some, no doubt are more culpable than others, but in one way or another we are all involved. We speak of culpability, not merely to point a finger of blame, but to understand better where the solutions may lie. We believe profoundly that more than ever, humanity needs the United Nations. Try to imagine a world without it. Where would we go to have the conversations we are having now and that we are having throughout the week? And that is only the beginning. As a global institution, the United Nations is fundamentally an inclusive space where every nation can play a role in addressing our common problems. A retreat from multilateralism undermines the interests of small states and indeed, of everyone. But we acknowledge that our support for the United Nations must be matched by our willingness to embrace reform, to make it more effective. Trust cannot be built or restored by declarations alone. It is only when ordinary people see that cooperation makes their lives safer, richer and happier that trust will be restored. Mr. President, let us restore trust through organisational reform and greater inclusiveness. The United Nations governance model designed in 1945, cannot adequately address the security and economic challenges of today. Therefore, we join with other nations in calling for reform, specifically of the Security Council, to include a permanent member from the continent of Africa with all the attendant rights and privileges. Failure to do so would only confirm that the current composition is not about governance and fairness, but about power. Further, as we proceed with selecting our next Secretary-General, let us be more open and inclusive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is pleased to join other Caribbean community members in endorsing the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana and of the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. We know her as a distinguished diplomat, a principled multilateralist, and a compelling advocate for developing countries and small states. Mr. President, as this is my first time here, like a tourist, I walked the halls of this historic building and admired the impressive portraits on the walls of the nine men who have served as Secretary-General since 1946. And while I appreciated the outstanding calibre and service of those men, I nevertheless could not resist thinking that after eight decades, surely the time has come for an equally capable woman to be Secretary-General.
In the name of God, most merciful, most compassionate. May the peace of God be upon you. Mr. president, your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, at the outset I would like to extend my sincere congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. I wish him every success in leading the work of this session. I would also like to express our deep appreciation and gratitude to the Secretary-General, António Guterres, at the end of his term of office for his wise leadership in the service of peace, security, development and justice, and for his tireless efforts to preserve the standing of the organization and restore confidence in multilateral action at a time of extraordinary international complexity, when maintaining the effectiveness of the United Nations has become a demanding responsibility and an almost daily challenge. Mr. Guterres faced, with courage and dedication, unprecedented global crises. He leaves behind a significant legacy of committed diplomacy and principled positions that we shall continue to remember.
Managing transformation requires institutions capable of adapting to a rapidly changing world, and delivering for all requires us to move beyond declarations toward tangible improvements in the lives and livelihoods of our peoples. Ultimately, our declarations, communiqués, and resolutions must travel the difficult road from this assembly hall to the daily lives of the peoples we represent. Persistent conflicts, geopolitical tensions, and growing divisions have tested trust between nations. Concurrently, our world is undergoing transformation driven by technology, climate change, demographic shifts, and changing patterns of economic power. The pertinent question is how we strengthen multilateralism so that the United Nations can deliver meaningful results for all member states. Humanity has traveled far enough to know that, on the great challenges of our age, none of us can go it alone. Whether a nation of a billion people or, like Botswana with just over 2.5 million people, we share one fragile planet and one imperfect but irreplaceable United Nations. The choices we make will determine whether multilateralism restores trust, manages transformation, and delivers for all, or becomes a cautionary tale of promises made and forgotten.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This session is taking place against a deeply troubling international backdrop. Conflicts and hotspots of tension are multiplying, and geopolitical divisions are deepening, while the rise of terrorism and violent extremism threatens an ever growing number of regions. At the same time, climate upheavals are hitting our countries hard, not to mention the humanitarian crises and deep inequalities that are weakening our societies. Added to this are the very real risks to the survival of humanity posed by the uncontrolled development of artificial intelligence. The world is thus at a difficult turning point. It is looking on at the gradual fragmentation of its peace architecture and an alarming reconfiguration of the international landscape before our very eyes. Multilateralism is being sorely tested, weakened by an erosion of trust between nations and trust in the institutions that underpin the world order. In these times of multilateral fracture, it is imperative to find appropriate solutions to put an end to these dangerous escalations, prioritize dialogue and rebuild trust. With regard to international institutions, this trust is measured by their ability to translate the universality of their principles into concrete actions, and to treat every state, large or small, with the same standard of fairness. The trust of peoples, for its part, is nourished by tangible results and by the certainty that the decisions taken on their behalf genuinely serve their security, their dignity, and protect their future. This year's theme, therefore, aptly captures the expectations of our time. It calls on us specifically to restore trust in our collective capacity to respond effectively to global challenges, and to support the current changes and reforms of the United Nations architecture so that our organization is once again able to deliver concrete solutions to the concerns of all peoples. For Cote d'Ivoire, this means reinvigorating multilateralism and consequently, restoring diplomacy's rightful place and credibility so that it can act effectively. In light of these challenges, a monumental task awaits the next Secretary General of the United Nations, whose selection process is now well underway.
Excellencies. The theme of this session calls upon us to restore trust. But trust cannot be restored by simple words alone. It must be earned through action, through behaviour. We will restore trust when rivers become lifelines of cooperation, not fault lines of conflict. We will restore trust when those who failed the climate, those who fuelled the climate crisis, protect those who suffer most from its devastating consequences. And above all, trust will be restored when the guns are silenced and replaced by handshakes, embraces and smiles. Mr. president, the UN80 Initiative should make the United Nations stronger, more coherent and more effective. The Security Council must become more representative, democratic and accountable. Reform must reflect the interests and aspirations of the overwhelming majority of member states, not the ambitions of a select few. Our motto remains: reform for all, privilege for none. Ladies and gentlemen, we live at a dangerous moment.
Mr. President of the General Assembly. Mr. Secretary-General ladies and gentlemen, 12 years could be in politics a mere temporal span, the length of a protracted crisis. But for a Yemeni child, 12 years are his entire childhood. An entire generation was born amid war, grew up amid hunger, fear and weapons. Learning the names of mines before learning the alphabet of life. Today, we do not ask the world to mourn every Yemeni child whose future has been stolen. Rather, we ask how many more children must be deprived of their future before the world stands resolutely with the Yemeni people in their struggle to restore their state and their stability? The people of Yemen. Yemen. This great nation, with its rich history, civilization, and human heritage, has been enduring for 12 years the consequences of the coup carried out by the terrorist Houthi militia against the state and its institutions.
As he prepares to turn this important page of his life, I wish him, on my own behalf and on behalf of the entire Burundian people, every success in his new endeavors, as well as good health and a future filled with serenity and prosperity. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the theme of this 81st Session: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, comes at a time when our world faces multiple crises: aggression against states, internal armed conflict fueled from outside, and expansionist conflicts that are breeding mistrust among states and rendering the international community unable to resolve these crises through peaceful means. In this context, a fundamental question arises: how can we restore trust in multilateralism and ensure that international institutions truly meet the expectations of all peoples? Our answer is clear: we must strengthen multilateralism, reform global governance, and place human dignity at the heart of our collective action.
Mr. president, the theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all, perfectly chimes with the concerns of those peoples aspiring to peace and progress, even while bombs and other devices of mass destruction are endlessly causing death and devastation in every corner of our planet. How can we restore trust and manage transformation in the world, so that the United Nations can effectively bring peace and good fortune to all peoples? How then, can we achieve this goal? I would recall that our previous session called upon us to act better together. That message remains just and it remains relevant, but it requires us to take stock to look at what has been accomplished and to acknowledge what has not been accomplished. Because trust is not built through more and more promises, but rather through their effective implementation for the benefit of the peoples. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, trust cannot be decreed. It is built, it is earned, and it requires truth and justice. How to restore trust when for decades, propaganda has been used to maintain the idea of a poor Africa condemned to do everything it is told to do to survive, thanks to the assistance of supposed international generosity, even while its resources, its riches are stolen and locked away for the benefit of other agendas. How to restore this trust when the international institutions that are supposed to protect us have become the tools of a world order in which some peoples count and others merely survive, and in which international law does not apply equally to all. What can we say of the crimes committed in Libya, in Iraq, in Palestine in Lebanon, in Cuba, in Venezuela, and in our Sahel, the Sahel, in the name of supposedly universal values, which nevertheless remain unpunished. Those crimes, even while sovereign nations are threatened with sanctions for simply having wanted to decide on their own fate.
Mr. president, 80 years of patience is enough. The time for structural reform is now. While we welcome the UN80 reform agenda to make this organisation agile, efficient and accountable, true reform must address the core structural issue: the UN Security Council. Africa is home to 1.5 billion people and account for nearly one third of the UN membership. Yet 80% of Security Council mandates concern Africa peace and security, while Africa remains without a single permanent seat on the organ responsible for global peace. This historical injustice is no longer tenable. Liberia reaffirms its support for common African position on proposed reform of the United Nations Security Council. We celebrate the presentation of the African model during the recent intergovernmental negotiation, which advances us toward text based negotiation. Africa demands no fewer than two permanent seats, with all accompanying rights and responsibilities, including the veto, so long as it exists, as well as additional non-permanent seat. Correcting the imbalance is not a favour for Africa. It is necessary to restore United Nations trust, credibility and legitimacy. Mr. president, the choices before the 81st General Assembly is stark. We can allow multilateralism to drift towards irrelevance, or we can change course and act boldly to restore trust, credibility and legitimacy. Liberia's journey from civil conflict to constitutional democracy, and from broken institutions to accountable governance, shows what is possible when nations commit deliberately and consistently to restoring trust and managing transformation. As we did in San Francisco in 1945, Liberia is ready, together with all member States to save mankind from the scourge of war guarantee human dignity and leave no one behind. Let us leave this assembly committed to a United Nations that is not deliberate on crisis, but also resolve them and restore trust through results, protect the vulnerable, honour the right of all nations, and secure a peaceful planet for generations to come.
Mr. President, this session is taking place at the time of a twofold need: to restore trust and to manage transformation, to understand the urgent need for action. Let us gaze upon the world as it is, first. It has been a long time since peace has seemed so fragile. On all continents, conflicts are multiplying, becoming entrenched, and fueling one another. Each has its reasons, its history, its instigators, but they all have one thing in common: they are costing civilian lives, destroying schools and hospitals, and displacing entire families. These crises never remain contained. Disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz are causing energy and fertilizer prices to skyrocket. Migration—forced migration—routes are growing crowded. Terrorism, trafficking, and armed groups are flourishing in zones beyond state control. However far they may be from the front line, no state is safe from the repercussions of these conflicts. At the same time, divisions within the Security Council— the body charged with protecting international peace and security— are paralyzing action where it is the most urgently needed. International law is supposed to protect the weak from the ambitions of the powerful, and yet it is increasingly being dismissed as optional.
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Crises arise not so much from an absence of resources and opportunities, but rather from a lack of commitment to the principles agreed upon by the international community. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the countries of the region have been subjected to flagrant Iranian attacks, targeting their security resources and civilian and economic facilities. The Kingdom reiterates its full right to protect its security and sovereignty, its citizens and residents, and its national resources. We call upon the international community to shoulder its responsibilities in confronting all threats to international peace and security. The security of the Gulf region is part and parcel of the security of the region and the world at large. The stability of this vital region is directly linked to global energy security, the steadiness of international trade, and the resilience of global supply chains. Mr. President, safeguarding international navigation and the resilience of global supply chains is a shared responsibility that requires serious international cooperation to prevent risks that could affect the global economy. In this regard, the Kingdom stresses the importance of ensuring freedom of navigation in all international waterways, foremost among them the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. We must restore the situation in the Strait of Hormuz to its pre 28th of February status, without the imposition of any fees or restrictions. The Kingdom rejects the use by any party of these vital waterways as an instrument of pressure, threat or harm to the interests of states in accordance with international law and relevant UN resolutions. Mr. President, efforts to restore security and stability in the region and to build sustainable relations among its countries cannot be based on domination, influence or exploitation of crises. Rather, they must be founded on mutual respect, common interests, good neighbourliness respect for the sovereignty of states, and full compliance with international law and international humanitarian law. In this vein, the Kingdom supports efforts and initiatives that contribute to de-escalation, foremost among them the efforts of Qatar, Pakistan and other sisterly and friendly countries. This would contribute to restoring stability to the region and creating conditions conducive to dialogue and diplomacy. We stress the importance of ensuring that any arrangements on the regional security must be comprehensive, effective and sustainable. They must clearly address the root causes of threatened instability. We stress the need to ensure that the entire region is free of weapons of mass destruction, and that peaceful nuclear programs are subject to international oversight, verification and safeguards. As such, we would enhance confidence and safeguard regional and international security. The continued suffering of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and the targeting of civilians by Israeli occupation, the obstruction of humanitarian assistance, attempts at forced displacement and the continued expansion of illegal settlements all constitute serious violations of international law and international humanitarian law. The Kingdom rejects any attempts at forced displacement or changing the status quo of the Palestinian territories. We stress that a just and lasting peace can only be achieved through the implementation of the two state solution and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. The Kingdom stresses the need to support efforts aimed at reaching a comprehensive political solution that will ensure the stability of Yemen and alleviate the suffering of those brotherly people. We have provided humanitarian and development assistance to the Republic of Yemen, amounting to more than 29 billion USD. We were the first among humanitarian donors to the Republic of Yemen in 2025. The Kingdom in this regard welcomes the statement issued by the members of the Security Council including the condemnation of the missile and drone attacks carried out by the Houthi terrorist militia against the Kingdom and against commercial vessels. The Kingdom calls upon the international community to reject and condemn all the Houthi terrorist militia's aggressions and criminal acts that threaten the security of navigation in the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb Strait. With regard to Sudan, the Kingdom stresses the importance of Sudan's stability, territorial integrity and unity while maintaining its natural resources and institutions. The solution to the crisis must be an intra Sudanese political solution that respects the sovereignty and unity of Sudan. It must be based on supporting Sudanese state institutions, thus fulfilling the aspirations of the Sudanese people, alleviating their humanitarian suffering and enhancing their security and stability. The Kingdom supports all efforts aimed at strengthening Syria's security and stability and preserving its territorial integrity. The Kingdom welcomes the USA's announcement of removing Syria from the list of states sponsoring of terrorism, in view of its contribution to strengthening stability and reconstruction and development. And we have to condemn and reject any effort at undermining efforts to restore security and stability within Syria. In Lebanon, the Kingdom reiterated support for the Lebanese state and its legitimate institutions, the implementation of the Taif Agreement, the restriction of arms to the state and preservation of its sovereignty security and stability. We also attach importance to Iraq's role in promoting cooperation and stability in the region, and support all efforts to contribute to achieving security and stability and prosperity. And we have to ensure that weapons will only be restricted to the state to ensure security and stability in Iraq.
