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Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General and distinguished delegates when it comes to peace on the Korean Peninsula, the Republic of Korea knows firsthand the change that the United Nations has brought about. 35 years ago, the two Koreas were admitted to the UN as members on this very stage. It was a crucial turning point that laid the foundation for peaceful co-existence, freeing us from the relentless rivalry and confrontation that followed our division. One year ago, I stated from this stage that the Republic of Korea would begin a new journey toward peaceful coexistence and shared growth on the Korean Peninsula. Today, as we set out on this new journey, I would like to present to the international community the three blueprints for the road to peaceful coexistence on the Korean Peninsula. First is inclusive peaceful coexistence built on mutual respect. Based on the respect for each other's systems and acknowledgment of our differences, we will explore ways for shared growth through cooperation. We will continue to respect the North on the international stage and seek cooperation wherever possible. We hope that opportunities will emerge for us to work together in the international community in areas such as public health, disaster response and the climate crisis. Second is stable, peaceful coexistence that renders conflict unnecessary. We will work to institute mechanisms for preventing crisis and managing conflicts. Reestablishing basic channels of communication, and building trust will be the first step toward a stable, peaceful coexistence. Third is responsible peaceful coexistence contributing to world peace. We will go beyond building a Korean Peninsula free from war and nuclear weapons to promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia, while actively contributing to global efforts to build a world free from war and conflict. The most critical task is to bring an end to this decades old war on the Korean Peninsula and establish a lasting peace regime. For decades, the two Koreas, along with key countries such as the US and China, have recognized the need for a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula and discussed ways to achieve it. Fortunately, President Trump's resolve has recently created a hard won opportunity for change. I hope the long suspended dialogue between North Korea and the US can resume without delay. We will lay the groundwork for this to develop into a dialogue among the parties aimed at ending the war on the Korean Peninsula and transitioning to a peace regime. I am confident that the dialogue for establishing a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula can provide a valuable framework, not only for normalizing relations among the parties concerned, but also for fostering shared growth through multilateral cooperation and promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia.
His place in the history of this institution is assured not merely by the office he has occupied, but by the principles he has steadfastly upheld, the courage and profundity with which he has spoken. When silence would have been easier, and his rare ability to hold before the world a clear mirror of the perils that confront our age and the possibilities that still beckon beyond them. Mr. president, one year ago I stood at this very podium and reminded this Assembly that if the United Nations is to remain humanity's surest hope for a just and peaceful world, it must have the courage to confront aggression and the will and the will to engage fully with the defining question of our age. I also argued that we must be bold enough to undertake the institutional reforms necessary to strengthen the organisation, enhance its credibility and enable it to meet the challenges of a changing world. Indeed, I am pleased that the theme of this year's assembly, and I quote, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. End of quote. Acknowledges the need for this organisation to be fit for purpose, to respond to the challenges, and to seize the possibilities of our time. Today, we confront a climate catastrophe, an energy crisis, food insecurity, biodiversity loss, armed conflicts, and geopolitical tensions. The horror of genocide, a spiralling cost of living crisis, a mounting debt crisis, widening inequalities within and among nations. And, perhaps most troubling of all, a weakening of multilateralism itself. Yet if history has taught us anything, it is that when it is that even when the world seemed to stand at the precipice, humanity has never been entirely without the means to draw it back from the brink. We have ended wars that seem without end. We have confronted economic calamities that threaten the foundations of societies. We have overcome dangers that presented existential threats time and again. It has been our inventiveness, our courage, and above all, our willingness to act together that have opened a path where none seemed to exist This is why I do not wish to linger or lament further upon the difficulties before us. I wish instead to turn our gaze toward the possibilities that lie beyond them. For within every crisis lies a summons to solutions. Within every disruption and opportunity. For renewal. And within every uncertainty, the possibility of shaping a better future.
Disputes must be settled by peaceful means. Human rights must be protected. International humanitarian law must be observed in all circumstances, and international obligations must be fulfilled. The law loses its ability to protect us when we accept its selective application. National and international institutions lose legitimacy when they depart from their mandates in response to pressure, calculations or particular interests. Their authority rests on independence impartiality, transparency and respect for the law. There can be no there cannot be one rule for the powerful and another for the weak. Nor can there be victims whose suffering outrages us and others whose suffering we choose to ignore. For countries such as Guatemala international law does not constrain our sovereignty. It is one of its principal safeguards. Guatemala believes in the peaceful settlement of disputes. We place our trust in dialogue, negotiation and the mechanisms provided for under international law.
I appear before this assembly on behalf of a young country, but one with deeply rooted traditions, a country that, over the course of its history, has learned that governing doesn't merely mean administering resources or institutions. Above all, it means working for the well-being of people. And that has been one of Uruguay's great purposes building a society in which dignity, freedom. Peaceful coexistence and opportunities can be a part of people's everyday lives.
Our perspective has always been that the way to resolve disputes is through dialogue and negotiations to reach just fair solutions grounded in international law, grounded in respect for the sovereignty of states and the rights of peoples. This remains our position in the aftermath of the wars we've been witnessing. The state of Qatar through its role as a trusted mediator and peace facilitator, has consistently warned that time does not resolve lingering conflicts in the absence of a just settlement. Rather, it doubles their costs. Ladies and gentlemen, at the heart of the dangerous situation we are witnessing lies the absence of a regional system of collective security, one that respects the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of states one that promotes the peaceful settlement of disputes and the non-interference in the internal affairs of states. We have previously called from this very podium for the establishment of such a system, and we reiterate that call after recent events have demonstrated the urgent need for it. In the absence of such a system, it has become possible for a war to erupt owing to considerations unrelated to the interests of the countries of the region. It has become possible for one party to drag its neighbors into a war that is not theirs, targeting their vital assets and installations despite their strenuous efforts to avert escalation.
Let me begin by paying my deepest respect to all the martyred freedom fighters of Bangladesh. I respectfully remember the contributions of those who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the struggle to establish democracy, justice and people's rights in our country since independence. I also pay my sincere respect to all those who were martyred and injured in the mass uprising of courageous students and people in July August 2024 against fascism. After more than a decade and a half of movement and struggle against fascist rule and exploitation, and through the sacrifice of thousands of lives, Bangladesh is now free from fascism in a free, fair and impartial national election held on 12th February this year. The people entrusted the Bangladesh Nationalist Party BNP with the responsibility of governing the country. I congratulate the democracy loving people of Bangladesh. We believe that the people are the source of all our political power. Standing on this world stage of the United Nations, I am somewhat nostalgic at this moment. It was from this very world stage that my father, Shaheed, President Ziaur Rahman. The proclaimer of Bangladesh's independence and my mother, former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, addressed the world on behalf of the country and its people. Today, I too, stand here to speak for the interests of my country and its people, and in the hope of a peaceful world community. In this age of globalization, whatever happens in any part of the world has, to varying degrees, a negative impact on every country.
When member states approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a sense of responsibility. Mr. president, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security. One of the foremost purposes for which this organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge at that critical moment. The preventive diplomacy of the United Nations working in partnership with African Union and ECOWAS, helped uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with The Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displaced populations and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest costs, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crisis remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of a shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate. Timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peace building that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore not only be how to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human political and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and in preventing diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. president, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence. Societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The government has experienced the value of peace building firsthand since our democratic transition. The Peace Building Commission and the Secretary-General's Peace Building Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally led efforts to strengthen institutions, advanced transitional justice and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peace Building Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the Building Architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peace building operations, and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including government, military and police personnel who have contributed with distinction, international peace and security. There are. Safety and security must remain a priority, alongside performance, accountability and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organisations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. president, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to The Gambia, together with continued instability across part of the Sahel. It reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards the escalation, dialogue and a durable political settlement in the Sahel and other conflict zones. Our response must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance, institution building, education job creation, development and climate resilience. Mr. president, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, etc. continue to pose greater insecurity.
But today I am once again speaking before you with a different mindset. I do not seek to denounce, but rather to share with you, to share with you factual elements about the progress and the headway that has been made by the Republic of Guinea as we have achieved results that have emanated from the choices that we have made. On the basis of our constitution, the Republic of Guinea organized an entire direct presidential and legislative communal elections, and we have established all institutions which are entirely financed by our Treasury. And I state this with a rightful sense of pride that none of these elections that were held throughout our territory, none of these elections were marred by any significant incidents on the part of any of the participants in this electoral process, and this reflects the fact, ladies and gentlemen, that a country can organize independently using its own resources, credible, peaceful, and transparent elections. This constitution that we have adopted introduces profound innovations in terms of peaceful coexistence, as well as greater representation of our localities and our communities, as well as novel guarantees for peaceful transfer of power, and includes recognition of our cultural, linguistic, religious, and cultural plurality as the bedrock of our nation, and not as a divisive factor. And this I state with a sense of legitimate pride. All of these elections were organized on our soil, once again, without any assistance from any party whatsoever. Ladies and gentlemen, I have not— I did not come here to exercise emphatic, but I do believe it is worthwhile to share with you, to share a simple overview and useful, useful information about what our Republic of Guinea has achieved in less than three years.
It must reach the people living in our occupied historic regions as well, who remain and will always remain part of our shared future. The challenges facing our country also remind us that national stability and success cannot be separated from the wider regional context We believe that the South Caucasus should not be defined by the divisions of the past. We have consistently sought to act as an honest broker in regional initiatives, fostering cooperation and contributing to peaceful solutions. Today, we see a genuine opportunity to turn a new page and build a more peaceful and interconnected region based on shared commitment to a better future. This spirit of cooperation must also translate into tangible economic opportunities for the region. As an integral part of the South Caucasus and the middle corridor. Georgia is well positioned to strengthen connectivity between Central Asia and Europe. Our strategic location and direct access to the Black Sea facilitate trade and investment linking landlocked countries in our wider region to global supply chains.
This purpose binds our national advancement to our continent's progress, and to our responsibility to contribute to a peaceful, equitable and prosperous world. We understand that governments and multilateral institutions and trusts, when their decisions improve lives. Yet none of these gains will matter if we turn a deaf ear to the trace gathering around our borders and further appeal, we inhabit the only planet known to sustain human life. And as long as that scientific park holds, we cannot pretend that we are insulated from complex as well geography or personal exemption from the consequences of a fractured world. Mr. president, we reject the false choice between development and climate action. Developing countries, most industrialised, eradicate poverty and expand energy access through low carbon pathways supported by technology transfer, capacity building and climate finance. Africa Contributes less than 4% of the greenhouse gas emissions yet via disproportionate consequences. Nigeria remains committed to the Paris Agreement and an equitable energy transition that reflects historical responsibility and capacity. While protecting people's right to development under our Energy transition Plan, we are working towards net zero emissions by 2060 while expanding access to affordable, reliable and sustainable energy. This approach combines renewable energy, clean cooking and gas as a transitional fuel with climate, smart agriculture and nature based solutions. Finance must be governed by equity and shared responsibility rather than charity. With international commitments translated into accessible, predictable and adequately funded mechanisms that enable developing countries to pursue climate action without compromising development objectives.