End of quote. The implementation of the TRIPP project is thus becoming reality with tangible steps. The Framework Agreement on Strategic Cooperation on the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity Project signed between Armenia and the United States of America, will soon be ratified by the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia. We are currently working with the United States Government to establish the TRIPP Development Company and to sign a shareholders agreement. Accordingly, Armenia will initially have a 26% stake in the TRIPP Development Company, and the United States will have a 74% stake. The agreement provides that in the event of its extension, in the 50th year, the Republic of Armenia's share will become 49% without additional investment. One of the practical expressions of the TRIPP project will be the implementation of paragraph three of the Peace Declaration adopted by me and the President of Azerbaijan on August 8th, 2025, and signed by the United States President as a witness. Paragraph three of that declaration reads, quote, we reaffirmed the importance of the opening of communications between the two countries, meaning Armenia and Azerbaijan for intra-state, bilateral and international transportation for the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in the region and its neighborhood on the basis of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and the jurisdiction of states. These efforts are to include unimpeded connectivity between the main part of the Republic of Azerbaijan and its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, through the territory of the Republic of Armenia, with reciprocal benefits for international and intrastate connectivity for the Republic of Armenia. End of quote. The implementation of the TRIPP project will be of historic importance for the Republic of Armenia. For the first time since the early 90s, Armenia will get railway connection with Azerbaijan and thus also with Russia, Central Asia and China. However, it should be emphasized that after the peace summit on August 8th, 2025, Azerbaijan opened its railway to Armenia and now we have a railway connection with Azerbaijan via the territory of Georgia. The implementation of the TRIPP project will create a direct railway connection between Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as a railway connection from Azerbaijan to Azerbaijan via the territory of Armenia and from Armenia to Armenia via the territory of Azerbaijan. Because Armenia does not have a railway connection between its northern and southern regions, and in practice this is possible only via the territory of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan. While Azerbaijan does not have a railway connection with its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, and this is in practice possible only via the territory of Armenia. In the near future, we will restore the railway sections of Meghri and Yeraskh in the Republic of Armenia, which existed during the Soviet Union and were later destroyed, and the railway connections I mentioned will be opened. But this will also have huge international significance because, in parallel with the construction of the aforementioned railways, we are waiting for the opening of the Armenia-Turkey railway. Together with the TRIPP project, this could become one of the most important events in the field of international logistics in recent decades because thus, a new railway connection will be opened between China, Central Asia, Turkey and the European Union. All this opens up another crucial opportunity for international logistics, because the restoration of the railway connection between Armenia and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan restores the railway connection also between the Persian Gulf and the Black Sea. This is an important nuance because it shows why and how the implementation of the TRIPP project promises great benefits to all countries in our region. And these potential benefits can thus become a cornerstone of long-term stability and peace, especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan. After almost 35 years of conflict, we are now discussing issues of building pipelines, power lines and roads in addition to the east-west railway within the framework of the TRIPP project. And this will enable not only the Republic of Armenia, but also the entire South Caucasus to become a Crossroads of Peace.
the people of Palestine should be allowed their own state and full membership of the UN alongside the State of Israel. We also speak today about Haiti. Member states of this organization must act in a manner that will restore the trust of the people of Haiti in the United Nations. Some member States have failed to meet the commitments and pledges to the gang suppression force in Haiti whose one year mandate ends this month. The Security Council is urged to renew the force's mandate and member states to provide the necessary resources to operate effectively and successfully. While gang violence is the main factor to be resolved in Haiti, the crisis in this country is multidimensional. The international response must include long term social and economic assistance that will help restore an acceptable quality of life for the people of Haiti. This is why the Caribbean community has been actively engaged in Haiti, a Caribbean country, a Caribbean community member state, to assist with a solution to the political and governance dimensions of the crisis. Through its Eminent Persons Group comprising three Prime ministers, it will continue to facilitate dialogue amongst Haiti's political and civil society stakeholders as they work towards holding the first round of general elections this year. Trust in the United Nations will be restored if the daily lives of the people of Haiti are transformed and enhanced. It is in a similar quest for trust and transformation that Saint Lucia believes there should be dialogue and the removal of obstacles that hinder the true development of the people of Cuba. Cuba has long been celebrated for its continued contribution to health, education and development across our region and beyond. Saint Lucia stands with the Cuban people in their hope for a better future, supported by the friendship and solidarity of the international community. In the same spirit of transformation and consistent with our commitment to the right of all people to self-determination, Saint Lucia supports Taiwan's full membership in the United Nations.
It is ruining the world order. If this organization wants to restore trust, it should begin by applying its own principles consistently. I therefore propose two things. First, this organization should strengthen transparency around its responses to crises. We should establish an independent mechanism answerable to this Assembly as a whole that annually compares the scale, duration and severity of major crises with the scale and nature of the international response. Not to dictate political verdicts, but to make it impossible for us to remain unaware of our own patterns of selectivity. And second, we should strengthen safeguards against the political instrumentalization of United Nations mandates and institutions. Their credibility depends on transparent procedures, consistent criteria of scrutiny for all Member States. Distinguished delegates, the multilateral system was created to prevent power from replacing principle. We must not allow political convenience to reverse that relationship, so that principle becomes merely a language used by institutions when it serves political interests. The answer is not to weaken multilateralism, it is to protect it from instrumentalization. A United Nations that delivers for all cannot mean an organization that responds loudly to some crisis and quietly to others. If we want to speak credibly of the United Nations, that delivers for all, then we must be prepared to ask a difficult question does it really deliver for all? For those living through war. For those displaced by violence. For states whose concerns receive little international attention. For families struggling to build a future. So, dear friends, we will restore trust when a crisis matters because human beings are suffering, not because the politics surrounding it are convenient. And we will restore trust when the institutions of multilateralism are strong enough to serve universal principles rather than political convenience. But restoring trust is not only about correcting what is wrong today, it is about deciding what kind of international system we are willing to pass on to those who come after us. A United Nations that cannot uphold its own principles has no standing to ask the world for its trust. What we owe the people of the world is not sentiment. It is an institution consistent enough and far sighted enough to be worthy of their trust. Thank you very much.
Excellencies, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, can we speak of development when international peace and security are being tested by multiplying crises around the world and persistent tensions? Restoring trust requires the United Nations to maintain and to restore peace. We must be concerned that the multilateral system is struggling to contain escalating tensions fueled by geopolitical rivalries. These crises now affecting different regions of the planet, have consequences for our states. They directly impact our economies and the daily lives of our populations through disruptions in energy supply chains and difficulties in the delivery of essential goods. These are all factors which further aggravate the vulnerabilities that we already face.
It strengthens our ability to exercise it. And, Mr. President the call to restore trust must also apply within our own nations. Fiji's democratic journey has not been easy. We have known political upheaval, constitutional change and periods of deep division. We cannot change that history, but we can learn from it. This year Fiji undertook a national review of its 2013 constitution and informed by consultation across the country and on the 1st of September, the Commission presented its report to my office as Head of State. That did not end the process. It began the next stage, and the report must now proceed through Parliament and the democratic processes transparently and in accordance with the rule of law. What Fiji seeks is not a constitution for a government or a party or one generation, but a settlement that every Fijian recognises as their own. Alongside it, our truth and reconciliation process continues. Renewal strengthens institutions and reconciliation heals divisions. Together they can carry Fiji from memory to understanding and from division to trust. Mr. president, if the United Nations is to restore trust, it must also be willing to reform itself.
I agree that we need to restore trust in the United Nations, but I am less certain about the extent to which we can manage a transformation that has, in many respects, already taken place. The international system, as we knew it, has collapsed; it no longer exists. Today we are witnessing the emergence of a new order, increasingly structured around two principal centers of power, alongside a growing number of strong regional actors with considerable political, economic, military, and technological capabilities, seeking to shape their own environments and influence broader global developments on their own terms.
President of the General Assembly. Marcelo Capino, my dear Paraguayan compatriot. Distinguished Ministers. Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen. The slogan for this Assembly challenges us to restore trust, manage transformation, and ensure that the United Nations delivers for all. It's a good slogan. It's one that I wholeheartedly endorse. But let's be frank, dear friends: people don't want slogans anymore. Our people want solutions to their problems. That is why I have not come to this rostrum to recite beautiful phrases full of grandiose words that do nothing to improve the lives of our citizens.
Mr. President, the theme of this session—restoring trust, managing transformation, the United Nations that delivers for all— expresses perfectly the challenge that we must collectively address to restore the hope that the UN nurtured when it was created. For the DRC, this session is another occasion to reaffirm its faith in a multilateralism based upon the unwavering quest for peace and justice, which paved the way not to the prosperity of a select few, but to the creation of a true common horizon for peoples and generations of the future. This faith, however, calls upon us to be clear-eyed about the world's transformations, and to ask about the ability of the UN to evolve alongside it. For our peoples have never ceased to believe in the need for international cooperation, a cooperation which, at the most difficult times, can be promptly mobilized but, in other circumstances, may seem to drag its feet when territorial integrity is vigorously defended in one crisis but seems negotiable in another, when the suffering of civilians calls for immediate action in one place but seems less urgent in another. In reality, there can be no lasting trust when the force of our principles varies depending on the peoples, crises or circumstances. In a world in constant flux, the trust of our peoples in multilateralism begins when the law is applied uniformly, regardless of geography, economic power, or alliances. Our transformation ought to be based upon the need to uphold the Charter in its entirety, especially through the respect for the principle of the sovereign equality of states, peaceful dispute settlement, the prohibition of the use of force, respect for territorial integrity, and human dignity. This ought to be the ambition of the United Nations. Mr. President, we cannot speak of restoring trust toward the UN, let alone of a transformation, as long as the UN continues to reflect a world that has ceased to exist. The world of 1945 no longer exists. Digital revolution, energy transition, and climate deregulation are now altering equilibria, and yet the institutions charged with managing these changes too often reflect an order that no longer exists. Artificial intelligence today offers one of the most striking examples of this. It has immense potential, but also poses the risk of new fractures. Its governance should not be the sole remit of certain powers or corporations. Developing countries ought to be able to participate in defining its rules and to access the capacities that determine its use. The DRC supports the UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance, as well as the creation of a global capacity-building fund. The digital divide must not become an intelligence divide. This need for inclusion ought, first and foremost, to be reflected in global governance. Africa has proven itself, over time, to be a demographic, diplomatic, and geopolitical power, a vital one, but it still remains inadequately represented where decisions are being made about the world's future. How can we fail to mention the historic anomaly that is the absence of Africa among the permanent members of the Security Council? The admission of the African Union to G20 is certainly a major step in the right direction. However, it is not sufficient to meet this need for representation. As a member of the Security Council of 2026-2027, we reaffirm our support for the common African position, enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. That is to say, two permanent seats for Africa, with all of the associated privileges, including veto rights as long as they exist, and two non-permanent additional seats, in order to make the Council more representative, more legitimate, and ultimately more effective. This need for representation goes hand in hand with a need for responsibility, and it is in this spirit that the DRC intends to fully exercise its responsibility when it comes to choosing the next Secretary-General, whose mandate ought to be part of the transformation of our organization and help adapt it to the priorities of a world in profound evolution. This same ambition is our driving force within the francophone world, through the candidacy of Ms. Juliana Amato Lumumba for the position of Secretary-General of the OIF, with the vision of a renewed francophonia that is closer to its peoples and capable of strengthening trust between its members and to tackle the challenges we are facing. For the DRC, it is precisely in the gap between the trust we are calling to be restored and the transformation that we hope to manage that the real impact of our international commitments is measured. Our country is at the heart of several of these transformations, and sometimes at the intersection of their very contradictions.
Our nations represent a rich tapestry of cultures, languages and political systems. But diversity need not breed division. Guided by our policy of friend to all, an enemy to none, Seychelles believes that our differences can be the dynamic foundation for stronger global cooperation. Let us restore trust through deliberate action by upholding the rule of international law unconditionally by reforming our global governance institutions to reflect today's world, by delivering equitable climate and development finance, and by protecting our shared oceans and climate. Seychelles enters this General Assembly with deep humility, clear conviction and an unshakable belief in the multilateral system. We may be a small nation, but our voice, our sovereignty, and our aspirations will never be measured by our size on a map. Let this 81st session be remembered not for the divisions we inherited, but for the courage, solidarity, and resolve with which we overcame them. Let us restore trust. Let us manage transformation, and together let us build a United Nations that truly delivers for every nation and every human being.
Mr. president, Cambodia is pleased and honored to host in Phnom Penh on the 15th and 16th of November next, the 20th summit of La Francophonie. Nearly 30 years after the historic Hanoi summit, this new gathering of the French speaking community in Asia carries particular significance. It demonstrates the vitality of a Francophonie that transcends borders, continents, and cultural differences. The theme of the summit reinvesting in peace for Shared and Sustainable Prosperity, together with that of this year's session, reflects a common imperative. Restoring trust and reinvesting in peace reinforce one another. Beyond celebrating the French language Cambodia wishes to make this summit a moment of bringing together peoples from all continents around shared values peace, respect for diversity, dialogue among cultures, solidarity, mutual understanding and cooperation. The presence of heads of state and government will give this summit its full political and symbolic significance, and will make Phnom Penh a major venue for dialogue among nations. The Kingdom of the Angkor temples looks forward to welcoming everyone with the hospitality for which it is known. Mr. president, we cannot restore the world of yesterday, nor should that be our ambition.
Denmark is committed to supporting the people of Syria in a Syrian led and owned transition. It is a glimpse of hope in a troubled region and a stark contrast to this destabilizing actions of Iran, whose consequences are felt far beyond the region. Denmark's position remains clear Iran must never be allowed to develop or acquire a nuclear weapon. We strongly support continued diplomatic efforts to restore effective international verification of Iran's nuclear program, and we deeply regret the unwillingness of a few council members to acknowledge that sanctions measures have been reinstated in full accordance with Security Council Resolution 2231.
Mr. president, standing before this Assembly, I am reminded that while some efforts have been made from this rostrum over the past year these have not yet matched the scale of the challenges confronting our world. We will have to increase and strengthen efforts and commitment to the process of transformation and strengthening of the UN in order to restore trust that our organization will really be capable of delivering peace, inclusion and development in the world. Suriname is firmly committed to the upholding of international law, as we depend on a rules-based international order without which, like many other vulnerable nations, we simply cannot exist as sovereign countries. The consistent application of international law and the strengthening of its institutions is also essential to maintain international peace and security, protect human rights and ensure sustainable development for all.
You have brought us together to restore trust and manage transformation. To achieve this, we now require serenity, clarity, and unity— serenity because the international order is going through a profound transition, clarity because this organization faces an unprecedented financial situation and conflicts that are ongoing, and a technological revolution that is progressing quicker than our ability to govern it, and unity because none of these challenges can be addressed by one country acting alone. As a developing island country, the Dominican Republic is well aware of vulnerability. Situations that happen far away from our coasts can directly impact the dinner tables of our families.
Lesotho has restored national peace and security following successive episodes of political and security unrest. With the support of the United Nations, the African Union, SADC and other friendly nations, we have reclaimed our rightful place among the comity of nations as a stable and peaceful country. We therefore attest that preventative diplomacy remains the most effective means of avoiding conflict and ensuring sustainable peace. To create an environment conducive to inclusive growth and development, we continue to advance constitutional reforms aimed at strengthening democratic governance and the rule of law. We remain committed to accountability, professionalism and respect for human rights for all sectors of society. We recognize that culture of peace requires strong institutions that negate violence in all its forms. An independent judiciary capable of delivering justice impartially and efficiently to restore public trust. Mr. president, we must acknowledge that climate change is no longer a future threat, but the present reality.
Mr. president, Grenada approaches the future with confidence. We recognise the challenges before us, but we also see enormous possibilities. Our Vision 75 embodies our determination to build a stronger, healthier, a more resilient and more prosperous Grenada. Our commitment to the Sustainable Development Goals reflect our belief in shared global progress, and our engagement in this United Nations reflect our conviction that partnership remains one of humanity's greatest sources of strength. But partnership must deliver. So let this assembly send a clear message. Let us restore hope in Haiti. Let us protect children and civilians wherever conflict threatens their lives. Let us choose dialogue over division.
The Indian Ocean must remain peaceful. It must remain as a region where trade can flow and where States can prosper. Regional competition among major powers must not limit the choices of smaller States. Conflict does not have to reach our shores to affect us. In today’s interconnected world, a crisis far away can quickly become a crisis at home. Interruption to maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz raises fuel prices. It affects food supplies and air travel. The consequences of this are felt across tourism and public finances in the Maldives. The Maldives, therefore, condemns the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. The Strait must remain open and safe. The Maldives further condemns the attacks on Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman and Jordan. The Maldives appreciates the diplomatic efforts of Oman, Pakistan and Qatar to de-escalate the crisis and bring the parties to dialogue. The right to a sovereign future must belong to all. And nowhere is that right more brutally denied than in Palestine. Israel's genocide and war crimes against Palestinians continue. And their actions are not confined to Gaza. Its military attacks across the region have violated the sovereignty of other States. Security cannot be built by exporting insecurity. Nor can any country demand respect for its sovereignty while violating the sovereignty of others. No State should be shielded from accountability by its power or political alliances. But condemnation alone is not enough. Every Member State must ask: what have we done to end this violence? The United Nations must ask itself the same question. The problem is not a lack of law. The rules are clear. What is absent is equal application. International law cannot bind the weak and bend for the powerful. The same rules. The same standard. No exceptions. Israel’s genocide in Gaza must end. Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestine and other Arab lands must end. Illegal settlements must end. Humanitarian assistance must reach Palestinians safely, rapidly and at scale. And the decisions of international courts and the resolutions of this Organization must be respected and implemented. For the Palestinian people, a sovereign future means freedom, dignity, self-determination, and the right to live with security in their own State. The Maldives will always stand with the Palestinian people and their undeniable right for that future. That is why I reiterate our call for the recognition of an independent and sovereign State of Palestine, based on the pre-1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. And if this Organisation is to restore trust and deliver for all, Palestine must become a full Member of the United Nations.
Mr. President of the General Assembly, Your Majesties, Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, Mr. Secretary-General, ladies and gentlemen. It is with profound humility and great privilege that I address this 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly. We congratulate the President of the 81st Session on assuming this office and embracing a theme that is both timely and imperative: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. This theme speaks directly to two of the most pressing questions facing the international community today. Firstly, can we restore trust in our collective systems? And secondly, can we manage the great transformations of our time in a way that leaves no country, no person behind?
Faced with this tragedy, the Holy See, while calling for strict observance of the international humanitarian law, highlights the urgent necessity to bring hostilities to an end and pave the way for diplomacy. The Holy See encourages every initiative aimed at achieving an immediate, complete and effective ceasefire. The Holy See reiterates its call for an end to the ongoing violence against the Palestinian civilian population in the West Bank, particularly the escalation of hostilities, home demolitions and movement restrictions driving the displacement of Palestinian communities. On the situation in Gaza, the Holy See remains concerned about the dire humanitarian crisis: the widespread destruction, mass displacement and the severe persisting shortages. In this regard, urges the international community to work towards advancing the two state solution with a view to bringing about a just and lasting peace. The Holy See welcomes the signing of the Trilateral Framework Agreement between the United States, Israel and Lebanon aimed at stabilizing the southern borders of the Republic of Lebanon and achieving a just and lasting peace. This agreement in itself represents a significant development. However, the Holy See expresses serious concern regarding the difficulties encountered in its implementation and call on the parties involved to respect fully and enforce the terms of the agreement through concrete actions. Respect for sovereignty and borders form the essential foundation for the implementation of the peace plan. Furthermore, the presence of Christians in Lebanon and throughout the Middle East must not only be safeguarded as the legitimate continuation of a historic presence, but must also be encouraged by international community, since Christians aspire to be an active force for peace, spirituality, and culture within the mosaic of people that make up the Levant, where the Christian faith originated. The Holy See is following with deep concern the situation in the Gulf region, where the conflict has gradually spread and the violence shows no signs of abating. In particular, the Holy See cannot remain silent about the dramatic impact that this conflict is having on vulnerable civilian populations who are being driven into hunger and forced displacement, and who are living in barely sustainable conditions. This conflict has also affected vital infrastructure, maritime transport routes and energy resources that are of strategic importance to the entire global economy, which has an impact on the livelihood of persons all around the world. The Holy See strongly reiterates its appeal for the parties involved to find the courage to engage in dialogue. Only a renewed commitment to negotiation, supported by the international community, can restore the prospect of stable peace and shared development to the Gulf region. The international community must not forget the tragic plight of the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who, for more than nine years now suffer not only from the tragedy of statelessness, but also have been subjected to inhumane and deadly circumstances. These individuals are deprived of their inherent rights in flagrant disrespect, of their human dignity. Their suffering must end. The conditions must be created within their homeland to allow the safe, legal, voluntary and unhindered return. The Holy See renews its heartfelt appeal for an immediate end to the conflict in Sudan, a land that has for too long been ravaged by indiscriminate violence affecting the most defenseless, starting with children and women faced with an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. All parties are urged to initiate, without delay a sincere, constructive dialogue with the support of the international community to facilitate assistance to the population and ensure stability and peace. The Holy See appeals to all key figures in South Sudanese politics to prioritize the well-being of the nation over any partisan interests. Everyone, based on their own responsibility, is called upon to promote action and words that contribute to reconciliation, peace and harmony amongst all South Sudanese. The Holy See is following with deep concern the humanitarian crisis currently unfolding in certain areas of Somalia, where outbreaks of violence and extreme weather events are exacerbating the population's already precarious living conditions. The Holy See urges the international community to generously commit to meeting the immediate needs of the most at risk, especially women and children. The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo is of concern to the Holy See, particularly the protracted crisis in the east of the country and the Ebola epidemic. The Holy See, while expressing full support for the peace processes in the country, encourages a national dialogue and calls for the urgent protection of health and humanitarian workers, unimpeded access to aid, and the strengthening of regional cooperation to address these challenges in an integrated manner. Particular importance must be attached to reconciliation among communities, as it is an indispensable condition for a truly lasting peace. Furthermore, the Holy See is preoccupied by the terrorist attacks, especially in North Kivu and Ituri, which repeatedly target the civilian population, including Christian communities involving killings, abduction and destruction of villages and church structures. The Holy See notes with concern the advance of jihadist groups from the Sahel towards the coastal countries of the Gulf of Guinea. The response cannot be exclusively military. It must include the prevention of radicalisation, the development of border areas, the education of young people, social cohesion and interreligious dialogue, fully valuing the role of religious communities in preventing extremism. The province of Cabo Delgado in Mozambique remains destabilised after almost nine years of armed conflict. The Holy See, while calling for the end of the conflict, remains concerned about the sporadic episodes of violence which prevent internally displaced persons from returning to their place of origins and force them to continue living in a situation of suffering, of food insecurity with no prospects of a better future. In Venezuela, the Holy See encourages every effort aimed at the full restoration of democratic order through peaceful, inclusive means that respect national sovereignty as well as the launch of a process of national reconciliation based on dialogue, the pursuit of the common good, and full respect for human rights and civil liberties. In this context, the sometimes difficult situation faced by detainees in Venezuela as well as the suffering endured by their families, continue to give rise to humanitarian concern and should not be overlooked. The same consideration applies to the pressing need for a swift recovery of the national economy, for the benefit of the entire population, the majority of which continues to endure extremely difficult living conditions. The Holy See continues to follow the situation in Haiti with great attention. The country is currently experiencing a period of serious political, institutional and social instability, as well as a dramatic humanitarian emergency. The Holy See encourages all to prioritise dialogue and the pursuit of the common good, and renews its appeal to the international community to accompany the country with determination and generosity on its arduous journey towards peace, democracy and a renewed confidence in the future. The Holy See is closely monitoring the situation between Cuba and the United States, and calls upon those responsible to foster a sincere and effective dialogue so as to avoid any action that might increase the suffering of the beloved Cuban people. The Holy See is following the situation in Nicaragua with particular concern, and reiterates its constant appeal to pursue a path of respectful and constructive dialogue with the country's authorities for the good of the people and the Church in the country. The Holy See encourages Azerbaijan and Armenia to consolidate the process of achieving a stable and lasting peace in the South Caucasus.
We urge sustained international support for the gang suppression force, the Haitian National Police and its armed forces. This support must include the financial, logistical and operational resources necessary to restore security. We further call for the Security Council to renew the mandate of the GSF at this imperfect but particularly critical juncture. We are at a crossroads. We can either lose gains or we can build on progress made. The international community must send an unequivocal message. Armed gangs cannot be allowed to determine Haiti's future, nor that of the region. Security must create the space for sustained humanitarian relief, developmental and economic progress. But even more foundationally, security must create the space for political stability, democratic governance, and credible elections, led and owned by the Haitian people. Mr. president, the suffering of the Cuban people is of deep concern to Jamaica. We encourage domestic reform and greater integration of Cuba into the international economic system, supported by policies that create pathways for progress and eliminating the dire humanitarian crisis rather than perpetuating isolation under the blockade. We call for continued dialogue and constructive engagement. Mr. president, Jamaica also remains deeply concerned by the terrible human cost of armed conflicts across the world. Wherever conflict occurs, our principles must remain consistent. International humanitarian law must be respected, civilians must be protected.