Lesotho has restored national peace and security following successive episodes of political and security unrest. With the support of the United Nations, the African Union, SADC and other friendly nations, we have reclaimed our rightful place among the comity of nations as a stable and peaceful country. We therefore attest that preventative diplomacy remains the most effective means of avoiding conflict and ensuring sustainable peace. To create an environment conducive to inclusive growth and development, we continue to advance constitutional reforms aimed at strengthening democratic governance and the rule of law. We remain committed to accountability, professionalism and respect for human rights for all sectors of society. We recognize that culture of peace requires strong institutions that negate violence in all its forms. An independent judiciary capable of delivering justice impartially and efficiently to restore public trust. Mr. president, we must acknowledge that climate change is no longer a future threat, but the present reality.
In the Asia Pacific, nearly six decades of the ASEAN's development have demonstrated that countries can transform suspicion into trust, confrontation into dialogue, division, into cooperation, and individual strength into collective might. In that spirit, Vietnam remains steadfast in its commitment to resolving disputes, including those in the East Sea by peaceful means in line with international law, particularly the 1982 UNCLOS. Vietnam is resolute in safeguarding its sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction. The seas and oceans must remain spaces of peace, cooperation, connectivity and sustainable development.
Applying the approach of practical diplomacy, we are preparing an initiative under which it will strive, together with countries of the region and all interested parties, to reach an agreement and collective action to ensure the freedom and security of navigation in the Black Sea. We are convinced that this issue deserves the UN's attention as well. Bulgaria calls for the Black Sea to be transformed from a zone of heightened risk and threat into a zone of shared security, one of security, free transport, energy, trade, digital corridors, tourism. A zone in which different cultures, religions, and political systems can peacefully coexist. The Middle East also needs political solutions and de-escalation. A new cycle of destruction, humanitarian crisis, and violence cannot be allowed to take root in Gaza. Distinguished colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, today I commemorate Captain Marin Marinov, who lost his life in Gaza but who accomplished his humanitarian mission. It is crucial to create the conditions needed for stabilization and reconstruction, credible security assurances for Israel, and an effective Palestinian governance. Bulgaria condemns the terrorist acts of Hamas and insists on its complete and unconditional disarmament. Hamas has no place in the government of Gaza. We remain convinced that the only sustainable solution is one in which the two states, Israel and Palestine, live side by side in peace and security. This is the only way in which the two peoples can look forward to a decent life and a peaceful future. In the context of the developments in Iran, the security of global maritime routes, especially the route that passes through the Strait of Hormuz, have highlighted the global dimensions of this issue. As we underscored publicly several times in international fora, Bulgaria firmly supports the freedom and security of international maritime transport and calls for strict adherence with applicable international law and to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. Security requires us to limit the risks posed by weapons of mass destruction and by their proliferation. Bulgaria remains determined to strengthen international non-proliferation, disarmament, and arms control architecture, as well as the three pillars of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
Allow me to begin my speech by quoting the sentences that I delivered, uh, 14 years ago on this rostrum on behalf of Slovenia and also on behalf of vast number of current and former heads of states at that time who signed our declaration for. And, uh, allow me to quote This was, uh, 14 years ago, this year's team of the United Nations Assembly is peaceful resolution of disputes. Last year, we celebrated the 60th anniversary of the entry into force of the convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The convention was the fruit of the tireless effort of the Polish jurist of Jewish descent, Raphael Lemkin. I would like to remind you that since the end of the Second World War alone, there have been more than 80 countries witnessing mass atrocities. At least 53 million innocent people lost their lives. And behind these numbers are concrete men and women as well as children. They had a future, but they were not allowed to leave that future. For this reason, I call on the member states of the United Nations, regional organizations and the United Nations system to develop a new approach and a strategy for the prevention of genocide and other mass atrocities. In addition, an intergovernmental forum of like minded states should be established in order to propose a United Nations resolution that would give a clear mandate for preparation and adoption of an appropriate legal mechanism, legal mechanism that would give the concept of the responsibility to protect a new tool, a legal mechanism that will enforce the prevention of crime, a mechanism that will enable a faster and more effective response to acts of genocide and other mass atrocities. I would like to inform you that this initiative also comes from international civil society. The Institute for Cultural Diplomacy has gathered thousands of supporters and inter international non-governmental organizations among lawyers, lawyers, students, journalists and others. As early as 1960. 1946 Raphael Lemkin declared our heritage is the result of the contribution of all nations, all nations, as well as the United Nations, as we all have great responsibility, as well as an enormous opportunity to prevent atrocities in the future. We cannot escape history, but we can learn something from it. I firmly believe that the mistakes we made yesterday, we do not want to repeat tomorrow. We talk. We. We took responsibility for this word from our fathers, and we have a great responsibility to make it better for our children. I call on you to improve it by joining all our efforts for a world free from genocide and other mass atrocities. End of quote. This was 14 years ago, after 14 years. I know that despite the great initial support, our initiative has not been realized. And we can all say that today world is not better.
Ladies and gentlemen, as global challenges become increasingly complex, no country can address them alone. And yet the growing limitations of multilateral mechanisms continue to undermine our collective ability to respond effectively to current and emerging threats. Meeting these realities requires joint action but true transformation is impossible without first restoring trust in the international order and demonstrating that multilateralism can once again deliver tangible results for all. In an era marked by division, growing intolerance and stark double standards, Azerbaijan advocates for a reinvigorated and reformed multilateral system underpinned by strict adherence to consistent and non-selective application of universally accepted norms and principles of international law. Azerbaijan supports a more effective UN capable of delivering tangible results for member states, especially in peace and security development, climate resilience and humanitarian action through inclusive multilateralism. All states, large or small, particularly developing countries, must have the opportunity to participate equally in global decision making. In this context, reform of the UN security is essential to make it more representative, effective and responsive. Ladies and gentlemen, restoring global trust begins first and foremost with respecting international law, sovereign equality, and peaceful coexistence.
Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen the Islamic Republic of Mauritania renews its commitment to the principles and purposes of the UN charter and the norms of international law, as well as the resolutions of international legitimacy. Our foreign policy is based on good neighbourliness, the respect of states sovereignty, independence and non-interference in their internal affairs, as well as the peaceful settlement of disputes and ensuring the just causes proceeding from such principles. My country, under the leadership of His Excellency, the President of the state, Mohammed, will continue to build a modern state that is coexistent in synergy with its neighbours and open to the entire world. On the national level, we have adopted a comprehensive strategy with its political, economic, social and security dimensions. We made dialogue, consul and consultation. The pattern for public offices. Thus, His Excellency the President launched a comprehensive national dialogue that is all inclusive. It does not exclude any strata of society to ensure consensus on the development of our institutions and entrench a state of law, a democratic state that protects rights and freedoms. Turning to the social context, we promote social cohesion and community unification through fighting discrimination and vulnerability while addressing any weakness inherited. We try to promote the synergies and develop our economies to limit poverty and provide the basic services to the most needy. We have also expanded the medical services through establishing a Medicare fund for all those who are not currently covered with medical insurance. We provide certain basic medical services to the most in need, especially mothers, the the mothers, the elderly, and those with disabilities. Turning to education, reforming this sector is the basis of our effort to provide high quality education that provides equal opportunities and ensure equity Turning to good governance, we focus on transparency, the independence of the judiciary, and combating corruption while reforming public offices and promoting investment. Our approach. Addresses the hike in prices, confronting any threats to the security or terrorism while tackling also vulnerability and poverty. The complementarity between all those dimensions ensured our country's security and stability in an environment full with disruptions.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic, ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2017 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security. Demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on. Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including. The Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb. In accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea.
Your Excellency António Guterres, the UN Secretary general. Your Excellency Rahman the president of the 81st General Assembly. Your excellencies, heads of state and government, distinguished delegates. Ladies and gentlemen allow me to congratulate His Excellency Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, in the hope that with his vast experience and profound knowledge of our organization, he will render a valuable service to the United Nations, which is facing complex challenges that must be overcome in order to retake its key role in addressing the major issues of contemporary international relations. I also congratulate Miss Annalena Baerbock, who preceded him in the discharge of these noble duties, who did not spare efforts in her term that she carried out with undeniable competence to preserve the role of United Nations in addressing the issues that most concern the international community today. I would like also to congratulate His Excellency Secretary General Antonio Guterres, who has been working tirelessly and devoted himself with persistent dedication to the great global causes, building bridges for dialogue in the search for peaceful solutions to the problems facing humanity.
The president of the United Nations. General Assembly. Your Excellency, doctor Khalilur Rahman, the Secretary General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, fellow heads of State and government. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. The Sambola Vinaka. And a very good afternoon to you all. I bring warm greetings from the people of Fiji and from the Blue Pacific continent Mr. president, although he is not here, I congratulate you on assuming the presidency of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Fiji assures you of our full support as you guide this Assembly through a period of profound uncertainty and transformation. Our Prime Minister, the Honourable Sitiveni Rabuka, joins me in wishing you and all Member states a peaceful, productive and a very successful session. On the same note, I acknowledge your predecessor, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, for her stewardship of the 80th session I pay tribute also to the Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, who addresses the general debate for the last time in that office. Through a decade of turbulence, he has defended the multilateralism and stood with small island developing states, and Fiji thanks him dearly. Mr. president, the theme of this session is restoring trust and Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, and it speaks directly to the condition of our world. We face deepening geopolitical rivalry, armed conflict and climate and environmental crisis.
As he prepares to turn this important page of his life, I wish him, on my own behalf and on behalf of the entire Burundian people, every success in his new endeavors, as well as good health and a future filled with serenity and prosperity. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the theme of this 81st Session: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, comes at a time when our world faces multiple crises: aggression against states, internal armed conflict fueled from outside, and expansionist conflicts that are breeding mistrust among states and rendering the international community unable to resolve these crises through peaceful means. In this context, a fundamental question arises: how can we restore trust in multilateralism and ensure that international institutions truly meet the expectations of all peoples? Our answer is clear: we must strengthen multilateralism, reform global governance, and place human dignity at the heart of our collective action.
I repeat: the Malvinas for us are a national cause. They are also a test of the gulf that can exist between the words of international institutions and the reality upon which they purport to act. Fifty years ago, this very Assembly adopted Resolution 3149, which calls on parties to refrain from introducing unilateral modifications while the dispute remains unresolved. Fifty years on, the situation has not changed, yet unilateral modifications continue. Today, the Sea Lion Project is moving toward oil extraction on the Argentine continental shelf in the North Malvinas Basin, under British licenses that Argentina rejects as illegal and illegitimate. Any such activity not authorized by the Argentine Republic in this regard constitutes an unlawful act under both international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, and Argentine domestic law. That is why I wish to ask a question: what use is a resolution if, for decades, the other party can act in direct contravention of it, while that resolution remains intact in the archives but powerless in the face of reality? There's no shortage of words or resolutions. What is lacking is consequences. Because an institution that cannot ensure that its words carry weight in the real world loses the most important thing of all: its authority. In these circumstances, those who follow the rules receive no reward for doing so, while those who break them suffer no repercussions whatsoever. That's why the Malvinas are not merely an issue between Argentina and the United Kingdom. They also raise a question regarding the ability of this organization to enforce its own resolutions. Argentina has taken note of that reality, and in the face of the unauthorized exploitation of our resources in the disputed area, we've acted. We've submitted formal notes of protest. We've availed ourselves of the legal remedies at our disposal. We've imposed sanctions on the companies involved and their suppliers. And we've submitted a national sovereignty defense bill to Congress. For far too long, Argentine governments opted for a rhetorical defense. We have chosen a peaceful, practical, and effective defense. I repeat: we have chosen a peaceful, practical, and effective defense. I also wish to reiterate our position regarding the population of the islands. As this very Assembly has determined in numerous resolutions, the principle of self-determination does not apply in this case, since the population was implanted by the occupying power on a territory whose sovereignty is in dispute. That principle exists to liberate colonized people, not to legitimize situations arising from colonization. If the United Kingdom maintains a selective interpretation of the principle of self-determination with regard to the Malvinas Islands, it must also explain how it reconciles that position with the debates on self-determination taking place within its own territory. Once again, we call on the United Kingdom to resume negotiations with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the sovereignty dispute, as required by international law. We also reiterate our invitation to proceed without delay to an exchange of views with a view to resolving the issue concerning the aforementioned dispute over the exploitation of our natural resources. And I want to say something more to the global energy sector. Waka Mwertha represents a historic opportunity, with the potential to become one of the major players in the energy sector in the decades ahead. Come, invest, develop it with us. But there's a limit to this invitation. We will not remain indifferent to those who exploit resources under illegal foreign occupation.
Mr. president, over the past year, the international community has faced many challenges. Protracted armed conflicts, an energy crisis and disruptions to global trade have been compounded by destabilization orchestrated by those who pursue their own selfish ambitions. For small island economies, these are not distant events. Every rise in the price of fuel is felt in the cost of shipping, electricity, food and essential services, placing a heavy burden on communities that have no buffer against external shocks. These tensions confirm what Solomon Islands has long understood. Peace and security are inseparable from development. Neither can be secured without the other. There are no winners in war, only graves, orphans and the long labor of rebuilding what conflict has torn down. There is no substitute for dialogue, diplomacy and peaceful negotiation. Solomon Islands calls on all parties to armed conflict to protect civilians and return to the negotiating table and act in full respect of international law. And it is why the world needs a stronger, more agile United Nations, one equipped to respond to the realities of today. Mr. president, the Pacific faces a grave and growing threat.
Mr. president. Development requires peace and stability. Equatorial Guinea defends dialogue, negotiation, mediation and the peaceful settlement of disputes Our own experience demonstrates this. Equatorial Guinea and the Gabonese Republic. Are a clear example of commitment to peaceful settlement because they submitted their territorial disputes to the International Court of Justice. Today, both states continue to make progress on implementation through bilateral dialogue. We express our recognition and gratitude for the valuable support of the United Nations and the African Union in this in that process in which we have shown that it is possible to preserve ties of friendship, cooperation and good neighbourliness. At the same time, Equatorial Guinea has its doors wide open for investors and partners from around the world.
Mr. president, the theme of this session Restoring Trust, managing transformation a united nation that delivers for all four frames. In our view, a lingering crisis of legitimacy and relevant that demands urgent attention. Trust in multilateralism is broken and needs to be restored, not because the principles of the charter are no longer relevant, but because we have applied them inconsistently and selectively. Fearing global fragmentation. Our answer to that maturity is a better, more multilateralism. 80 years ago, Liberia was among the only four nations to sign the charter establishing the United Nations. Believing then, as we do now, that a peaceful world rests on international law, respect for human rights and dignity, a commitment to development. Having risen from the ashes of conflict to become resilient democracy, Liberia is living proof that dialogue can overcome division, that institutions can be built.
Madam President. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, 35 years ago, Lithuania returned to its rightful place in the global community of sovereign states. By joining the United Nations, we reaffirmed our strong commitment to the global order based on international law, territorial integrity, state sovereignty, and human dignity. It was a glorious moment for a nation well taught by historical experience, that freedom and independence cannot be taken for granted. They must be constantly and consistently defended. Today I am standing here to speak for the same dream that inspired Lithuania in 1991. The vision of the more just, secure and peaceful world. Today I am backing up the principles of the United Nations, which sadly are being put under increasing pressure. Recent years have brought us numerous high intensity and far reaching conflicts that dominate the global affairs, on a scale not seen in decades.
Mr. President, the sustainability of our oceans and fisheries is closely linked to the changing climate, and the pressures we face on our marine resources are increasingly compounded by its impacts. Climate change remains one of the most pressing challenges to our development and way of life. Sea-level rise, coastal erosion, saltwater intrusion and extreme weather events continue to place pressure on our communities, infrastructure, water security and livelihoods. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Sixth Assessment Report reinforces the urgency of these challenges and particularly the risks faced by small island States. Through our long-term national development vision, the Kiribati Vision for 20 years, and our national priorities under Te Motinnano policies, we continue to invest in resilient infrastructure, water security, coastal protection, disaster preparedness, renewable energy and community-based adaptation. Our objective is clear: to continue building a wealthy, healthy and peaceful Kiribati, where our people can live with dignity, in peace and with opportunities. Renewable energy is increasingly important to Kiribati’s development and energy access. We therefore see greater investment in renewable energy as an important opportunity to reduce our reliance on imported fossil fuels and strengthen the resilience and sustainability of our energy sector. But national action must be matched by international action. We call for greater ambition, stronger support for adaptation and climate finance that is adequate, predictable and accessible, particularly for Small Island Developing States. Kiribati recognises the importance of international law in addressing climate change. The International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion on climate change advances climate justice by affirming that all States have binding duties to protect the climate system and achieve deep, rapid, and sustained greenhouse gas reductions consistent with limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. We welcome growing recognition that climate resilience must be locally owned and driven. The Pacific Resilience Facility is a Pacific-led, Pacific-owned mechanism that strengthens the region’s capacity to finance climate and disaster resilience. The Pacific’s co-hosting of COP31 with Türkiye later this year further demonstrates the value of local action.
If we smile together, it is not because we have no problems, but because we are stronger than our problems. Ladies and gentlemen, for half a century , the Comorian state still striving for full sovereignty within its internationally recognised borders, remains under what it considers an illegal French occupation. Despite the many relevant resolutions of this assembly. The Comorian side has always favored a peaceful settlement of this dispute, and has always believed that dialogue is the only alternative, and we have engaged in such a dialogue with France for two decades in an effort to reach a peaceful solution of this dispute, once described by former French President Francois Mitterrand as unpleasant. And we regret that this dialogue has not succeeded. On the contrary, France's unilateral actions, particularly in Africa, run counter to our expectations. We deeply regret attempts by some neighbouring brotherly and friendly countries, which have long defended the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Comoros, to establish relations with what we regard as an occupied part of our territory. We appeal to the solidarity that African countries have always demonstrated in defending sovereignty, and, in particular the territorial integrity of the Comoros. We strongly condemn initiatives of cooperation with the local authorities of Mayotte, as well as the recent statement by the French Prime Minister linking development assistance to the pursuit of migrants under General Assembly resolution 3385 of 12th November 1975 and 31, four of the 21st November 1976 and. Security Council Resolution 376 Comorians are at home in Mayotte for the Comorian nation Sovereignty of the entire archipelago is not for sale. We therefore urge the French authorities. To rethink their political narrative, to reconsider recently announced measures and productive cooperation and mutually beneficial partnership for both France and the Comoros.
Russia launched a war of aggression against a sovereign neighbor. It occupied territory and continued to attack Ukrainian cities. Ukraine did not choose this war. Russia did. We often speak about war fatigue. The phrase is understandable. Governments have other crises. Families have their own worries. Attention moves on. But being tired of a war you can switch off is different from being tired because of an air raid, wakes your children at night, and different still from the exhaustion of Ukrainian soldiers spending another cold night in the mud. Moldova could not choose that this war began next to us, but we could choose our response. We welcomed people fleeing the war. We kept transport routes open. We reduced the cost of rail transit for Ukrainian cargo with grain. These decisions were not always cost free or politically easy at home. We made them because the way this war ends matters to us far beyond our region. If aggression is rewarded, it becomes a precedent for the aggressor and for everyone watching. Peace must protect sovereignty and create the conditions for lasting security. The same principle applies within our own borders. Russian military forces remain illegally and without our consent, in the Transnistrian region of Moldova. We will continue to seek their unconditional withdrawal and the peaceful reintegration of our country with full respect for Moldova's sovereignty and territorial integrity. We want people on both banks of the Nistru to live together in a peaceful, democratic and prosperous Moldova. And because we believe small states should help shape the international system, not simply depend on it Moldova is honored to present its candidacy for the presidency of the 82nd session of the United Nations General Assembly. We want to contribute to a UN that is more effective, more inclusive and focused on results.
Mr. President, confidence in the international system is increasingly declining; international organizations are grappling with reduced capacity; political and economic impunity is being entrenched. The UN Charter underscores resolving international disputes through peaceful means, and the obligation of states to pursue diplomatic solutions before resorting to escalation or the use of force. Notwithstanding, we continue to be intended with the image of suffering of innocent civilians, such as in Sudan and Eastern DRC, large-scale internal displacement, cross-border migration, and humanitarian crises across the world. Those conflicts continue to undermine international mechanisms and the structures established to maintain international peace and security. Hence, we commend you, Mr. President, for the timely and befitting theme of the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly, namely "Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nation That Delivers for All." Namibia's independence was born out of international solidarity and is renowned as a UN success story. This is a testimony to the effectiveness of the UN. Therefore, we shall not be passive observers to the efforts aimed at dismantling or weakening the international system that had served us over 80 years, a bit with some shortcomings. In this regard, we shall continue to call for peace over conflict, dialogue over confrontation, and peaceful coexistence over tension. In restoring trust, we need to manage transformation of the United Nations Security Council based on equitable representation in its decision-making process to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. The common African position, as articulated in the Azulwina Consensus and the CERT Declaration, has also been reaffirmed in the Pact for the Future, which recognizes Africa as a special case. The time has come for us to recognize that we have been negotiating for too long, and that it is because of those problems that aroose trust in the United Nations.