Mr. president, there are moments in the life of a nation when its people are called to remember who they have always been. This is such a moment for us. And so I begin with something deeply personal to my people and my country. And that is our name. For many years, the world has known our country as Nauru. Nauru is how our name sounded to those who found it hard to say and the world kept it. But it is not the name our people used among themselves. I rise on my first point not to announce a change, but to affirm a truth long before our country took its place among the family of nations, long before our name appeared on international records, our people knew our homeland by one name, Naoero. That name carries the memory of our ancestors, our language, and our identity. It has been there all along, never lost, never absent. Today we restore Naoero. We do not make this choice to erase our past. We make it because we honour it. We do so with respect for our history and with gratitude for the journey Nauru has carried us through to our independence and our place on the international stage. Mr. president, my government's priority is investing in our people and our future generations. Restoring our name gives back to them a piece of the inheritance, because the identity handed down by our own ancestors has a place in the community of nations, because their history and language matter, because they too have the right to inherit a nation that knows itself, names itself and speaks of itself. In light of this year's theme, let me say this there can be no genuine trust and no true transformation without respect for the identity, history, language and rights of every people to be treated as an equal and to speak for itself. I take the opportunity now to convey my sincerest gratitude to the Secretariat and to this Assembly and the many institutions and partners who have taken steps to recognise our restored name. It may seem a small courtesy, but it means a great deal at home. And so, Mr. President, I say this with the greatest pride. Anga dei-Naoero. That means I am from Naoero and so is every person I have the honour to speak for today. We take our seats under that name, proud of where we have come from, confident in who we are and determined to carry our name into the future. What I ask of the world costs nothing. Join us in recognising and respecting the identity that is already ours.
Zambia continues to salute His Excellency Antonio Guterres for reminding us that the answer to a more divided and multipolar world is not less multilateralism, but a stronger fairer and more representative United Nations. The theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all is both timely and necessary. Trust is the foundation on which international cooperation is built upon. Yet today, trust in institutions, trust amongst nations, and most importantly, trust between the institutions that serve the people is under strain. Trust means that the founding principles of the United Nations Charter must be respected. For Zambia, trust begins with keeping promises. Trust means that international agreements must be honoured. Trust means that development commitments must be financed. Trust means that the voices of developing countries matter in word and in deed. Trust means the global system must not protect the interests of the powerful at the expense of the vulnerable. And trust means that when the world agrees on a goal, we must have the commitment to implement it. The world is undergoing profound transformation. Technology is changing economies and societies. Climate change is reshaping livelihoods. Geopolitical competition is altering global trade and investment patterns. Conflicts are causing massive displacements and humanitarian suffering. And yet developing countries continue to confront a financing system that does not adequately reflect and respond to their development needs. The question before us is therefore not whether transformation will happen, but it is rather how we manage transformation, who benefits from it, and whether our multilateral institutions are capable of delivering meaningful results for ordinary people. For Zambia, the answer is clear we must restore trust by achieving results, and we must manage transformation by ensuring that no country and no one is left behind. Zambia's democratic journey and the 2026 elections. Mr. president,
And I would like to begin by talking not about the government, but rather the people, the Bolivian people, the homeland people that has gone through difficult times, a people that knows poverty, but also that knows the meaning of work, that knows division, but also knows how to recognize one another in unity. That has been through economic and political crises, social conflicts, and times of uncertainty, but which has never lost sight of something fundamental. And that is the hope of building a better life. I come from a country that today is facing a reality that we cannot hide. But first of all, allow me to say one thing. A part of those 20 years of the reality of a country that has been dragged along, is due to the consequences of a time of ideological construction on our continent. In the case of part of South America, where one leader came here and said, this smells of sulfur. It was part of a political and ideological line, which was being built upon by another leader who brought a coca leaf here. And he turned a traditional leaf into a historic leaf, a leaf that is part of our culture. He turned it into a betrayal. So that construction and development and the vision of the development of a nation would be betrayed. Today the Bolivian economy in 2026 had inflation of more than 20%. But it was a country that was an energy power in gas and hydrocarbons and mining. Nevertheless, we were reduced to a country that now has to be negotiating with multilateral institutions and with various different nations, and that is not right. They said that they were socialists. However, we carried out a campaign ten months ago, in the ten months since I've been president, with the concept of capitalism for all of resources financial capacities, being able to invest and develop. Socialism and ideology does not put food on the table. What does is employment and the development of our economies and our production. When I took on the challenge of government, there were $51 million in our reserves because the reserves of the central bank had been entirely liquidated. Now, ten months on, we have nearly 1.2 billion and we, by the end of the year, are heading towards nearly 4 billion. And in the following 18 months, nearly $10 billion. For many nations, that might not be much, but for Bolivia it is a record, a milestone, a challenge, and a process of construction to build, strengthen our democracy and to strengthen our productive model within the country. I say this clearly, being able to look at the reality in my country, which decided to engage in a change and a transformation and to not turn back to the past. We are indeed doing this. We are ordering our economy. We are putting our house in order. We are facing up to the shortage of fuel. We are rebuilding our reserves. We are reforming our institutions. We are trying to restore internal and external trust in the country. We are doing something that we thought was even more important. We are trying to restore that trust in Bolivians so that we can move forward, because a nation that does not rebuild its trust cannot move ahead with money alone, with clear rules, with labor, with institutions that work, education, security and justice.
Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the Global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars justice and representation and decision making, justice and the application of the law and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes. Notably, sovereign equality among states respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. president, if justice in the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction.
Mr. president, as we commence this 81st session, we have the opportunity to build a United Nations that is truly fit for purpose. The crisis confronting multilateralism can become the catalyst for its renewal. The United Nations must not be a monument to the past. It must become an instrument for the future. We need a Security Council that reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, not the power structures of 1945. A council that embraces the emerging multipolarity of our world, including permanent representation from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. Mr. president, if the United Nations is to remain humanity's best hope, then this is not the hour to retreat from multilateralism. This is the hour to reclaim and to renew it. For it is in times such as these, when wars rage across borders, when the shadow of existential threats falls across the future of human civilisation, when the old certainties are dissolving before our eyes, that multilateralism must rise. Multilateralism rests upon the proposition that our destinies are bound together, that the security of one cannot be at the insecurity of another, and that in an interdependent world, cooperation is a necessity, and where there can be no enduring prosperity, when inequality deepens and no just international order, when rules are applied selectively. It is to that truth that this 81st session of the General Assembly must recommit itself. But recommitment cannot mean merely repeating the language of yesterday. The world has changed and multilateralism must change with it. We need a new and invigorated multilateralism, one equal to the turbulence of our age, sufficiently courageous to confront its trials, sufficiently imaginative to navigate its transformations, and sufficiently principled to defend the rule of international law. To make the United Nations fit for purpose, we must make it more transparent, accountable, and responsive. We must strengthen the General Assembly and give greater weight to its deliberative and representative authority. We must bring greater coherence to a system too often divided by institutional rivalries, bureaucratic silos, and competing mandates. We must ensure that the resources of the UN match the responsibilities we have entrusted to it. But institutions do not reform themselves. They require leadership capable of seeing beyond the present and imagining the institution the future demands. The United Nations needs leadership that can bring its different organs, agencies and programs into greater unity of purpose, leadership that can build bridges where division has become habitual. Leadership that can defend the principles of the charter without fear or favour. The United Nations needs its next Secretary-General to work with all Member States to restore confidence in the organisation, mobilise its energies and turn the language of multilateralism from aspiration into action. The reform of the United Nations, the restoration of trust and the need to manage transformation, is therefore inseparable from the question of leadership, and the choice of its next secretary general will be, in no small measure, a choice about the kind of United Nations we wish to leave to the generations that follow. It is in this spirit that Guyana has put forward the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett for the office of Secretary General of the United Nations. She has served her country, represented the developing world and worked within the multilateral system with a deep understanding of both its promise and its imperfections. We believe that her experience, her convictions, her record of service, speak directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. Her candidature, therefore, acquires special significance amid the profound challenges confronting the United Nations and international order. We need leadership capable of restoring trust without compromising principles, of listening, without surrendering conviction of building bridges across the widening chasms between north and south, between large states and small, between the developed and developing world. We need a secretary general who will defend the charter not only when it is politically convenient, but precisely when its principles are under pressure. On a personal note, Mr. President, Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett. Come from every experience. Her very upbringing crossed every struggle, every aspect of our accomplishment defined and broke barriers. An indigenous woman coming from a small indigenous village defying the odds. The odds against indigenous persons, the odds against women, the odds against poverty. Defining every challenge and rising to the top amidst those challenges. Her character is built on struggle, sacrifice, commitment her accomplishments are crafted in her humanity. This is an individual of extreme qualities not because she is a Guyanese, not because she come from Guyana, but because I know personally and many of you know this too, the permanent representatives sitting here in New York, you know, her character knew who? You know her integrity. You know her will. You know her commitment. You know her love for humanity. You know her love for this world. And I know that this world will be a better place with Carolyn Rodrigues as the secretary general of the United Nations. In the humblest of ways, I call on the P5, the Security Council and every member here to look beyond the small country that nominated her. Look beyond the small country that nominated her. CARICOM as a body has endorsed her. And let us rise to the challenge of giving this indigenous woman the chance of helping us craft together the United Nations we want to see succeed. The responsibility for recommending the next Secretary general rests in the first instance with the Security Council, and we therefore respectfully place before its members the candidature of Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett, endorsed by the Caribbean Community. We invite all to consider her candidacy on its merits and to judge whether her vision, experience, expertise and record can help restore confidence in the United Nations at this critical moment. Mr. president, the United Nations was conceived in hope, and that hope remains alive in the pursuit of peace, security and human progress over the perpetuation of division and war. This is why we must not abandon multilateralism because it is imperfect. We must renew it because humanity still needs it. Let us therefore build a United Nations that does not merely reflect the world as it is, but help create the world as it ought to be. A world where law restrains power, cooperation overcomes division, and every human being can look to the future with hope. Guyana believes that the choice remains ours as to whether the divisions of our age will define the future, or whether nations can summon the will to build a more peaceful, secure and prosperous international order. The United Nations must be at the heart of that endeavour, not as an institution looking back at the world it was created to serve, but as one helping humanity shape the world that is yet to come.
Just as managing transformation is not an option up for debate. Together they constitute the very essence of the mission. We pledged before our people, before our Arab brothers, and before the entire world. On the day I was entrusted with leading the government of Lebanon, we assumed this responsibility at a time when our country faced three existential challenges. The first was to regain the trust of its people. After the financial collapse and the Beirut port explosion and the tragedies and wounds they left behind. The second was to reclaim its national decision making so that no authority stands above that of the state. No weapons exist outside its armed forces, and no decision on war and peace is taken outside its constitutional institutions. The third was to recover all of its territory from Israeli occupation, and to extend its sovereignty over the entirety of its national soil through its own forces. In implementation of the Taif Agreement and in sincere respect for the relevant international resolutions on Lebanon. Foremost among these is resolution 1701, which remains to this day a fundamental point of reference governing relations between Lebanon and Israel. Trust rebuilt decision making. Reclaimed. Land liberated. That is the equation for Lebanon's recovery. These are not three separate challenges. They are three facets of a single cause. Restoring a state that its citizens trust that is master of its own decisions, and that exercises sovereignty over the whole of its territory. Mr. president, first, the trust we seek to restore is not trust in words. It is trust in institutions that protect rights in a judiciary that guarantees justice, in an economy that restores prosperity to the people and gives young people the opportunity of a better future. We cannot speak of restoring trust without recalling the Beirut port explosion. The wound of the 4th of August remains open. It cannot heal without truth, justice and accountability, and these will inevitably come. Some may feel that our government has not yet fulfilled all of its commitments. We do not claim that the task is complete, but fairness demands that we not overlook the scale of legacy we inherited paralysed institutions, a public administration of diminished effectiveness, an economy stripped of the foundations of growth, and a state weakened by compounding crises and by decades of external interference. Even though we have not used the difficulty of our circumstances as a pretext to retreat from our commitments and we will not retreat. Lebanon has launched reforms on several fronts, namely revitalizing the public administration, strengthening the independence of the judiciary, modernizing the media law and abolishing the death penalty. It is also advancing towards the completion of financial reforms aimed at restoring order to the financial system and recovering depositors funds. These reforms should pave the way for an agreement with the IMF. Such an agreement is an indispensable tool for restoring international confidence in Lebanon, and a gateway to securing the financing needed from all our regional and international partners for economic recovery and reconstruction. Our aim in pursuing reform is not to ask our people to renew their trust in the state. Rather, through reform, we seek to rebuild a state worthy of its people's trust.
He stood firm in defending our organization against attempts to undermine its foundations. He worked tirelessly to strengthen its role whenever efforts were made to diminish it, he devoted himself to keeping the voice of multilateral action strong whenever attempts were made to silence it. Today we meet at a crossroads. In many parts of the world, tensions are rising, conflicts are expanding, and crises are deepening. Meanwhile, trust among nations is declining. Isolationism and polarization are intensifying. Whereas selfishness and exclusion are prevailing at the expense of cooperation. Unilateral coercive measures are increasingly being imposed, and the logic of power is once again reasserting itself, eclipsing the virtues of dialogue and disregarding the benefits of consensus and understanding. In such a turbulent international context, the danger lies not only in the outbreak of wars, but also in the normalization and acceptance of war itself. It lies in the transformation of the exception into the rule, to a situation where the rules of international law become applicable at times and suspended at others, subject only to the dictates of power balances. What sort of international order can function properly when principles are selected according to the identity of those who violate them? What confidence can remain in international law when the aggressor is granted the right to self-defense, while the victim is required to justify even the right to survive? And what future await humanity if imposing fait accompli and once again becomes a tool for managing conflict or determining their outcome. This matter is not simply a temporary crisis facing the international system. Rather, it is a profound review of our collective conscience and our capacity to preserve and develop the order we established after two world wars, so that future generations would not suffer the scourge of war. Because we fail to learn the lessons of a not so distant history, and because we did not heed these lessons, and we did not transform them into measures that would protect us from the catastrophes of the past finally and in full. And because we built a system of international relations whose central purpose was to reject war. And to safeguard a lasting peace, but without providing the system with the means and instruments necessary to achieve an ambition of this size. For this reason, the theme that was chosen by the president of our General Assembly for this session, namely restoring trust and managing transformation: a United Nations delivering results for all, this theme not only reflects the challenges of our time, but also presents us with a fundamental question how do we restore confidence in an international system whose rules and institutions have lost credibility? Algeria believes that the starting point must be from the place where the will of the international community must be embodied, namely the United Nations itself, this very place and this very hall. Particularly reforming the United Nations system is no longer an institutional luxury, nor is it a choice that can be postponed indefinitely. It has become a necessity imposed by the profound transformations the world has undergone. It is imposed by the need for a more just international order, an international order that is more representative and more equitable. We cannot ask peoples to trust in multilateralism if its institutions continue to reflect the balances of a bygone era. We cannot speak of international justice without addressing the historical imbalances that still mar the structure of international decision making. Nor can we advocate for international peace and security while the system of international relations continues to favor war as a means of resolving dispute. Accordingly, Algeria calls for strengthening the role and the authority of the General Assembly. We call for a profound reform of the Security Council that would make it more representative, more equitable and more effective, and that would put an end to selectivity and double standards in the application of international law. In this regard, Algeria reaffirms its steadfast support for the common African position. We stress that correcting the historical injustice suffered by Africa requires permanent and fair African representation in the Security Council with full powers. If restoring trust begins with institutional reform, then it cannot be complete without doing justice to the peoples aspiring to self-determination and the realization of their national projects.