Because noting the limits of multilateralism should no longer mean that we renounce multilateralism. We need even more multilateralism and even more UN, a stronger UN in defending its principles, more effective in preventing and peacefully settling disputes, more representative in its decision making structures, and closer to the realities of the people. The world needs a UN that strengthens and re-establishes trust. A UN that listens without turning away from the concerns of those people that it serves, who decide without losing sight of those for whom it works and which promises, without forgetting that it needs to keep its promises. International trust cannot be restored just through speeches. It is established through the respect of shared rules. And here we're talking about international law. Unfortunately, we are seeing a worsening of geopolitical tensions and a worrisome return to war at the heart of international relations. Violations of international law and of the United Nations Charter are increasing in number. And the weakness of our responses are akin to a type of tolerance that we seem to be willing to accept. Given this situation, Togo would like to reaffirm its firm belief in international law is not an obstacle to power. It guarantees its legitimacy, its predictability, and its stability. It protects the most vulnerable states and also serves the lasting interests of the most powerful. By preventing uncontrolled clashes by shoring up exchanges, and by establishing trust. Togo thus defends a pragmatic type of multilateralism that transforms commitments into results that scaffolds power dynamics with shared rules and organizes the peaceful coexistence of interests. Mr. president, Togo supports efforts as part of the UN initiative to improve the effectiveness, the coherence and the accountability of our organization.
Timely and urgent action is needed to safeguard the future of our coastal communities and island nations. Global solidarity must be concurrent with respect of each other's sovereignty. Tanzania stands against the proliferating trend of some states to assume the responsibility of policing and imposing unilateral sanctions on others, thus undermining the principles of sovereignty and peaceful co-existence. As stated previously, Tanzania reaffirms its position to oppose the use of such coercive measures against any Member State and reaffirms its unwavering solidarity with Cuba, Zimbabwe and all other states that are subjected to such unjustifiable constraints. In line with our resolve to leave no one behind, we call for an immediate and unequivocal lifting of these measures that cause hardships, constrain development and obstruct full enjoyment of human rights.
Mr. president, we meet during a pivotal moment when the world is facing numerous interconnected and complex crisis conflicts are spreading, climate shocks are intensifying and technology is advancing faster than the rules that govern it. As the current crop of leaders, it should concern us that today, somewhere a child is born into war, a families displaced by conflict. A farmer loses another harvest to drought, and the young person wonders whether technological progress will expand opportunity or deepen inequality. Through separated by geography, those separated by geography. These experiences reveal a common truth. Humanity's challenges are increasingly interconnected, and no nation can overcome them alone. The trust deficit among nations has continued to erode the gains that cooperation fostered within the United Nations system. We must therefore choose between purposeful reform or unmitigated repression. Trust will be restored when conflicts are prevented. International law is applied equally. Development commitments are fulfilled, and all nations are fairly represented in global institutions. Multilateralism is a crucial equalizer. It ensures that all have an equal voice under international law, and an equal role in shaping our shared future. Undoubtedly, the charter remains our common compass sovereign equality, political independence, territorial integrity, non-interference, peaceful settlement of disputes and international cooperation must be applied universally, not selectively. International law cannot be a shield for some and a sword against others. The United Nations has a sacred duty to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.
That is why we have the military power we do for defense. But we say it clearly: in order to defend our country, we do not seek anyone's permission or approval. We seek energy for progress. For years, there have been—they have labeled centrifuges, international sanctions, other labels—when it comes to our nuclear technology. But for our country, peaceful nuclear technology is part of our inherent progress. For our sick people, it is cure and treatment. For the agricultural sector, it is food security. For industry, it is advancement and progress and supply of electrical energy. Iran does not accept for nuclear technology to be at the exclusive disposal of some, of a handful. We will not— we will not bow our head and give up the right that is inherently ours. We say it clearly: no nuclear weapons, and no limitations to peaceful nuclear technology. Our peace will not come in the field of battle.
Mr. President, Excellencies, as the UN Secretary-General reminded us a few years ago, the United Nations is a product of hope. Eighty-one years after its birth, that hope is being tested. Technology, including artificial intelligence, is advancing at rapid speed; climate change is reshaping our societies; the international landscape is becoming more complex, more contested, and more unpredictable. The international order is not simply changing; it is being tested in an unprecedented manner. But it is in such times of uncertainty that the foundational values of multilateralism must be protected: international law, the UN Charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for human rights, the equality of states. All these are not principles of the past; they are principles that transcend time, the essential ingredient for the present and for the future. The challenge before us is therefore clear: as the world changes, our institutions must be able to respond to new realities and threats while guided by the painful lessons of history and the vision of the founding fathers of this organization. And this is the essence of the theme of the 81st General Assembly: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nation that delivers for all. Ladies and gentlemen, transformation is inevitable. What must remain constant is the UN Charter as our compass. It directs all of us, irrespective of power, size, and leverage. For small-sized countries, the principle of equality of states is fundamental, and it has formed the binding trust between us. We rely on an international system in which sovereignty and territorial integrity are respected. We expect international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, to be applied consistently. We believe in the peaceful resolution of disputes, and we demand that the rights of every state be protected. These are the integral elements of our collective trust, and this is the code of conduct of Cyprus's diplomatic engagement. And in a rapidly changing world, small-sized states must seek synergies while continuing to pursue strategic autonomy. Preserving trust also requires institutions capable of responding to the world as it is today. The United Nations must therefore continue to evolve. The UNAIDT initiative is an important part of this effort. The Pact for the Future and the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals are also part of the effort to ensure that multilateral cooperation can respond to the needs of our time. This moment of reform also comes as the UN Secretary-General approaches the completion of a decade leading this organization. Cyprus wishes to acknowledge his leadership during a period of extraordinary global developments, his steadfast commitment to multilateralism, and his effort to strengthen and reform the UN. But reforming our structural setup is only part of the answer. What is also needed is a genuine willingness of member states to contribute and protect the multilateral system. After all, states bring different capabilities, experiences, and perspectives. Great powers have scale; smaller states must have persuasion. We cannot compel, but we can coalesce. We cannot dictate outcomes, but together we can help shape them. There is no doubt that the challenges of today require cooperation and partnerships based on the knowledge of regions and of the realities. And the Republic of Cyprus has consistently sought to do exactly that. And of course, it has built the capabilities for it. Our geographical position at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and Africa places us close to some of the most complex dynamics of our world. At the same time, it gives us the opportunity to actively contribute to address them.
Created in the aftermath of the Second World War, the immediate focus was obviously on peace and security but the UN system has evolved significantly over the decades to expand its scope and sphere of influence within the confines of its charter. However, the UN must now look to the future, building on its record of achievements as well as from lessons learned from what it could not achieve. As we look to the next 80 years, we must ask ourselves a searching question is the UN fit for the purpose for the 21st century, not the world of 1945, but the world of today and beyond? We are entering a new era of international relations defined by unprecedented technological developments, often absent from the table where the rules of tomorrow are being adopted, developing countries risk being left further behind. The same exclusion afflicts the international financial architecture, which remains skewed against the Global South. Developing nations must have a seat at the table as equal stakeholders. We all acknowledge that the three pillars of the UN charter are peace and security, development and human rights. The twin institutional pillars provided in the charter were and still are, the Security Council and ECOSOC as the apex bodies for achieving these purposes. However, over the years, optimal use has been made primarily of only one of these organs. We need to enhance and accelerate the revitalization of the General Assembly and that of ECOSOC so that they are not merely forums for debate, but engines of action. This must be done as we bring about the reform of the Security Council, the historical injustice regarding the composition of the Council was acknowledged in action 39 of the pact for the future, but the process for reform is still stalled. Mauritius fully supports the Common African Position, the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration calling for no fewer than two permanent and five non-permanent African seats on the council. Mauritius also supports the call for SIDS to have a seat on a reformed council. On the question of the veto, Mauritius aligns itself with the position of a growing number of states that, in the event the veto is retained, any new permanent member must have the same rights as the original permanent members. Mauritius also supports the Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. We support the positions of the G4 and the L69 on council reform, and we reiterate our support for India's candidature for a permanent seat commensurate with its constructive role in global affairs. Mr. president, Mauritius welcomes the increasing recourse to the International Court of Justice as a mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes and determination of issues of international law. We call upon Member States which have not yet done so, to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. We welcome the landmark unanimous advisory opinion of the ICJ on the obligations of states in respect of climate change. This was a vindication of the tireless advocacy of Vanuatu and the core group of states. Mauritius was proud to stand among them.
Together, we are formidable. The Caribbean Declaration as a zone of peace must retain its force as geopolitical competition moves closer to our shores. Our response must remain anchored in sovereignty, territorial integrity, international law, peaceful settlement of disputes, and diplomacy. CARICOM supports the International Court of Justice as the lawful path for resolving the Guyana-Venezuela dispute and the judicial process concerning Belize and Guatemala. We defend international law because, for small states especially, the alternative is a world where power becomes the rule. Across Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan, Yemen, Chad, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, civilians continue to bear an unconscionable burden. Saint Kitts and Nevis affirms one standard: international law applied consistently, not selectively, and conscience applied evenly, not conveniently. There can be no hierarchy of human suffering.
Hope has retreated, while cynicism and doubt have grown. Nevertheless, we hear the insistent calls for justice, peace, and for a rules based international order that applies equally to all nations. Mr. president, I come here for the first time representing my country, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, with a clear mandate and a commitment that governance must be transparent, that individual actions must consistently reflect integrity, and that public resources must be used to improve the lives of ordinary people. We are a small democratic Multi-island Caribbean nation committed to multilateralism and the peaceful resolution of disputes. Those principles serve us well and we believe should bind all of us in this chamber. We, in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines experience firsthand the vulnerability of living on the front lines of climate change, having experienced only two years ago the sudden destructive power of a category five hurricane. We also feel enormous strains imposed on small nations and our small, open economy by distant wars that have disrupted supply chains and by decisions made in places where our voice is never heard. Yet we will not let vulnerability define us or limit our ambitions.
We meet at a time when the Arab Gulf is facing a security situation of a severity not witnessed in decades. The states of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to waves of unjustified Iranian attacks involving ballistic missiles and drones targeting civilian infrastructure, residential areas, ports, airports and energy facilities. This came in flagrant violation of international law and the charter of the United Nations. These are indiscriminate attacks without justification under any law. My country also condemns the attacks carried out by the Iran backed terrorist Houthi militia against civilian objects and Islamic holy sites in the brotherly kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We also condemn their threats to freedom of navigation in the Bab el Mandeb and the Red sea. Allow me to put the facts before you in figures. Our countries have been subjected to nearly 7000 attacks at the hands of Iran, involving 1700 ballistic missiles, 80 cruise missiles and 5220 drones. 2000 cargo vessels and tankers with 200 seafarers on board have also been detained, while 72 commercial vessels have been targeted, resulting in the deaths of 22 seafarers. These are not merely numbers. Behind every figure is a ship, a port, a market and families waiting for those that provide for them to return home. Commercial vessels have been targeted in the Straits of Hormuz. Mines have been laid in an international shipping lane. Restrictions on passage have been imposed in contravention of international law. The consequences of all the above extend far beyond the Arabian Gulf. It affects energy and food prices, shipping and insurance costs, as well as supply chains across the world. As the kingdom renews its full solidarity with the brotherly countries subjected to these attacks, it commends the professionalism of the Bahrain Defence Force and the Air Defence Forces of brotherly countries, and their readiness in confronting these attacks. We reaffirm the right of all states to take all lawful measures to defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity. Pursuant to article 51 of the UN charter and the Joint Defense Agreement of the GCC states. All the same, we continue to exercise the utmost restraint, seeking to ensure that security and peace prevail for the benefit of the people of the region. Mr. president, the position of the Kingdom of Bahrain is grounded in international law, the rights of peoples and. The Strait of Hormuz is an international strait, and the right of transit through it is established for the vessels of all states under the UN convention on the law of the sea. That right may not be suspended or obstructed, nor may it be subjected to conditions imposed unilaterally by any state. Accordingly, the Kingdom categorically rejects any permit or fee regime imposed on the passage. It rejects the use of international waterways as instruments of pressure or economic coercion, or any attempt at the seizure of vessels. Such actions would set an extremely dangerous precedent, because what is accepted today in one strait may be demanded tomorrow in every international waterway. Upon which global trade depends Alternative routes cannot be treated as a solution to conduct that violates international law. Mitigation measures are an emergency response. They should not be used as a pretext to claim that the strait is no longer necessary, or to accept a new status quo. The right of passage does not cease to exist because alternatives are available. Nor does the violation cease just because those affected have found ways to reduce the loss. This threat is not confined to the Strait of Hormuz. Security Council Resolution 2817 also referred to Bab el Mandeb. Recognising that a threat to one waterway is a threat to navigation through all waterways, the security of navigation in the Red sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Bab el Mandeb is part of the same system. We are now not only defending a regional interest, but a rule that applies to every international waterway, and if it does apply to one to our strait alone, it wouldn't have been a rule. The Kingdom of Bahrain has not only stated its position in principle on behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council, states and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and by virtue of its current presidency of the GCC and its non-permanent membership of the Security Council, Bahrain led efforts resulting in the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2817. With a historic and unprecedented support of 136 countries. The resolution condemned the attacks against our countries, reaffirming their sovereignty and rejecting any action intended to close the strait or obstruct navigation through it. The Kingdom also introduced a draft resolution under chapter seven of the charter to protect commercial navigation. The resolution, adopted by the Council of the International Maritime Organization on the 19th of March, together with the Human Rights Council resolution 61/1. Both have further demonstrated that the international rejection of such conduct extends beyond the Security Council. We stress the need for the full implementation of these resolutions to ensure that those responsible are held accountable, and there are compensation for the damage caused. On the 17th of this month, the Kingdom convened an Area Formula meeting of the Security Council dedicated to freedom of navigation. In this session, we heard from 53 affected states, the maritime transport sector and relevant international bodies. And we heard a conclusion expressed by all delegations. That is, the freedom of passage through international straits is a prerequisite for global economic prosperity. The Kingdom contributes to the protection of a rules based maritime order across an area exceeding 3,000,000mi² through its hosting in Manama, of the headquarters of the Combined Maritime Forces. This comprises 47 nations. We welcome the establishment of the Multinational Maritime Defence Alliance, led by the brotherly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom is proud to participate in the alliance as a founding member and supportive efforts to safeguard international trade routes and global energy supplies in accordance with international law. As efforts continue in the Security Council, this General Assembly has an equally important role to play as the forum in which all states stand equal. From this podium, we call upon Member States to support a firm collective position which upholds freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage in accordance with international law. It should also affirm that the security of maritime passages is a collective responsibility that cannot be subjected to bilateral arrangements. This is what restoring trust means in practice. This is not a call dictated by the present crisis. His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa, Crown Prince and Prime Minister said from this very podium two years ago that the systems established to safeguard the international order were under severe strain. He noted that this organisation must evolve to confront the growing threats He called for comprehensive consensus based reform encompassing all decision making bodies, including the Security Council. What has happened since then has not altered that conviction. Instead, it has reinforced it. Mr. president. The test of the United Nation's credibility is not only confined to our waters The Palestinian cause remains at the heart of our concerns. The Kingdom reaffirms its steadfast position in support of the establishment of an independent and geographically contiguous state of Palestine, living side by side with the State of Israel in peace and security. The Kingdom has also joined the Board of Peace as a founding member. Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2803. This reaffirms our unwavering support for the rights of the brotherly Palestinian people. The Kingdom also reaffirms its support for the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, as well as for efforts to lift sanctions in a manner that enables the brotherly Syrian people to rebuild their country In Sudan, we call for an immediate cease fire, the protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, and a political solution that preserves Sudan's unity. And in this state, institutions. Turning to Yemen, we renew our support for a political solution under United Nations auspices led by the legitimate government. We appreciate the efforts of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in this vein. Our position on other conflicts, including the conflict in Ukraine, is guided by the same principles, regardless of the parties involved. That is adherence to the charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the peaceful settlement of disputes Mr. president, the kingdom of Bahrain. Where mosques, churches and temples have stood side by side for generations, believes that tolerance and coexistence are not simply policies to be adopted.
Excellencies, the challenges before us extend beyond climate and finance. We meet at a time when war continues to devastate communities and ruin lives. When humanitarian crises are multiplying, when international law is under pressure, when trust between nations is strained, we cannot speak about development without speaking about peace. Without peace, development is tenuous. We believe in the principles of the United Nations Charter. We believe in respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states. We believe in the peaceful settlement of international disputes. We believe in dialogue, and we believe that international law must apply equally to all nations and must be applied consistently.
Without sufficient transformation in their daily lives. New declarations and targets have value, but they cannot substitute for effective implementation. This is why this year's theme is both timely and necessary. Trust in the UN will not be restored through declarations alone. It will be restored when institutions act consistently, uphold international law, and produce results that people can see and experience. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Charter is found on sovereign equality, territorial integrity peaceful coexistence, human rights and dignity of every person. The most important word in this year's theme is all not some. Not a selected group of nations, not only those with the greatest economy and military might. The promise of the charter belongs equally to every human being and every Member state. Yet the United Nations has increasingly become associated with political gridlocks in the Security Council, prolonged negotiations without tangible outcomes and a weakening capacity to mobilize collective action in response to the threats to international peace and security. This should concern all of us, not because the United Nations is not important, but precisely because it is indispensable and appears absent from the global solutions for peace and stability in this dangerous and unpredictable time. The Security Council must become more representative, transparent, and effective. Africa remains unrepresented in the permanent category and not represented enough in the permanent, in the in the in the permanent category as well. This historical injustice against the 54 sovereign states cannot be postponed indefinitely. Somalia supports the common African position and a meaningful African representation in both categories of the Council. Given that many of the discussions directly concerned Africa's African states, they have the right to full representation on equal par with all other permanent Security Council members. Reform is not an attack on the United Nations. Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia currently broadly serves as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council. We carry these responsibilities with great seriousness, humility and determination in both institutions. Somalia works to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and Constitutive Act of the African Union, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, prevent conflict and support peaceful African led solution with global benefits, respect for national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity is not an abstract principle for Somalia only. It is a foundation for peace and stability in our country, our region and the wider international community. Therefore, Somalia firmly rejects unilateral actions that undermine its sovereignty, unity and internationally recognized borders. This agreement is between nations must be resolved through dialogue and in accordance with international law, and not through actions that create new tensions or threaten regional stability.
This session of the General Assembly is convening on the eve of the 65th anniversary of Mongolia's full fledged membership in the United Nations. In 1961, Mongolia made history by raising its national flag with the Golden Soyombo at the United Nations and becoming the 101st member of the United Nations, the guarantor of global peace and security, and the beacon of hope and trust for the world's nations. Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations. For instance, more than three decades ago, in pursuit of its foreign policy to ensure national security through political and diplomatic means, Mongolia declared its territory nuclear weapon free. Since then Mongolia has consistently pursued policies and taken actions to verify the status legally. In this spirit, the United Nations General Assembly adopts on a biennial basis the resolution entitled Mongolia's International Security and Nuclear Weapon Free Status, initiated by Mongolia in 1998.
Mr. president, as I turn to my region in the Caribbean, I'd like to highlight a series of crises that continue to threaten our peace, stability and development. Let me say at the outset that when I speak about letting many hands make light work, when it comes to conflict resolution, that this is one of the areas in which the political leaders of the Caribbean can play a pivotal role in its own region. Firstly Haiti, the security crisis continues to retard political renewal and economic recovery, and still the preparations for a return to constitutional government, yes, are moving forward even with great difficulty. But those efforts cannot succeed unless security improves, particularly in the areas containing more than half of Haiti's electorate in the capital and surrounding areas. Barbados, therefore supports the full deployment that has been 2 to 2 long promised, and the renewal of the mandate of the gang suppression force. Let me remind you that it was in 2022 that this recent, more heightened state of insecurity began with the fuel riots just before the General Assembly met in 2022, and in 2026. We have not kept faith with providing the level of security that would minimize the loss of life At the same time, we have to give thanks where thanks is due and there are member states who have contributed in whatever way to help in Haiti find its path. This includes, of course, the Caribbean community's Eminent Persons group, which has been helping to build consensus and maintain engagement with key international partners in the last few years. In addition, Mr. President, we are deeply concerned by the worsening humanitarian pressures facing the people of Cuba. Too many people are suffering. Too many people. Restrictions on trade, finance and access to fuel are intensifying hardship not only for Cuban citizens, but for all others who study and live there Barbados has each year opposed the use of the embargo and other unilateral coercive measures against Cuba. And as always, we call for constructive engagement, constructive engagement grounded in dialogue, sovereign equality and respect for international law. That is why we are here as individual states. We will also extend our continued solidarity to the people of Venezuela, who, regrettably, are recovering from the devastating double earthquakes in June. The horror was mind blowing. Barbados was proud to stand with our neighbour in the immediate aftermath, dispatching our field hospital and personnel to Venezuela. We remain committed to supporting them in their longer term recovery. A stable, sovereign, peaceful and democratic Venezuela is vital to the security and prosperity of not just Latin America, but the wider Caribbean. In this regard, however, I must take this opportunity to reiterate Barbados steadfast support to its sister of Caricom, its sister Caricom country Guyana, as it seeks to bring a peaceful resolution through the International Court of Justice for the long, outstanding territorial controversy with Venezuela. This is in the interests of the people of Guyana, the people of Venezuela and the wider people of the Caribbean and Latin America. The Caribbean, my friends, must remain a zone of peace. We cannot accept our region becoming a theatre. We cannot accept our region becoming a theatre for confrontation, or for the unilateral and unjustified use of force.