Thank you so much for your hard work for the United Nations Organization and for the Republic of Poland. Distinguished Excellencies, distinguished guests, the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly begins at one of the most difficult, in my view, moments since the organization's founding. Poland was, in fact, a founding member of the United Nations. From the very beginning of the UN's existence, we have been faced with a question about the foundations of the international order that we are shaping within our organization. Despite many achievements, we must not forget that at the very root of its creation lies a fundamental flaw, an original flaw, that continues to undermine the system's credibility to this day. The UN was established in response to the greatest tragedy in human history, World War II, but it was not founded on a simple and fundamental principle: that every wrongdoing must be met with accountability, and sometimes with just punishment. For Poland, this is not an abstract issue. At the very moment the foundations of the UN were being laid, my nation, a victim of two totalitarian regimes, was under the domination of one of them, Soviet Russia, and, after several years of devastating occupation, of the other, Germany. Thousands of Polish heroes who fought for the freedom of Europe and the entire world were, at that time, imprisoned, tortured, and sentenced to death. The UN already existed at that time. At the same time, the state responsible for those crimes had a say in shaping the postwar order, as a permanent member of the Security Council. Poland has never received redress for that period and those wrongs. The failure to hold anyone accountable for these crimes was not merely historical oversight; it sent a signal that violations of international law, aggression, and imperialist policies could go unpunished in reality. It is precisely this lack of justice, this sort of original sin of the postwar order, that creates space for the return of old aggressive ambitions and methods of operation. The aggressive policies of certain states today are, therefore, not a phenomenon detached from history. These policies are a direct consequence of it. A state that has not been held accountable for its actions is more likely to resort to the same tools again. That is why it is so important that today, as the international community, we restore the full meaning of the principle of accountability. Without it, there will not be a lasting peace, and international law will remain nothing more than a declaration devoid of real power. Ladies and gentlemen, today we must show courage while remembering that sometimes courage alone is not enough, that without prudence, courage can lead to disaster.
We look forward to your stewardship of this assembly, and we move to restore trust and indeed to carry reforms from proposals to implementation. But reform cannot be selective. We cannot move swiftly to reorganise offices and reporting lines while allowing the most consequential questions of power and representation to remain unresolved. Transformation and development. Peacekeeping and humanitarian aid cannot succeed if member states are unwilling to fund it. Let's be very clear no organizational chart can overcome the refusal of states to respect decisions that they find inconvenient. We cannot continue to ask international organisations to do more, while failing to provide them with the resources necessary to fulfil the mandates that we ourselves have agreed. And if member states believe in the institutions that they have created, then we must also be prepared to sustain them. Barbados has consistently met that responsibility, and I give this body the assurance that we will continue to do so. Our commitment to multilateralism, to an international rules based order, must be measured not only by what we ask of these institutions, but by our willingness to support them. So yes, let us improve the machinery, but let us also reform the exercise of power. The Security Council still has 15 members, five of them permanent and armed with that veto. Africa, with 54 states has no permanent seat. And you've heard speaker after speaker after speaker come to this platform to say that this must change. Small island developing states equally confront threats that now reach squarely into the council's mandate from climate insecurity and illicit arms flows to organised crime and displacement. And yet, despite constituting one quarter of the world's states, we have no assured representation within the councils. This, to my friends, must change. And the world we know has already changed. The council has not changed with it. But reform is not only about who sits at the table, it is about how power is exercised. Barbados is therefore joining 123 other member states in supporting the Franco-Mexican initiative on the use of the veto in the cases of mass atrocities. Its principle is fundamental where populations face genocide, crimes against humanity, or large scale war crimes, the veto should not be allowed to paralyse the Security Council when action is most urgently needed. This is why people are losing trust in the United Nations and its council. Mr. President, it's not fair to the majority of member states who still believe in the promise of this body, even as we call for greater equity with the reform of the Security Council.
Peace and security are indivisible, and everyone has a right to them. In Ukraine, for almost five years now, Russia has been waging a cruel war on civilians. It's been occupying the territory of a sovereign state. France will continue providing unstinting support for the legitimate aspirations of the Ukrainian people to peace, security and to a future. At the same time, we will spare no effort to ensure that useful negotiations between Russia and Ukraine begin as swiftly as possible. We must defend Ukrainians more than ever as winter is coming. We must defend them on the energy front. We must give them more interceptors. We must protect the civilian population. And this is why we'd like to express our support. A double moratorium, a moratorium on strikes, on energy and civilian infrastructure. That's first, and a Black Sea moratorium, which would allow us to release grain shipments. Addressing food security concerns, food security being so important for many emerging economies, for many developing nations. This double moratorium is a necessity. Let's put it on the table. And let's confront Russia with this reality. In the Middle East, we are also seeking peace and security for all. This is what we defend. Respect for sovereignty in Lebanon, displaced Lebanese people. Their villages are being razed in the south. Only a fully sovereign Lebanon will be able to disarm Hezbollah and restore security for all Lebanese and their neighbors. Sovereignty for Lebanon and its people, sovereignty for Palestinians, their most basic rights are once again being violated. One year ago in this very chamber, several dozen states recognized Palestine. I understand that some are very cynical. You recognized it on paper. Look at the reality of the situation. But what is our credibility worth if we remain inactive on Gaza? Some claim that peace has been achieved, but this has not opened up humanitarian deliveries. The spectacle. It is shameful. Shame on all of us. Look at what's happening in the West Bank where day in, day out we are seeing violations. And in the name of what? Hamas was never very active in the West Bank. What we need is respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, their legitimate right to exist. This is a prerequisite for security today and tomorrow for the people of Israel. Their security, their very existence to which we're very committed. But all those who claim that Israel's security requires the violation of the sovereignty of all of its neighboring states and making very fateful error, they are weakening Israel's security today. And going forward, they are threatening Israel's security, in fact. Sovereignty for Syria as well. The revolution should not turn into a disappointment. A few months ago in Damascus, I lent France's support to building a free Syria, and we must continue these efforts, allowing Syria to fully reassert its sovereignty and unity. France is committed across all of these fronts, just like we're committed with Italy. With the help of Jordan and other friends of Lebanon. We've been committed for 50 years to UNIFIL, to all Lebanese. So no double standards.
This year, under a new call to restore trust and deliver for all, we must be honest with ourselves: we are still far behind. The United Nations has yet to demonstrate that it can adapt to a changing and uncertain world, and it is up to member states to make this a reality. That gap is not abstract to Rwanda. Three decades ago, our country's future was also deeply uncertain. Our survival depended on our capacity to rebuild against all odds, and what made that possible was a simple principle and conviction that institutions earn legitimacy not by what they promise, but by what they deliver, year after year. We believe this principle holds true for the multilateral system as a whole, and for the United Nations in particular. It is the standard against which reform must be judged. Optimism, however important it can be, must be matched by willingness to change how we act.
Any attempts that violate our sovereignty, violate international law, will be stopped. Golan will remain Syrian territories. Any other attempts will be thwarted according to Security Council Resolution 497. I thank all of those who abided by the international law, and I thank those who refrained from reinterpreting Resolution 497. This resolution is clear, and I ask our partners to abide by international law and by this resolution. The world is joyed about our return, but Israel is launching attacks against Syria. There have been 500 airstrikes, more than 1,200 incursions, and 300 detentions. This is at odds with the orientation we're seeing at global level. It is reminiscent of an era that we thought it was long gone. We are committed to the 1974 agreement. We called for the withdrawal of Israeli forces to the lines of the 8th of December 2024. We reject Israeli attempts to impose a fait accompli. We reject their aggressions, which undermines peace and security. The opportunity for peace and security is available to those who wish to live in peace and just peace that maintains the rights of all. In conclusion, the war has taught us that truth is strong and that falsehood is weak. Syria will continue its reconstruction, will continue to restore its dignity.
The same is true of every state and every public institution. The Hungarian people have asked us to restore their confidence in the future. We will honor that choice by rebuilding trust at home and by becoming a country others can trust when their own future is at stake. For Hungary, this is a new beginning, but the principle behind is not new.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General. Excellencies ladies and gentlemen. Assalamualaikum waRahmatullahi wabarakatuh. I wish to begin by conveying the warm greetings of His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu'izzaddin Waddaulah, Sultan and Yang di-Pertuan of Brunei Darussalam to this esteemed assembly. I also congratulate His Excellency Doctor Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly, and thank Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock for her outstanding leadership during the 80th session. My appreciation also extends to Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his continued service to this organization. Mr. President, the theme of this session speaks directly to something the world is losing far too quickly: trust. It is difficult to build, easy to fracture and once lost, very hard to restore.
Mr. President, colleagues, on October 25th, 1971, right here in this august hall, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2758 at its 26th session with an overwhelming majority by which UNGA decided to restore all the rights of the People's Republic of China in the UN and recognize the representatives of the government of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate representatives of China to the UN. This is of profound and far reaching significance for both China and the world. Over the past 55 years, China has been a stabilizing force in times of volatility. China is firmly committed to pursuing peaceful development and has the best track record on peace and security among major countries. It is the largest contributor to peacekeepers among the permanent members of the UN Security Council. It also took the initiative that led to the issuance of the first joint statement of the leaders of the five nuclear weapon states on preventing nuclear war. China has been a main engine driving common development. China has created two miracles at home, namely fast economic growth and long term social stability. And over many years, it has contributed around 30% to global growth. China has joined hands with more than three fourths of the countries in the world in pursuing high quality Belt and Road cooperation. It has mobilized over 23 billion USD and carried out more than 2000 projects under the Global Development Initiative. And it has granted zero tariff status to all the African countries and LDCs having diplomatic relations with it, to empower the Global South in pursuing modernization. China has been a progressive force in an era of change. China has always spoken up for the global South, stood up for the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries, and continued to work toward a more just and equitable global governance system. In October, China will host the Global Governance Forum in the Xiong'an New Area. You're welcome to attend the forum and join in the discussion about the way forward in global governance. Mr. President, colleagues. No matter how the international dynamics evolve, China remains unchanged in its pursuit of peace and development and its dedication to safeguarding fairness and justice, and in its commitment to multilateralism. China will join hands with all other countries to build a community with a shared future for humanity and make the world a better place for all of us. Thank you.
They were saved by the institutions that resisted, and the Honduran people that decided, at the polls, with their vote, decided to change the course of the country. And it's not just us saying that— international observers bore witness to elections that were flawless in terms of their conduct, flawless despite the challenging context. This was an effort waged by brave men and women, and we also enjoyed the support of international democracies who accompanied us in our attempts to rescue and restore our country's greatness. As we began our work, we found ourselves faced with a people who never lost their dignity, neither did they lose hope.
We must have the confidence to speak for our regions, not be spoken for. Mr. president, I began by speaking about trust. Let me close where I began. The question before us may appear simple, but in truth it is profound. When people are suffering and when the world looks towards this hall, will this organisation still answer the call for which it was created? Actions speak louder than words. My esteemed colleagues, we must restore trust, manage transformation, reform institutions that no longer serve current realities, and we must ensure that the rules of the global system apply equally to all. Malaysia will not turn away from the UN in its hour of difficulty. We will not abandon multilateralism just because it is imperfect. We will do the hard work to make it worthy of the trust placed in it. Because we believe in multilateralism most of all when the alternative is a world ruled by power alone. Excellencies. 80 years ago, the founders of this organization resolved to save succeeding generations from war. We are succeeding generation, and that promise now rests in our hands. The world needs a UN that delivers, one that ensures that international law is truly international, and guarantees that every region has a voice. And above all, one that ordinary people can look to in their darkest hour and still believe that it will act. That the world has not forgotten them.
Let us stubbornly refuse to give up on peace. Let us resolutely commit to delivering sustainable development. Let us passionately stand behind human rights principles without selectivity. Let us govern and promote technological transformation in the service of humanity. Let us pursue reform that is meaningful, representative and fair, and let us restore trust by rebuilding our organization that delivers for all.
We are a credible and reliable partner, ready to contribute to shared prosperity. Ladies and gentlemen, we have entered the fifth year of the illegal, unprovoked, and unjustified full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine, waged by a permanent member of the Security Council. This member, entrusted by the entire UN community with the responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, has deliberately disavowed its fundamental obligation and is pursuing a revisionist agenda. As the EU member state sharing the longest border with Ukraine, Romania has felt the effects of this war directly, through repeated violations of our airspace. A few months back, a drone crashed onto a residential building on our territory, injuring people and causing material damage. It was one episode in an ongoing series of such incidents. We have said it before, and we will say it again: Romania will stand with Ukraine and its people, as they exercise their legitimate right to self-defense for as long as necessary. Moreover, Romania is acting responsibly to stabilize the region. We provided assistance to refugees from Ukraine. In response to Russia's attacks on ports and grain infrastructure, which disrupted global food supply chains and deepened food insecurity for millions of people, Romania has coordinated with Ukraine on the transit of grain through Romania, by rail and by waterway. In response to the disruption of freedom of navigation in the Black Sea, together with Bulgaria and Türkiye, Romania is part of the Mine Countermeasures Task Group in the Black Sea. Through mine detection and mine neutralization missions and the protection of critical undersea infrastructure, this initiative safeguards freedom of navigation and the region's energy security. And in order to enhance security in the Black Sea area, Romania places particular emphasis on the EU's strategic approach. Accordingly, together with Bulgaria, we are establishing a maritime security hub aimed at strengthening situational awareness. Finally, in response to disruptions to energy supplies in the region, Romania has expanded its energy interconnections with Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova. Romania will continue to support the resilience of our neighbor, the Republic of Moldova, the second most affected country by this war. It is facing the economic shock caused by Russia's aggression and a sustained hybrid campaign, consisting of disseminating disinformation, energy pressure, and attempts to destabilize its democratic institutions. Romania is a staunch supporter of the Republic of Moldova in the face of these challenges. Romania also remains the Republic of Moldova's strongest advocate within the European Union, sharing our own experience of accession and providing political, technical, and diplomatic support for its European path. The threat posed by the Russian Federation is not only limited to Ukraine. Europe is the target of a hybrid war involving cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns, sabotage, and disruptions to critical infrastructure, with the aim of undermining citizens' trust in democratic institutions and discouraging support for Ukraine. We must deter the Russian threat, and unfortunately, we can only do that by increasing military spending. Romania supports balancing military expenditure and a target of 5% of GDP, reaching this year 3.7%. Distinguished audience, we are equally concerned about the proliferation of conflicts worldwide. It is essential to advance the implementation of the Peace Plan for Gaza in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2803, and to address, with no delay, the humanitarian situation on the ground. Within the Board of Peace Initiative, Romania has offered its support and has so far contributed to the medical evacuation of numerous patients, especially children. Disarming Hamas remains a prerequisite condition for lasting stability in Gaza. President Trump's Peace Plan represents the most credible path toward peace and prosperity in the region, and Romania supports its full implementation. At the same time, recent developments in the West Bank are a genuine reason for concern and risk undermining the peace that this plan seeks to promote. Regarding Iran, our position is clear: Iran must not possess a nuclear weapon. Iran must comply with the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, the safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency, and restore full transparency regarding its nuclear program. Diplomacy must be the first option toward a comprehensive, verifiable, and lasting agreement that would pave the way toward a more stable Middle East. Romania will continue to promote maritime security and unrestricted freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, as well as in the Black Sea area and elsewhere. It is a shared responsibility and a priority to my country. Specialized bodies such as the International Maritime Organization can make a contribution to this effort. The suspension of the Black Sea Grain Initiative, following Russia's unilateral withdrawal in 2023, reminds us that agreements only matter when the parties honor their commitments. Lasting peace in Sudan, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia, Libya, in the Sahel, and in all regions of Africa affected by conflict. Romania is contributing to conflict prevention, mediation, peacebuilding, and economic recovery, while stressing the importance of African solutions, in full respect of the charter. Prevention and mediation must play a greater role. Peacekeeping operations must have a clear mandate, produce measurable results, ensure responsible financing, and equitably distribute responsibilities. Since 1991, Romania has contributed to United Nations peacekeeping missions through political support, troop and equipment contributions, as well as through training of blue helmets and close protection officers.
Austria was still occupied while the superpowers were testing hydrogen bombs. And yet from this podium, Eisenhower named two things that did not yet exist negotiations to restore Austria's independence, and an international agency that would bring nuclear technology under international oversight to serve, as Eisenhower said, the needs rather than the fears of mankind. In 1955, Austria was free again. Two years later, the IAEA began its work and Vienna became its home. The world did not ban atomic energy. It built rules for its peaceful use. But those rules came only after Hiroshima and Nagasaki had shown the terrible cost of waiting. We cannot afford to wait for a catastrophe to happen. With artificial intelligence, we can still act first. For this reason, Austria joins the UN Secretary General and the president of the ICRC in calling for a legally binding instrument with clear prohibitions and restrictions on autonomous weapons. Voluntary guidelines are not enough. We need binding rules that keep human beings in control and ensure accountability. And we must not drag this out. Mr. president, every rule and reform I have spoken about serves one purpose peace.
We intend to make this event a resounding success. Mr. President, in conclusion, I call for ambitious action to restore confidence amongst our nations and do it through fairness, justice and solidarity. Let us transform the United Nations, our common home, into a more credible organisation and a source of hope for the future. It is only then that we will truly empower ourselves to act in all humanity, for humanity in all of its differences and diversity. I thank you.
In this regard, we recognize the crucial role played by AUSSOM in stabilizing the country, as well as the crucial support provided by the United Nations, particularly through UNSOS. We hope that the international community will stand mobilized so as to enable Somalis to assume lasting responsibility for their security, sovereignty and the preservation of the integrity of their national territory. Turning now to Sudan Djibouti, in its capacity as current chair of IGAD, welcomes the return of that kindred country to full participation in our regional organization, of which is a founding member. We call for de-escalation and the resumption of talks to be prioritized. Only an inclusive political solution that places the Sudanese people at the heart of every initiative will make it possible to restore lasting peace and stability. We also call on foreign actors to refrain from fueling this war through harmful interference. Once again, we extend a hand to our Eritrean neighbour. Djibouti remains convinced that dialogue and negotiation in full respect for international law, represent the only path towards a peaceful and definitive settlement of our border dispute and the return of our prisoners of war, who have been held incommunicado for more than 18 years. The Republic of Djibouti further reaffirms its unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian people and its full support for their legitimate rights, in particular their inalienable right to the establishment of an independent and sovereign state. We reaffirm our commitment to a two state solution based on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Palestine, as the path towards a just and lasting peace. We roundly condemn illegal settlement activity, violence committed against civilians, including by Israeli settlers in the West Bank, forced displacement and any policy aimed at altering the demographic and territorial reality of the occupied Palestinian territory. The humanitarian situation in Gaza remains a tragedy, requiring an immediate response from the international community. The protection of civilians must be guaranteed. Humanitarian assistance, must reach those in need without hindrance, and violations of international humanitarian law must cease and be condemned. Djibouti will continue to support efforts to bring an end to the suffering of the Palestinian people, and to ensure that justice, peace and international law prevail. Preserving freedom of navigation in the Red Sea and more particularly through the Bab el Mandeb Strait, is a major geopolitical and economic issue for regional and global stability.
Ladies and gentlemen. Our vision at this stage is based on our national will to restore the sanctity of the law enhance state institutions, and strengthen citizens trust in them. These are our governing priorities. We are striving to ensure that the state is the ultimate decision maker in matters of peace and war, and that weapons and tools of power remain in the hands of its constitutional institutions. This is so that the law is the final authority, and national interest is the compass. Our implementation measures in this field are moving on track, as they represent the basis for building a state based on institutions protecting sovereignty. Ensuring stability And creating the environment necessary for development and investment. With the end of the international Coalition's mission in Iraq.
Mr. President, the Secretary-General of the UN, the Deputy Secretary General, Excellencies Heads of State and Government, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, I extend my warmest congratulations to you, Mr. President, on behalf of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on your election as president of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly and assure you of Nigeria's full cooperation and support. I commend your predecessors stewardship of this assembly. I also salute the Secretary General, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, and the Deputy Secretary General, Amina Mohamed, for steering the United Nations through storms that have sharpened our awareness of the cost of inaction. None of us can pretend that conflicts within our borders or in lands far beyond them do not exact a price from us. Such is the reach of our interdependence. Such is the urgency of this session sacred duty to restore trust in the international institutions we establish to reconcile our differences and advance our common interests.
This very simple experience seems to me to have something to teach us about the world in which we live. Because we are going through a time of upheaval. The international order established in the aftermath of the Second World War is under severe constraints. Conflicts are multiplying and becoming deadlocked. The most fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, the prohibition of the use of force and respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity are being openly violated. Added to this are transformations that are reshaping our societies: climate change and the increase in the number of disasters, humanitarian crises, inequalities and also technological upheavals, notably artificial intelligence which are often advancing faster than our collective ability to assess their implications. At the same time, multilateral institutions are having to respond to an increasing number of crises while facing pressure, pressure on resources and an erosion of trust. The theme of this 81st session of the General Assembly Restoring Trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, therefore aptly sums up the task before us to restore trust to support transformation, and to demonstrate through concrete results that cooperation remains possible. This erosion of trust extends far beyond the realms of peace and security. We are also seeing it in the global economy. Protectionism is on the rise.
We acknowledge that these technologies can support conflict prevention, early warning, peacekeeping and protection of civilians. Trinidad and Tobago will advocate for an approach that safeguards international security without closing off innovation, development and opportunity, and that ensures developing countries have a meaningful role in shaping the rules for this new technological era. Mr. President, the situation in Haiti remains a particular concern, not just for us in the region, but I think, across the world. Trinidad and Tobago stands in full support of international efforts to help restore security and stability in Haiti, whilst maintaining that the country's political future must ultimately be Haitian-led and Haitian-owned. Security assistance is necessary, but lasting stability will also require functioning institutions, economic opportunities and a credible political process. So therefore, as Trinidad and Tobago prepares to serve on the Security Council, we will continue to bring attention to Haiti and to the wider security concerns of the Caribbean, whilst working with CARICOM and other international partners towards practical and sustainable solutions. Mr. President, managing transformation must also mean ensuring that developing countries are not simply expected to adjust to changes decided or developed elsewhere, whether in technology and SI, superintelligence, the global economy or energy. Developing countries must have the opportunity and the capacity to help in shaping those changes.
The permanent neutrality of our country, recognized three times by the General Assembly, provides a practical foundation for advancing political and diplomatic methods, preventive diplomacy, mediation, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. We consider it essential to consistently foster a culture of trust and dialogue, and to restore the legal and humanistic foundations of international relations. In this regard, Turkmenistan intends to convene under the auspices of the United Nations Intergovernmental Consultations on the elaboration of a Global Peace Strategy founded on the principles of peace, security, and preventive diplomacy. As a further step in this direction, we propose proclaiming a United Nations decade of dialogue and preventive diplomacy. We believe that such decade would lend a systematic character to the efforts of states to prevent conflicts, build trust and establish sustainable channels of political communication. Turkmenistan will also propose the establishment within the United Nations of a group of Friends of Multilateralism and the sovereign equality of states. Its activities could contribute to safeguarding the fundamental principles of the charter of the United Nations, strengthening dialogue among equals and preventing the emergence of dividing lines in international cooperation. We attach particular importance to supporting the United Nations Regional Center for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia, headquartered in Ashgabat. The year 2027 will mark the 20th anniversary of its establishment. We regard this milestone as a unique opportunity to take stock of the Center's work and identify new avenues for its practical contribution to peace, stability and cooperation in Central Asia. To this end, during the current session, Turkmenistan will submit a further draft General Assembly resolution on the role of the regional center. We trust that the document will reaffirm our shared interest in further strengthening its mandate and operational capacity.
Instability is further exacerbated when competition goes unchecked, commitments are left unfulfilled and international law is applied selectively. An erosion of trust is further impeding efforts at cooperation. What should concern us is not only how the international order is changing, but where the change will take the world. Change is inevitable, for it is part of the objective course of history. However, conflict and confrontation are not inevitable. From our own history, Vietnam understands the cost of war, the value of independence, and the power of reconciliation and cooperation. It is therefore my belief that the theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a UN that delivers for all aptly reflects the urgent demands of the time. Distinguished guests. From the losses of the Second World War, humanity created the UN with the aspiration to prevent wars, safeguard peace, promote cooperation, and place relations among nations on the foundation of common principles. Over the past eight decades, despite its limitations, the UN has helped sustain dialogue, advance decolonisation, uphold the right of peoples to self-determination and support development. This must be preserved and carried forward. Our institutions must be reformed to keep pace with the times, while fundamental principles of the UN charter must be respected and reinforced. What we seek is a more equitable, democratic and inclusive international order where every country has a voice and every nation has the opportunity to develop. The mission of our generation is to help shape and manage change so that competition does not turn into confrontation, differences do not lead to conflict, and advances in science and technology do not create new divides. In this spirit, I wish to put forward four key priorities. First, we must restore trust among nations on the basis of respect for the UN charter and international law. The UN charter and International law formed the Foundation for the International Order. They must be respected fully, consistently and without selectivity. All states must respect each other's independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and right to choose their own path of development; refrain from interference in internal affairs and refrain from the threat or use of force inconsistent with the UN charter. Restoring trust does not require countries to erase differences, but rather to manage such differences responsibly. Crisis must be prevented, competition must be kept under control and dialogue must be sustained. Major powers should lead by example in respecting international law, exercising restraint and responsibly addressing common challenges.