We have no other choice. At no time was this demonstrated more clearly than on October 7th, 2023, the darkest day in Israel's history On that horrific day, thousands of Palestinians terrorists stormed into Israel from Gaza. Now, I want you to know there wasn't a single Israeli then in Gaza. Not a civilian, not a soldier, not one. But it didn't matter one bit. The Hamas terrorists committed the worst slaughter of Jews since the Holocaust. They went house to house, shooting Israeli civilians point blank. They did so with with fiendish glee, with sadistic joy. They live streamed as they murdered. And who did they murder? The very Israelis, their neighbors. Who gave them jobs, who picked up Palestinian children at the Gaza border and drove them to Israeli hospitals for cancer treatment and then brought them back. Can you imagine such monstrosity? This these Hamas monsters, they slaughtered Holocaust survivors. They burned babies alive in front of their parents. They beheaded our men. They brutally raped our women, and then they murdered them. Altogether. They slaughtered 1200 Israelis that day. I want to give you an idea of what this means for a country of 10 million. Proportionately, this is equal to 40,000 innocent Americans slaughtered in less than 24 hours. That's 16 times nine, 11 16, nine, 11. That occurred not very far from here. On that darkest of days. Our enemies expected us to collapse. Well, we didn't collapse. Instead, we rose and fought like lions. For the past three years, our heroic soldiers have fought day in and day out in a seven front war. Do you know any other country the size of new Jersey capable of fighting a seven front war? And for three years, seven fronts Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, Iran, militias in Iraq, militias in Syria, Palestinian terrorists in Judea Samaria. They all ganged up on us to wipe us off the face of the earth. They failed because instead of collapsing, we delivered crippling blows to all of them. With our great American friends, we crushed Iran's army, navy, air force, and nuclear facilities. Israel hammered Hamas, we pummeled Hezbollah. You remember the beepers? Remember these things. Remember them? Yeah. Well, I can tell you this. Hezbollah certainly remembers them. Guess what happened to the bulk of the Hezbollah's vast arsenal of 150,000 ballistic missiles and rockets, all aimed at our civilians. They're gone. Hezbollah's leaders dead, their spirit broken. The arch terrorists, the worst mass murderers on earth. Not only killing Israelis, killing Americans, killing Brits, killing citizens of hundreds, dozens of countries. Khamenei, death, Sinwar, Haniyeh, Nasrallah and thousands of other terrorists who sought to destroy us. They're all gone to. The remaining terrorists are desperately trying to regroup. Every day they try to murder our people. And in particular, they try to murder our people in our historic homeland in Judea. By the way, that's where the word Jew comes from. Judea. That's our land. They try to murder us. Thousands of attempts per year on families, peaceful families driving along the roads. They shoot at pregnant women. They shoot entire families. Of course, none of this is covered in the international press or in the social media. None of it None of it. What they cover is a handful of young juvenile delinquents, about 150 in number who go, who throw stones who chop down olive trees. Occasionally they do. They fire up. They lit some fires. I can't stand that. I won't stand for vigilantism. We're a country of law. So we put our Shin Bet on them. But that's what they call settler violence And the number of casualties a year, maybe two. Three in the total time that this is being discussed, maybe 2 or 3 dead compared to the thousands of terrorist attacks against the peaceful settlers, honorable people, law abiding people. What a distortion. It's an obsession. I hear this discussion here. I mean, leaders of countries seriously talk about that. And they say it with such importance. We can't stand settler violence. You don't know what you're talking about. And listen, two days ago, two days ago, two days ago. I say this to my colleague Emmanuel Macron. Two days, three days ago, a French citizen, Netanyahu shukran, a father of six, was gunned down when he visited a spring with his 16 year old son and a Hamas terrorist in Judea. Samaria comes and fires point blank at him in the last words he uttered flee, flee, son, save yourself. That was three days ago. Two days ago, in Judea, Samaria, a reserve officer, a reserve soldier near your leader was mowed down by a drive down terrorist Palestinian terrorists. He's fighting for his life now in a Jerusalem hospital. I visited the family right before I boarded the plane to come here. Najjar, a father of four, is the son of Yahia Lider, our brilliant ambassador to the United States. Three years ago, Israel's oldest son, Moshe, a father of six, was killed while clearing a booby trapped building in Gaza. You killed my brother. Your pain is immeasurable. The entire people of Israel and many outside of Israel are praying for Neerja's life. But despite the pain, despite the agony, we do not give in. In a recent post before he was attacked, Najjar wrote this. Listen to this. We have no other country. It's a privilege to defend it to an area and to all the heroes of Israel. I pledge a sacred vow. Your sacrifice will not be in vain. We will continue to defend our state. We will continue to win because we have no other choice. In this battle against the barbarians. We've had no greater partner than President Trump, I thank him. I thank him for his bold leadership. He boldly confronted an enormous danger to America, Israel and the world decades ago. He understood that if left unchallenged, the fanatic ayatollahs who chant Death to America, death to Israel would eventually carry out their mad fantasies. So Israel and America acted together not only to protect ourselves, but to save civilization. Brave American pilots, alongside brave Israeli pilots, flew joint missions over the skies of Iran. America and Israel also worked together to bring back our remaining hostages. We brought back every last one of them. You ask, why are we winning?
Ladies and gentlemen, until recently, Central Asia was often mentioned against the backdrop of unresolved border disputes, water resource management issues, and many other conflicts. Thanks to the initiative of the President of Uzbekistan and the political will of the Central Asian heads of state, the situation and atmosphere in the region have completely changed. We began to view each other as partners, not as sources of threat. The same is true of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev's approach to the Afghan issue. Viewing Afghanistan solely as a source of danger will not solve the problem, nor is it a way out to leave multi-ethnic Afghan people alone with their problems. They must be given hope and confidence to achieve a peaceful life. Dear friends, the reforms being implemented by the head of Uzbekistan are primarily based on the criterion of whether people's lives are improving. We measure the results by this very criterion.
Amílcar Cabral, one of the greatest figures of our history, left us a lesson that continues to resonate across generations: learn in life, learn from our people, learn from the books and learn from the experiences of others, learn always. Perhaps this is an ability that the world must rediscover: the ability to learn from history, to learn from one another, and to understand that there can be no lasting development without peace, just as there can be no lasting peace where poverty, exclusion, and lack of opportunity persist. In this spirit, Cabo Verde reaffirms its faith in the United Nations, in dialogue among nations, in cooperation among peoples, and in the primacy of law over the use of force. In the face of wars, inequalities, and crises confronting our world, we reaffirm our unwavering commitment to the Charter of the United Nations, to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, to the protection of civilian populations, and to the peaceful resolution of conflicts.
Mr. President, distinguished delegates, the peaceful resolution of conflicts through diplomacy is indispensable for sustainable peace, security, and economic growth. Most conflicts arise from unresolved local and regional grievances and demand comprehensive, politically led, and locally owned solutions rather than purely military responses. Uganda remains a consistent contributor to regional stability, particularly in the Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes region, and our security approach is rooted in a Pan-African framework that seeks peace through collective alliances and regional cooperation. Mr. President, investing in a healthy population remains a core strategic priority for Uganda.
Let respect for international law, peace, solidarity, sustainable development and justice be the path that we follow together. Ladies and gentlemen, we in Bosnia and Herzegovina call upon all UN Member states to focus on reaffirming relations between states on the basis of international law, ensuring respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, promoting peace and social progress, combating hate speech and all forms of discrimination, strengthening policies for the prevention of genocide, crimes against humanity and other war crimes, advancing the rights of women and children, and strengthening gender equality, better healthcare and education. The world must return to the fundamental principles upon which the UN is founded. Respect for human dignity, the sovereign equality of states, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for international law.
Mr. president, colleagues, on October 25th, 1971, right here in this August hall, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2758 at its 26th session with an overwhelming majority by which Unga decided to restore all the rights of the People's Republic of China in the UN and recognize the representatives of the government of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate representatives of China to the UN. This is of profound and far reaching significance for both China and the world. Over the past 55 years, China has been a stabilizing force in times of volatility. China is firmly committed to pursuing peaceful development and has the best track record on peace and security among major countries. It is the largest contributor to peacekeepers among the permanent members of the UN Security Council. It also took the initiative that led to the issuance of the first joint statement of the leaders of the five nuclear weapon states on preventing nuclear war. China has been a main engine driving common development. China has created two miracles at home, namely fast economic growth and long term social stability. And over many years, it has contributed around 30% to global growth. China has joined hands with more than three fourths of the countries in the world in pursuing high quality Belt and Road cooperation. It has mobilized over 23 billion USD and carried out more than 2000 projects under the Global Development Initiative. And it has granted zero tariff status to all the African countries and LDCs, having diplomatic relations with it to empower the Global South in pursuing modernization. China has been a progressive force in an era of change. China has always spoken up for the global South, stood up for the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries, and continued to work toward a more just and equitable global governance system. In October, China will host the Global Governance Forum in the Xiong'an New area. You're welcome to attend the forum and join in the discussion about the way forward in global governance. Mr. president, colleagues. No matter how the international dynamics evolve, China remains unchanged in its pursuit of peace and development and its dedication to safeguarding, fairness and justice, and in its commitment to multilateralism. China will join hands with all other countries to build a community with a shared future for humanity and make the world a better place for all of us. Thank you.
Ladies and gentlemen, as Secretary-General António Guterres nears the end of his mandate, we commend his efforts to reform and modernize the United Nations. The next Secretary-General will face a defining task: adapting the United Nations to a world of growing geopolitical rivalry and fragmentation. We expect her or him to carry forward the UN agenda and turn reforms into results. The success of UN reforms will be judged not by new structures or new language, but by whether the multinational system can deliver, uphold international law, and make its rules matter. The future legitimacy of the United Nations will depend on it. Nowhere is this more important than in peace and security. The international community must become better at preventing crises, protecting civilians, and defending the rules it has agreed to uphold. The Czech Republic is ready to do its part. Let me reiterate that we are seeking a non-permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council for the period 2032-2033. If elected, we will contribute actively to its work and shoulder our share of responsibility. We will continue to help preventing and resolving conflicts through political engagement, humanitarian assistance, and practical cooperation. We will stand for the protection of civilians and critical infrastructure, and for accountability when international law is seriously violated. And we will remain a strong advocate for human rights and democracy. We will support independent human rights mechanisms, peaceful assembly, and free and fair elections. And we will work to ensure that new technologies strengthen our societies rather than weaken them. Mr. President, this is also the moment to confront the extraordinary pace of advances in artificial intelligence.
Turning to the wider region, Ethiopia has consistently supported efforts by subregional and regional organizations to bring durable and lasting peace in the Sudan. We firmly believe that a peaceful resolution can only be achieved through a Sudanese-led and Sudanese-owned peace process that reflects the true will and aspiration of the Sudanese people. Mr. President, Ethiopia will continue to commit to the realization of our overarching goal of building a democratic and prosperous country. The progress we have achieved so far on various facets of development reflects this firm and strong resolve.
Different threats, the same lesson: none of us can face them alone. We are in the same boat. Perhaps Noah's Ark is no longer just a biblical story. Different nations, different realities, but increasingly a shared fate. And when we share the same boat, we need something that holds us together. And we already have it: the United Nations Charter and its principles. Sovereignty, territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for human rights, the rejection of aggression. These principles were not written for an easy world. Quite the opposite. They emerged from the devastation of a war, and from the determination not to repeat it. International peace and security— these words are at the heart of the Charter. They appear 32 times, and that is no coincidence.
Mr. President, when Sweden joined the UN in 1946, the world was emerging from the devastation of war. The lesson from that catastrophe was clear peace must not be taken for granted. Defence of sovereignty and territorial integrity has been at the heart of Swedish foreign policy ever since. Eight decades later, these principles are once again being challenged. Bad faith, conflict and utter contempt for the common rules are weakening the institutions that we built together. These are times of upheaval. The number of armed conflicts is growing and civilians are paying the price. In Ukraine, Sudan, Yemen, Palestine, Lebanon, Myanmar, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and many other conflict zones, millions are suffering. Mr. President, Russia's aggression against Ukraine is a blatant violation of international law. It strikes at the heart of the very principles upon which the United Nations was founded. Sweden's support for Ukraine is felt deeply throughout our entire society. It comes from our people, our civil society and the business community. We will support Ukraine for as long as it takes. Russia has not only violated the UN charter, it has repeatedly violated international humanitarian law and human rights law. Attacks targeting civilians, forcible transfer of and deportation of children, conflict related sexual violence and torture, the list is far too long. Ensuring accountability for these violations is crucial. If there is anything that we have learned from history, it is that there cannot be a just and lasting peace without accountability. Sweden stands firmly behind the ICC, its independence and integrity and recognises its vital role, not least in Ukraine. Russia must also be held accountable for its breaches of the Chemical Weapons Convention, both on and off the battlefield. Russia's war of aggression against a peaceful neighbour is one of the biggest strategic mistakes and moral failures of the 21st century. Four and a half years after launching its full scale invasion, Russia has failed to achieve its objectives. Its economy is under strain and its casualty numbers are devastating. Ordinary Russians are withdrawing their funds from the bank, and a substantial share of Russia's young people are dying on the frontlines. The impact of Russia's war of aggression extends far beyond Ukraine. Russia intensified its systematic attacks on civilian infrastructure and on vessels in the Black Sea this summer. This has once again disrupted global food supply chains, exacerbating an already dire situation for vulnerable people across the globe. To President Putin and Mr. Lavrov, I say this the path to peace is clear. The choice should be easy. Withdraw your troops.
The world did not ban atomic energy It built rules for its peaceful use. But those rules came only after Hiroshima and Nagasaki had shown the terrible cost of waiting. We cannot afford to wait for a catastrophe to happen with artificial intelligence, we can still act first. For this reason, Austria joins the UN Secretary General and the president of the ICRC in calling for a legally binding instrument with clear prohibitions and restrictions on autonomous weapons. Voluntary guidelines are not enough. We need binding rules that keep human beings in control and ensure accountability. And we must not drag this out. Mr. president, every rule and reform I have spoken about serves one purpose peace.
And I'm here not to sell you a product or a policy, or yet another declaration. I am here to sell you an idea. An idea conceived and spearheaded by His Majesty King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, an idea embraced by the people of Bhutan. An idea already being built. That idea is Gelephu Mindfulness City, GMC. And my sales pitch is simple. Come and build it with us. Now, the world has built new cities before financial centers, freeports, technology hubs, special economic zones. But GMC is different. You see, Gelephu Mindfulness City is a special administrative region, an SAR. Under its Royal Charter, GMC exercises full autonomy in governance, legislation and the judiciary. Think one country, two systems. Think of the agility of a microstate. But GMC was not inherited from history. It was not created to manage a transfer of sovereignty. It is being deliberately created by Bhutan within Bhutan on sovereign Bhutanese territory for the future. GMC covers more than 4000km². That is more than five times the size of Singapore. But its greatest opportunity is not its size. Its greatest opportunity is an institutional blank slate. GMC was given something extraordinarily rare the freedom to design an entire city and its operating systems from first principles. So we asked if you could begin again. How would you govern? What laws would you write? How would we regulate business? How would we guarantee an independent judiciary? How would we attract the best talent? How would we use technology and especially artificial intelligence? How would we create wealth while protecting nature? And ultimately, what would all that prosperity be for? These were not theoretical questions. We answered them. And we are making full use of that institutional blank slate. If Singapore has legal principles that work, we learn from Singapore. If Abu Dhabi has financial regulations that work we learn from Abu Dhabi. If leading jurists from the United Kingdom can help us build an independent judiciary, we learn from them. And if international experts can strengthen our institutions, we learn from them. The principle is simple. Search the world for what works. Take the best, adapt it, and make it work for GMC. The result is a core operating system that is now in place, designed to give investors clarity, familiarity, and predictability. But GMC's operating system was designed around a deeper conviction that prosperity and values should reinforce one another. That means rejecting the assumption that we must choose between enterprise and well-being, between technology and humanity between development and nature. At GMC, we believe a balanced approach can deliver substantial profits while protecting the values that make prosperity worthwhile. Balance is not the enemy of profit. It is the foundation of lasting profit. And at GMC, balance is not a slogan. It is built into the operating system. And this matters deeply to Bhutan. You see, Bhutan is peaceful and stable. Our forests are intact. Our culture is alive. Our people are educated. But our economy is small. It cannot yet create enough opportunities for our young people. So too many of them leave home to find opportunity elsewhere. For a country as small as ours, this is not only an economic challenge, it is an existential one. We cannot simply tell them to stay. We must give them a reason to stay and a reason to return. Jobs. Opportunities. Enterprise, a future. So Bhutan must transform. But we refuse to believe that transformation requires us to become somebody else. We want economic growth. We want investment. We want technology. We want successful companies. We want our people to become wealthier. But we also want to protect what makes Bhutan Bhutan. That is the driving force behind His Majesty's vision for GMC. And that is why His Majesty is personally spearheading its development. GMC is not a project on the margins of Bhutan. It is at the heart of our national transformation. Our people have embraced GMC as a people's project and investment in our children, our economy and our shared future. Bhutan is not waiting to see whether the world believes in GMC before committing to it.
That is the tradition I bring to this podium, representing a nation staking its existence on the promise that shared rules faithfully observed remain humanity's best instrument for peace and prosperity. That tradition tests whether trust between nations, large and small, can be restored. Mr. President, restoring trust must begin with restoring respect: respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and equal dignity of every nation, regardless of its size, wealth, or military power. For smaller states such as Botswana, a rule-based international order is an essential safeguard. It assures us that international relations will be governed by the strength of agreed principles. Botswana believes that rules that bind only the weak are not rules, and principles applied selectively soon cease to command respect. That is why Botswana calls on this General Assembly, the Security Council, and every organ of the United Nations to recommit to dialogue as the first instrument of diplomacy. Botswana has sought to live by this principle as a host to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Secretariat through our contributions to regional mediation and election observation, and through our consistent commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes.
Cote d'Ivoire hopes that this process will result in the appointment of a figure of the highest caliber, whose moral values independence of mind, diplomatic experience and commitment to dialogue will enable the United Nations to pursue, with ambition and effectiveness its mission in the service of peace, development and solidarity among nations. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Current international events remind us every day of the human, political and economic cost of protracted conflicts. Cote d'Ivoire remains deeply concerned about the resumption of hostilities in the Near and Middle East, the consequences of which weigh on peace and on food, energy and economic security throughout the world. The dire situation in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in the Sudan is equally alarming, with severe and endless humanitarian consequences. All these persistent conflicts are exacerbating the suffering of the affected populations and producing harmful effects that extend far beyond the borders of the states concerned. We therefore call for dialogue to prevail over arms. We also express our solidarity with the Haitian people. Cote d'Ivoire will continue to contribute to ongoing initiatives aimed at supporting the Haitian authorities and international partners in order to restore security in the sister nation so as to restore democratic legitimacy to its institutions. My country takes this opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with the United Nations Charter. And to lend its full support for the many mediation efforts undertaken by the United Nations, the African Union and relevant regional organizations. Ladies and gentlemen.
The Indian Ocean must remain peaceful. It must remain as a region where trade can flow and where States can prosper. Regional competition among major powers must not limit the choices of smaller States. Conflict does not have to reach our shores to affect us. In today’s interconnected world, a crisis far away can quickly become a crisis at home. Interruption to maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz raises fuel prices. It affects food supplies and air travel. The consequences of this are felt across tourism and public finances in the Maldives. The Maldives, therefore, condemns the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. The Strait must remain open and safe. The Maldives further condemns the attacks on Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman and Jordan. The Maldives appreciates the diplomatic efforts of Oman, Pakistan and Qatar to de-escalate the crisis and bring the parties to dialogue. The right to a sovereign future must belong to all. And nowhere is that right more brutally denied than in Palestine. Israel's genocide and war crimes against Palestinians continue. And their actions are not confined to Gaza. Its military attacks across the region have violated the sovereignty of other States. Security cannot be built by exporting insecurity. Nor can any country demand respect for its sovereignty while violating the sovereignty of others. No State should be shielded from accountability by its power or political alliances. But condemnation alone is not enough. Every Member State must ask: what have we done to end this violence? The United Nations must ask itself the same question. The problem is not a lack of law. The rules are clear. What is absent is equal application. International law cannot bind the weak and bend for the powerful. The same rules. The same standard. No exceptions. Israel’s genocide in Gaza must end. Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestine and other Arab lands must end. Illegal settlements must end. Humanitarian assistance must reach Palestinians safely, rapidly and at scale. And the decisions of international courts and the resolutions of this Organization must be respected and implemented. For the Palestinian people, a sovereign future means freedom, dignity, self-determination, and the right to live with security in their own State. The Maldives will always stand with the Palestinian people and their undeniable right for that future. That is why I reiterate our call for the recognition of an independent and sovereign State of Palestine, based on the pre-1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. And if this Organisation is to restore trust and deliver for all, Palestine must become a full Member of the United Nations.