Our experience in southern Africa has taught us that dialogue is a shared fortitude and not a weakness. In the African tradition, the meeting place is not where courage is abandoned. It is where wisdom is summoned. Lessons can be drawn from the heritage based approaches to peace building and conflict resolution from communities across the world, including within Africa. Military action may alter the battlefield, but durable peace is built through inclusive political processes that restore confidence, address grievances and allow affected communities to shape their socioeconomic and political destinies. Mr. President, Zimbabwe's grateful for the confidence placed in us through our election to the Security Council for the 2027 to 2028 term. My country will assume this responsibility in January 2027 with humility, independency and a readiness to serve, guided by our foreign policy of being a friend to all and an enemy to none. Accordingly, my country will prioritize four priorities in the Council. Firstly, the promotion of preventive diplomacy, mediation, and peaceful dispute resolution while tackling the underlying causes of insecurity. Secondly, we shall advocate for the strengthening of cooperation between the United Nations and the regional organizations such as the African Union and its Peace and Security Council. In this respect, we call for the full implementation of resolution 2719 to ensure predictable, adequate and sustainable financing for authorized African Union led peace support operations. Thirdly, our nation believes that our rich heritage and natural resource endowments must advance industrialization, modernization and the green agenda for the prosperity of all and not to finance conflict. As such, Zimbabwe shall support Africa's Silencing the Guns agenda and strong action against terrorism, organized crime, illicit arms flows, and illegal resource trafficking. Finally, women and young people must shape peace. From the outset, the support of Zimbabwe will also be extended to the women and youth peace and security agendas. The current times demand peace keeping that is grounded in clear political strategies, realistic mandates and adequate resources. Those most affected by the decisions of the Security Council should not be the least heard. There is need not only give a voice, but consider the views of the countries and regions on the Security Council agenda towards our shared aspirations for enduring peace and sustainable development.
We expect his successor to have the vision, courage, and leadership skills to restore trust, overcome divisions, and to act for change. Your Excellencies, peace and security are among the main responsibilities of the international community. In light of conflicts that have taken thousands of lives and caused immense destruction, we must step up our efforts to prevent and end hostilities. The main challenge remains the war against Ukraine, the consequences of which have spilled far beyond the immediate combat zone. Can we resolve this problem? Can we find a solution? Of course we can. I am convinced of this. Is it not time to rethink European security policy? Bulgaria, as a member state of the EU, calls for the holding of a debate on this topic and on the broader goal of the future of a post-war Europe, as well as the Europe before the war. And to begin this debate, it is high time to transfer this conflict from the military sphere to the political and diplomatic realm. This involves negotiations which require dialogue and a minimum level of trust, supported by the appropriate guarantees. Europe, however, cannot be a simple mere observer. It must be a real participant in negotiations on the post-war security architecture of the continent after the end of the war. Europe must be able to guarantee its own security. Military security must be complemented by the second pillar of security, that is to say, the contractual and legal pillar, which must guarantee that defensive capacity building provides more security rather than a new arms race. For the security of Europe, we must add robust diplomacy to military and economic security, because we cannot, dear colleagues, negotiate without the participation of two countries, Ukraine and Russia. It would be irresponsible if, after the end of the war in Ukraine, we were unable to offer anything better to European citizens than a new cold war, or worse. We need a vision for tomorrow, in line with the concept of a Europe of peace, thanks to dissuasive defense and shared security. From this lofty platform, we call for Europe to move toward this goal. Bulgaria believes that security and stability in the Black Sea region is an integral part of its national security in all of its aspects. But it is not only our national security that is at stake; it is global security. The war in Ukraine and other territories has expanded beyond the territories of the conflict parties and directly affects Bulgaria today.
Partnerships that deliver when they are needed, formed by the belief that in times of need we must act together. This is the choice to make. We can allow divisions to weaken the institutions we built together, or we can choose to strengthen them. We can allow differences in power to determine whose voice matters, or we can reaffirm the principles on which this organization was founded. For Cyprus, there is no such dilemma. We believe in a United Nations that protects the principle of its Charter and has the capacity to act upon them. We believe in a multilateral system in which every state has both rights and responsibilities. And we believe that small-sized states have a particular role to play, not on the margins of international affairs, but as active participants in shaping our common future. And for the Republic of Cyprus, that means defending the principles on which we depend, contributing to the institutions which we believe, building partnerships for the common good, taking initiatives to create useful synergies, and acting responsibly when we can affect change. Your Excellencies, despite the challenges because of the Turkish occupation, we remain resilient and steadfast in our faith in the multilateral system. Because in the end, the strength of multilateralism is measured by whether every member state believes that its voice matters, its rights are protected, and its contribution has value. That is how we restore trust.
Its declaration, Environmental Solidarity of Central Asia, provides a strong foundation for advancing regional cooperation on environmental protection and sustainable development. On the same day, the heads of states of the founding countries of the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea declared an International Day of Aral Sea, and Amu Darya and Syr Darya Rivers, with the aim of raising global awareness of the region's environmental challenges and mobilizing greater international support for their preservation. We are grateful for the support of UN Member States and partners for President Tokayev's proposal to proclaim 22nd April as the International Day of Greening of the planet, aimed at amplifying global efforts to restore ecosystem. Kazakhstan pursues a human centred approach to contemporary challenges, emphasizing peace building, dialogue and cooperation as an essential response to the complex global challenges of our time.
Madam president, the world is becoming more fragmented. The international order is under strain. We need to recognise this reality. But we should not mistake a world of competing centres of power for a more just or stable international order. For Luxembourg, the answer is clear. Our experience has taught us that international law and multilateral institutions give countries, whatever their size, a voice and place at the table. It is not about resisting a changing world, but to make multilateralism fit for that world. I believe this is ultimately what the United Nations asks of us, not that we agree on everything, not that we abandon our national interests, but that we recognise that there are challenges for which no nation, however powerful, can find lasting solutions alone. We can look at the imperfections of multilateralism and conclude that it no longer works, or we can reform it fairly, strengthen it, and make it worthy of the trust that future generations will place in us. I know which choice I want to make, because this is the world I want to leave to my children. A world where dialogue is stronger than confrontation, where respect between nations allows differences to become sources of strength rather than division. Where international law protects the weak as well as the strong. If we restore trust, if we listen to the next generation, and if we have the courage to act together, the United Nations can continue to be more than a reflection of the world as it is. It can remain an instrument for building the world we want to leave behind. A world worthy of the trust of those who will inherit it. Young people do not expect us to solve every challenge, but they do expect us to try. They expect us to act with responsibility. And above all, they expect us not to lose faith in our ability to shape a better future.
Malawi stands ready to play its part. We are transforming our economy reforming our institutions and investing in our people. But we cannot do it alone in an unfair global environment. We stand ready to work hand in hand with all member states to bridge the divide, restore trust in multilateralism and deliver sustainable, dignified future for all humanity.
We commend him for overseeing the largest part of the implementation of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals that have energized international support, including the actions in the Pact for the Future. Namibia stands ready to work with the incoming Secretary-General. However, let me point out that since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, no woman has served as Secretary-General of the organization. The leadership of the organization has yet to reflect the principle of gender equality that is being promoted across the international system. Namibia, therefore, believes that it is time that a woman is elected as Secretary-General of our organization. Mr. President, the United Nations is the only platform through which all nations can collectively advance shared aspirations, achieve common goals, and address global challenges. Namibia will remain a constructive partner in strengthening multilateralism cooperation and restoring trust in the United Nations. Let us, therefore, continue to defend our organization. Let us collectively place human dignity at the center of the United Nations, so as to restore trust, effectively manage transformation, and deliver for all.
I am appearing once again before this assembly on behalf of the Republic of Panama, a nation whose own geography defined its destiny. It's the bridge of the world and connects continents, cultures, and markets. At a time in history in which geopolitical fractures threaten to polarize us in a dangerous manner, Panama reaffirms its historic vocation to bring people together and seek common understandings. I must say that polarization is coupled with a large mass of people who feel that international organizations have forgotten the values and priorities of the majority of citizens. I'm referring to those who wish to progress in peace, to be able to work and return home safely. Also, those who defend the institution of the family that has its own credo and a culture forged throughout the centuries that today is being called into question. The majority feel under pressure due to the actions of progressive multiculturalism, that a large part of society is not prepared to accept, almost under coercion. I'm a president that comes from a great nation, a crucible of different cultural heritages that forged a society that's open to the world, with a strong belief in peace. This was all achieved over many years without any imposition, so this means that it happened naturally. I'm convinced that the United Nations has immense potential in a world with so much volatility and such strong asymmetries. But it needs to take up, again, its leadership in order to engage in preventive actions and corrective actions. I am a person who believes in and defends multilateralism, and I am convinced that peace and prosperity of nations must be grounded in international law as a guiding principle of relationships between nations. And these theoretical arguments must also be expressed with palpable results. We must recognize now that citizens do not believe that these types of meetings are that beneficial for them. And herein lies one of the reasons why we must restore trust. I want to give you a concrete example just to illustrate what I'm saying.
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Unfortunately much of what we see runs counter to this. In the last two years, the world spent more on military budgets than on resourcing this important body tasked with maintaining global peace. We are reminded that meeting the SDGs by 2030, including ending hunger and expanding access to safe water and sanitation, will require not more than 5% of the 2.9 trillion USD spent on arms. The results of the choice we are making is an arms race, and a world as divided as it is dangerous. We see the consequences in Sudan, which is today the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. We see also the consequences in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, in Iran, Ukraine and elsewhere. Humanitarian workers are caught in the crossfire of today's conflict. When they are not being obstructed from reaching civilians in need, they are being killed in the line of duty. To restore respect for international law, we must protect those who deliver humanitarian assistance.
Multilateralism allows us to project the power of our ideas rather than the might of our power. Tonga participates as an equal under the founding principles of the United Nations Charter, the sovereign equality of states. This is how we must approach our theme Restoring Trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Enduring trust is restored when commitments produce results. True transformation is realized when our communities, economies and ecosystems can anticipate change and recover with greater strength. The small island developing states must not bear the disproportionate costs of the challenges they did little to create. Mr. President, too much of our international architecture still reflects the world of 1945 rather than today's realities. If the United Nations is to remain the principal vehicle through which sovereign nations confront global challenges, it must transform. We need a United Nations that enables innovation one that expands meaningful access to investment and technology, especially for the small island developing countries who are too often excluded from both. We need a stronger General Assembly and institutions that respond effectively to the needs of the majority of our members. We cannot keep negotiating climate biodiversity and the ocean in separate COPs when they are clearly an interconnected ecosystem requiring integrated and coherent solutions. We call on global processes to recognise the ocean climate nexus and address these interconnected challenges together. We need a more inclusive Security Council equipped for today's challenges. A Security Council that recognises the triple planetary crisis as a profound threat to peace and security. We need a financial architecture that delivers timely and accessible financing to those who most need them. Internationally pledged commitments must be actioned urgently. The next Secretary-General must understand these realities intimately. It is in this spirit that Tonga's nominated ambassador, Ivonne Baki of Ecuador, whose vision for a renewed reformed United Nations speaks to the needs of vulnerable states. To restore trust, every member state, large or small, must have a voice in shaping this organisation's future and a stake in its success. Mr. President, Your Excellencies, the Pacific region spans one third of the Earth's surface. It is our home.
However, we are convinced that our size shouldn't determine our ability to contribute, much less affect our own dignity. We need more effective, more representative multilateral institutions that are closer to the people and more able to respond to the challenges of our time. We need cooperation. We need solidarity and we also need to demonstrate austerity within these institutions. But above all, we need to restore trust in our collective ability to change things, because at its heart, the very idea of well-being and progress springs from something that is profoundly human, that is the ability to recognize suffering and refuse to accept inertia. Human beings are creative precisely because they refuse to resign themselves to things. They sense what causes pain, they sense what could be different, and then they are able to sense the desire for change. And this desire for change is perhaps one of the most profound expressions of our own freedom.
Today, we live in an environment of global anarchy in which the use of force prevails over the force of reason and law in blatant opposition to the norms governing international relations. In view of these, there is every need for profound reflection within the United Nations, the only institutions on the planet which has legitimacy and which brings together all nations of the world in order to find the best solution for achieving global peace. Our appeal is for us to act with wisdom and courage to restore the central role of the United Nations in its responsibility and irreplaceable mission in maintaining global peace.
Again, listening, partnering, protecting. Australian values at work, in practice. Colleagues. Last year, Australia took the considered decision to join other partners and recognise the State of Palestine. It was motivated by the determination to try and end a cycle of violence that has stolen too many innocent lives. We know the only viable path to peace and security in Palestine, in Israel and in the broader Middle East is through a two state solution where the people of Israel and the people of Palestine can raise their children in freedom and safety. We will continue to speak out against actions that damage that prospect of peace, including illegal settlements in the West Bank. Just as we continue to oppose any role for the terrorists of Hamas in Palestine's future. The conflict in Iran has taken a severe toll on the Middle East and has had a devastating impact on the global economy. Australia has been consistent in our calls for a ceasefire and for the Strait of Hormuz to reopen and restore the freedom of navigation and trade. And we continue to call for Iran to halt its indiscriminate attacks on the region and to abandon any program to obtain nuclear weapons. Colleagues, Australia's approach to diplomacy is both local and global. Our geography gives us a unique perspective as a Pacific nation, inhabiting an entire continent and connected to Southeast Asia, the Indian Ocean and Antarctica. We feel joined to our region not just by geography, but by our close human connections, including family.
That is a brink that we had hoped we had left for good in the last century. How did we reach this point? Well, it is no mere coincidence. It is the inevitable result of actions by certain states aimed at deliberately undermining the system of international relations so that the world would develop not according to the laws of peaceful coexistence, but rather the principle of might makes right and political selfishness. If we truly want to restore trust, we must not hide behind diplomatic niceties, but honestly identify the causes of crises. In 1945, in San Francisco, at the UN founding conference, U.S. president Harry Truman spoke words that today sound like a prophecy. No matter how great our strength, we must deny ourselves the license to do always as we please. If all those with great power had acted as Truman said, we would have avoided many wars and conflicts. Unfortunately, however, the desire to live at the expense of others has remained the dominant narrative in the collective West's development. During the Cold War the balance of power was maintained by a system of checks and balances between the two opposing political systems. But since the 1990s, when that balance collapsed, the policy of unrestrained superiority has begun to grow rapidly, and in recent years this policy has reached its peak. Western countries have effectively trampled on international law and started to force everyone to act according to so-called rules, destroying countries and suppressing unbowed peoples. And these rules are like traffic signs in a city that they themselves have designed. They always have a green light while everyone else faces strict restrictions. But this isn't about metaphors. It is about facts that everyone knows. Yugoslavia, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Venezuela, Cuba, Iran, Palestine. And this is by no means an exhaustive list of the countries that have been or remain the focus of greedy Western interests.
Mr. President, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we are often tempted to look to the future with disquiet. But let's look to the future with clarity, confidence and above all, responsibility. We already know a great deal about what the future has in store. The climate will continue to change. Technologies will continue to transform our societies and our economies. Africa will have greater weight in global demographic and economic equilibria. Security threats will continue to try and cross borders. But we know one thing more than anything no state will be able to tackle these challenges on its own. So let's prepare. Let's prepare our countries. Let's prepare our institutions. Let's get multilateralism ready. Above all, let's prepare ourselves to pass the baton, because the responsibility of a generation is not just to receive the world bequeathed to them from those who came before. It is also to have the courage, the vision, the determination to hand down a better world to those who come after you. This is the responsibility that Benin intends to shoulder for us, for Africa and the United Nations. Let's restore trust, rebuild our capacity for working together. Let's manage these transformations. And that means deciding to prepare for them rather than simply enduring them. Let's ensure that the United Nations serves us all, which means that multilateralism once again becomes a source of strength, that it is of use for the people of the world. This is the basis for multilateralism, legitimacy, and Benin intends to contribute to this effort.
The countries in the region have experienced the horrors of authoritarian regimes. We have come a long way to restore popular will. Democracy is once again under threat. We witness once more interference in the electoral processes. Dividing the world into zones of influence and neocolonial incursions for strategic resources are anachronistic gestures. The Venezuelan people deserve to define their own destiny. Nicaragua will not solve its problems by preventing the opposition from running in the elections. The crisis in Haiti continues to test the limits of the international community's indifference. In Cuba, the world watches in horror as collective punishment is imposed on 10 million people by an illegal economic and energy embargo.
And I call that overarching purpose the Patria Milagro, the miracle nation. The first step is a basic one restoring security. For far too long, Colombians have had to live alongside situations that no society should accept as normal. A rural farmer having to ask permission from a terrorist group to work on his land, a shopkeeper having to hand over part of the fruits of his labor to extortionists, a mother increasingly gripped by fear every time their child goes out to play in the park. That is not, and it cannot become the norm. Consequently, from the very beginning of my government I gave the security forces one clear instruction to regain territorial control, to fully restore the state's authority and to confront the structures using terrorism. My government is determined to do away with euphemisms. Organizations that murder, that kidnap, that use explosives, that recruit children, and that deliberately resort to terror to subjugate a society are terrorist groups. That is what we call them, and we are facing up to them with the full, legitimate force of the state, within the Constitution and within the law. But there is another reality that is very often overlooked. The illicit drugs produced in Colombia don't end up in Colombia. Drugs trafficking is a transnational criminal enterprise. Its routes cross borders. Its money moves through international financial systems, and its networks operate across numerous countries. I will do everything necessary to combat that scourge, but a transnational threat requires the international community to play its part as well. Security, while essential, is not enough. A territory that provides no opportunities remains vulnerable.
Technology is changing how we work, communicate, and understand the world. Climate change is reshaping economies, communities, and entire ecosystems. Conflicts are destroying lives and displacing families. Economic uncertainty is deepening inequality while progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals has stalled. These challenges are not unfolding in isolation. They are interconnected, global in scale and beyond the capacity of any one nation to address alone. They demand stronger cooperation and renewed confidence in multilateralism. Yet, excellencies, at the very moment when collective action is most urgently needed, this organization stands at a crossroads. The question before us, therefore, is whether we possess the courage, solidarity and political will to shape that change and guide our world towards peace, justice and shared prosperity. I strongly believe that most right thinking individuals would agree that the UN system has substantially delivered for all countries over the several decades of its existence. For more than 80 years, this organization has embodied humanity's highest collective aspiration that countries large and small, rich and poor can work together to prevent conflict, protect human dignity and improve the lives of their people. The United Nations provides shelter and protection to people enduring conflict, displacement, and natural disaster. It supports education healthcare, peacekeeping, elections and development in communities that might otherwise be forgotten. These achievements matter and must never be dismissed or diminished. What the United Nations does not currently do enough is deliver at the transformative level. Too often humanity and the institutions we have created to serve us have had to concentrate on managing one crisis after another, without giving enough attention to the conditions that allow them to persist. Excellencies, there is no question that managing crises is necessary. It brings relief, restores hope, and saves lives. But we cannot stop there. Our responsibility must also be to address the root causes of these problems and build systems that are fairer, stronger and better able to serve our people. The true test of this organization, therefore is not only how well we respond after people have suffered, it is also whether we can work together to prevent that suffering in the first place. This is not to dismiss what has already been achieved. It is a call for us to build on that progress, strengthen our cooperation and deliver the meaningful change that our people expect from us. A fundamental question that one must ask is, can the international system still deliver?
Finally, let me make a procedural proposal. The foundations of the United Nations were built in San Francisco over 80 years ago. Today, we must restore balance to the world order. We must recommit to the fundamental principles of the international order. And we must embrace cooperation over conflict. What the world needs now is a new San Francisco moment, a moment where the world leaders come together to chart a way forward. A process to achieve this should start with a new secretary general. Thank you very much.
Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple at a time of tectonic geopolitical changes. In the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern. Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces. With the UNIFIL's mandate ending, joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Yet further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward, an understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions that challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound: the unresolved Cyprus issue. 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day. For the United Nations, Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary-General Guterres to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere too. Today, two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil. The Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skin in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's confidence abroad rests on a profound transformation at home. At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security, demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb, in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests and settlement. We call for the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid, access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. We affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Kuwait reiterates that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4th, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. president, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the West Coast aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait. In this regard, the state of Kuwait reiterates its full support for UN led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable and Yemeni led settlement, in accordance with the three agreed references and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2216. The State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red sea and the Bab el Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC states. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian led, comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians, with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to the sisterly Lebanese Republic, the state of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon, and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the blue line to ensure the full implementation of UN resolution 1701, and we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia and the state of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law, so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. president, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles, namely moderation and balance, and a firm commitment to the charter of the United Nations and International law, and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The State of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security.
On exactly 66 years ago, six days only after becoming independent and sovereign Mali, under the leadership of President Modibo Keïta, was admitted to the UN with the support of the Republic of Tunisia and of Ceylon, currently Sri Lanka. We welcome the theme of the 81st session of the General Assembly, namely restoring trust, supporting Transformation, a United Nations organization that delivers for all. This theme is very timely and relevant because beyond encouraging reflection on how our organization can regain credibility and effectiveness amid multiple crises and challenges to multilateralism, it especially calls on member states to restore trust and seek common solutions to the many challenges of our time. And how can this be achieved? For its part, Mali reaffirms its unwavering commitment to reformed multilateralism founded on strict respect for the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, particularly sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-use of force, mutual respect, and non-interference in the internal affairs of a state. The further we move away from these principles, the closer we come to cycles of conflict. And we all know that the blatant violations of international law its selective application, double standards in the management of crises throughout the world, abusive recourse to force and threats and policies of hegemony and domination in violation of the charter of this organization have seriously undermined public confidence throughout the world in international institutions, especially the United Nations. We therefore call for the lifting of unilateral coercive measures, which undermine state sovereignty and endanger the well-being of populations in approximately 30 countries throughout the world, which are affected by such sanctions. To these practices, which undermine the current governance, we need to add the slowness of anticipation within the United Nations, which too often leaves the organization reduced to observing crisis after they have erupted. That's the case in the Sahel, where for several decades we had a security crisis for. Also the crisis in Libya provoked by the NATO interference in 2011.
We note with deep concern that the establishment of unlawful settlements may be a major obstacle to peace. Mr. president, I now come to an issue which for Mauritius is non-negotiable. It concerns our sovereignty over the Chagos Islands. The agreement on the Chagos Archipelago, signed by Mauritius and the United Kingdom in May 2025, stands as living proof that trust in multilateralism and UN judicial organs can achieve the peaceful settlement of disputes and the completion of our nation's decolonization, and restore the rights of Mauritians of Chagossian origin by force of law. Trust, especially amongst neighbours and in the region, is reinforced when there is respect for the rule of law, for the resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly, the ruling of the International Tribunal on the law of the sea and the ICJ's advisory opinion on the Chagos Archipelago, which carries authoritative obligations. We trust that states which laid the very foundation of the new post-war legal order will recommit to full respect and compliance with international law and correct this historical injustice without delay, as William Ewart Gladstone, a four term former British prime minister and great campaigner for peace and freedom, put it justice delayed is justice denied. Monsieur le président. Mr. President, Tromelin Island is an integral part of the territory of the Republic of Mauritius. We have constantly maintained our position concerning the sovereignty of the Republic of Mauritius over this island. We reiterate our call upon France to engage constructively with a view to resolving the dispute relating to Tromelin Island in the spirit of friendship which characterises relations between our two countries.
It is ultimately the responsibility of Member states to prevent and resolve conflicts. We cannot outsource that responsibility, but at the same time, we need a Secretary-General who is active in conflict prevention, mediation and peacemaking. The Secretary-General should never have to ask permission or forgiveness for acting to prevent or resolve conflict. As a custodian of the UN Charter, you have the right and the obligation to speak up when its core norms are breached. We expect you to do so in an objective, impartial and consistent manner. We will support you when you do. So we ask you to be active in seeking an end to the horrific conflict in Sudan. You must be bold in pressing for a sustainable and just end to Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, one that is consistent with Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity and the core principles of the charter. You must be determined in your efforts to help alleviate the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza. We ask that you use your influence to progress a fragile ceasefire into a sustainable, durable peace. And you must be resolute in preserving conditions for a two state solution. You must take the initiative despite the challenges and entrenched views to achieve a just and lasting resolution, where Israel and Palestine can live side by side within secure and clearly defined borders. We urge you to use your good offices to secure a lasting end to hostilities in the Persian Gulf and restore freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, which is a right guaranteed under international law. Of course, you cannot do this alone. For our part, as Member States, we must provide you with the tools the resources, and above all, the political support to ensure you can play this role effectively. Parties to conflicts must engage with you constructively and in good faith, while global and regional partners with influence must provide the necessary incentive for the parties to do so. The UN Security Council needs to fulfill its responsibilities.
Today, I stand here to make clear the Republic of Korea's bold resolve to lead the effort to restore the spirit of the United Nations and reconnect the world as a nation that has risen through the solidarity of the international community. The worldwide popularity of K-culture serves as an example, demonstrating that universal empathy is possible, showcasing the potential of global connection. The stories and content that grew out of Korea's unique experience have become a language of solidarity that crosses borders. Just as culture has connected people across borders, so too can nations reunite in the face of common problems. The Republic of Korea will build on the power of empathy and solidarity that culture has brought to light. We will harness that power to address the common challenges facing all of humanity. To that end, allow me to set out the three visions of the K-Initiative toward fulfilling this commitment.
Our national budget last year made historic allocations to the healthcare and education sectors. We take pride in our long standing policy of free and universal healthcare and education, and remain committed to strengthening these important pillars of social justice. While actively implementing all SDGs without discrimination, we fully subscribe to and proactively engage with SDG 16, which underscores the importance of just and inclusive institutions that build and restore public trust and treat all people equally. Mr. President, Sri Lanka has long championed and contributed towards a fair and peaceful order at sea under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, a legal regime which we have helped shape.
Nevertheless, at the same time, we reiterate our categorical rejection of any attempt to impose solutions, dictates or external agendas upon our people. The Sudanese people alone are the makers of that decision and will determine their future without influence or pressure, in accordance with the principle of national ownership of peace building, affirmed in Security Council Resolution 2736. On this basis, we affirm our readiness to cooperate constructively with initiatives aimed at addressing the root causes of the crisis, ending the unjust aggression against our people, preserving national state institutions and sovereignty, supporting efforts to achieve peace and development, and overcoming current challenges. We have supported the efforts of the Secretary-General's Personal Envoy for Sudan and his consultations with neighbouring countries, and we have responded positively to constructive proposals and initiatives aimed at ending the war of aggression. We have also advanced a purely Sudanese effort to overcome the crisis, restore stability and rebuild the country. This was embodied in the roadmap submitted to the Security Council in December 2025. In parallel, Sudan continues its positive cooperation with the United Nations, including the office of the Special Representative of the Secretary General on Sexual Violence in Conflict.
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However our cooperation will never be synonym of submission, and our openness will never mean abandoning our own vital interests. It is only if these conditions are met that we will be able to restore confidence and trust between our nations, to make our organisation credible again and to offer present and future generations a safer, more prosperous world that is more respectful of the aspirations of all peoples. President, heads of delegation. Ladies and gentlemen, in our national capacity, I wish to draw the attention of this August Assembly to some thoughts, some considerations on the situation in my country.
Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations.