President excellencies, Mexico's foreign policy is rooted in the normative principles of our Constitution that transcend any particular administration or international circumstance, and that our people have forged throughout our history. We defend self-determined self-determination of peoples non-interference because we know that they are the best guarantee of peace and stability between nations. We are in favor of the peaceful settlement of disputes by prohibiting the threat to use or the use of force. And we believe in legal equality between states because sovereignty is not measured in armies or material resources. All nations, all peoples, have the same value before the law. We promote international cooperation for development. We ensure the respect, protection and promotion of human rights that are also something that are at the very heart of our Constitution, and we also fight for international peace and security, which is the basis of the development of peoples. Those who look to these constitutional mandates will find reflected in them the purposes and principles of the San Francisco Charter, in whose drafting the contribution of Mexican diplomacy is clearly relevant. Mexico does not need to adapt its foreign policy to the UN charter because the UN charter is enshrined in our Constitution. When my country defends multilateralism, we offer filling a constitutional mandate. This is the legacy of Benito Juarez, Venustiano Carranza and Genaro Estrada. Three names, uh, three men with the same conviction that the law is the only legitimate force between nations.
For Micronesia, success must be measured not by declarations, but by tangible improvements in our people's lives, security and dignity. We call for equitable partnership with small island developing states through accessible finance, technology transfer, strong capacity and a meaningful voice in global decision. In the spirit of Kamorale, let us choose cooperation over division and build a peaceful, just and sustainable future in which every nation can thrive.
It called for the peace dividend to secure freedoms from fear and want. The new majority government in Nepal, elected through the fairest and most peaceful elections in our history, this March has had to weather many international adversities since. When a poor farmer in Nepal went to sow her seeds in monsoon, fertilizers didn't reach her on time. When we wanted to pave a new highway, there was no bitumen.
The UN Charter begins with the commitment: "We, the peoples." Yet the UN marginalizes Taiwan's 23 million people, disregarding that foundational purpose. We stand with like-minded partners in calling for the reversal of misrepresented interpretations of the rules and procedures that have constrained Taiwan's meaningful participation in this body. Under the UN Charter, small states are sovereign states with the right to determine their own future, choose their partners, and pursue development that serves their people. We urge all parties to preserve peace and stability, resolve differences peacefully, and choose dialogue over escalation. Beyond politics and policy, one truth should unite us: our children and their children deserve a world that is safe, healthy, and clean. For that reason, our discussions here and beyond must lead to action--action that protects the conditions in which every child can live, grow, and thrive. We acknowledge, while not yet at the scale required, that the architecture is being built, political momentum is growing, and resources are beginning to mobilize, even amidst a complex geopolitical landscape. Our traditional wisdom reminds us: "Nsisi'ao nkhmedam eth." Be strong and do not give up. The shore is near. The promise of multilateralism is that even the smallest can be heard, and that the many voices shaped by different histories and experiences can move toward a common shore. In Palau, we also say:" Attohoi awaioun." Knowledge is like ocean waves. It comes in many forms and sizes, yet no wave overpowers another, and they ultimately reach the same shore. Let us leave this Assembly committed to multilateralism that honors every voice, values every form of knowledge, and carries us toward a safer, healthier, and more peaceful world.
And finally, we need a transnational water governance regime informed by the outcomes of the various water conferences held over the last eight years. Excellencies. Samoa remains a peaceful country, steadfast in our commitment to human rights and justice. We remain concerned by the ongoing wars in Ukraine, Casa and Iran, the terrible loss of civilian lives, displacement of people as well as the destruction of infrastructure and the environment, is something we do not condone. The continued supply of weapons to fuel conflicts must end. We also reiterate our long standing call for meaningful reform of the Security Council to ensure that it remains effective, credible and representative of today's realities. It is imperative that the UN resolves disputes peacefully and strengthen international peace and security. The world needs a stronger commitment to peace, not more division, not more conflict and not more suffering Excellencies.
Ours is a concerning financial situation. It's affecting the UN's operational capacity, and that is prompting questions about how effective the UN really is. Indeed, these questions are being asked about peace operations, just as they are about the SDGs. The implementation of these is lagging behind and significantly so. In view of this reality, it is true that some might be tempted to view multilateralism as a relic and might be tempted to move outside of that of multilateralism to take action in isolation. Senegal does not espouse that view. On the contrary, it is precisely because the world is beset by a whole host of unprecedented crises that we need a UN that is stronger, more representative and more effective. We will not settle crises by allowing the multilateral system to become ever more piecemeal. We will not achieve peace. If we simply stage power struggles. We will not guarantee a just international order. If we ensure that if we see might being right being replaced by might, doing all of that would imperil the very raison d'etre of our organisation that is dialogue, conflict prevention, the peaceful resolution of disputes, cooperation and respect for international law. In this vein, and with this in mind, the UN 80 initiative provides us with a historic opportunity to usher in the structural and normative transformations that we need to see. However, reforming the United Nations must not stymie its ambitions. On the contrary, it must make it less bureaucratic in how it functions. It must remove red tape, make it more agile, and make it more effective in its expenditure. And there must be better synergies between headquarters and the field, so we can better serve the people we represent. Senegal supports that very dynamic. That was the rationale behind our contribution to efforts to strengthen the UN system. We've used our own resources to build a UN house some 30km away from Dakar. This is a cutting edge institution and the site will house all UN system entities in the region, and that will foster greater coherence and effectiveness in the UN's work. However, a stronger organization and ensuring it is stronger also involves member states upholding their financial contribution pledges and making good on their assessed contributions. President, the years are ticking by, but our efforts to reform governance have yet to produce a significant impact. The status quo when it comes to reforming the Security Council bears witness to that fact. We all agree that the composition of the Security Council is out of step with the realities of our time. We agree that the expansion of the Council should not lead to further inertia, but given the fact the Council is lacking legitimacy and that is indeed the hallmark of the Council's current structure, we cannot simply issue observations. We are in at a juncture where there is an urgent need for action. It's a matter of justice, credibility and balance across the international system, and this is indeed the rationale which underpins the SL weenie consensus, which outlines the African position in connection with the so necessary reform of the UN Security Council. In that vein, Senegal is presenting its candidacy to a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for two 2032 2033. However, beyond reform, the organisation also needs experienced leadership to steer its work in these times of crisis and uncertainty. The UN needs a secretary general able to speak to one and all, able to listen and to build bridges between member states. That is the vision embraced and espoused by Macky Sall, former president of the Republic of Senegal. Here I wish once again to express my support for his candidacy. I wish to reiterate Senegal's request that you, as Member states, support his candidacy. Ladies and gentlemen at a time when our organisation is seeking to rebuild trust, Senegal continues to believe in the vision of a world based on peace, justice, the dignity of each and every human being and human brotherhood. The world does not need unilateral posturing. It needs a fairer, more inclusive and more effective multilateralism. Addressing our challenges requires bridges and not walls, dialogue and not confrontation. Cooperation and not isolation and not might. That is the very spirit in which Sen Senegal will host the Youth Olympic Games in Dakar 2026.
Mr. president, as mentioned before, the international community is experiencing profound uncertainty, including energy and food security crises, leading to intensified displacement of many people globally. Armed conflict continued to claim innocent lives while geopolitical tensions escalate. Children are living through unimaginable horrors. The United Nations has not been able to prevent this or to end the continuation, and we have to ponder on that. Other developments, for example in the Strait of Hormuz, demonstrate how quickly wars can affect energy markets suddenly and steeply, increasing the cost of energy, adversely impacting economic and social development in our countries. Common people suffer when food and energy prices rise, so the quality of life of our people is directly threatened, even by wars in regions far from their homes. And we as government, we have to make sure that we try to protect them. Suriname, therefore, calls for a renewed commitment to the purposes and principles of the UN charter, namely, the peaceful resolution of disputes. Dialogue is paramount for safeguarding a solid and proven UN system. The people of Cuba, a Caribbean country, are adversely affected by the current situation in their country. Suriname calls on the parties involved to remain committed to dialogue and negotiation to end the economic commercial and financial embargo. We plea for continuing negotiations in order to prevent further escalation and to reach a resolution that will benefit the people of Cuba.
In both cases, our responsibility is to make dialogue possible and progress achievable. And when threats cross borders, responsibility must be shared more widely. My country has stepped up efforts on prevention and suppression of narcotics through our partnership with the UNODC, other regional and international organisations, as well as neighbouring countries, and through the Global Partnership Against Online Scams, Thailand is bringing all the relevant stakeholders together to prevent these crimes. Mr. president, 80 years ago, in our first address to this assembly, the Kingdom of Siam affirmed that it followed the path of peaceful settlement and friendly cooperation.
This is why we have profound gratitude to President Trump for his invitation to Trinidad and Tobago earlier this year to be part of the newly formed shield of the Americas and America's Counter Cartel Coalition. We remain confident that this partnership will continue to promote freedom, security and prosperity prosperity in our region. Trinidad and Tobago appreciates and recognizes the responsibility bestowed on the Security Council in this regard We extend our deepest appreciation to the 181 member states that entrusted Trinidad and Tobago with responsibility of serving on the Security Council for 2027 2028. Can we say thank you to all 181 states We regard that overwhelming expression of confidence not simply as an achievement, but we see it as a very solemn responsibility on the part of Trinidad and Tobago. We return to the council for only the second time in the history of our nation, and this is for the first time in more than four decades. We will carry to the council the commitment on which we sought your support. We did so, and we committed to building consensus for realization of sustainable peace and security. The Republic of Trinidad and Tobago intends to bring the perspective and experience of a small island developing state to the Council. Whilst we remain guided by the UN charter by international law and the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes. We will bring those principles to every matter before the Council, whether the crisis lies within our region or far beyond it. We will approach our tenure with an independent and practical outlook, working constructively with all members of the Council and seeking common ground wherever possible. We intend to place particular emphasis on the curbing of the illicit trafficking of small arms and light weapons, another pillar on which he had campaigned, and we intend to commit to is women and children, as well as peace and security.
We do so for the people of Ukraine, and also for all territories and populations where the threat of conflict continues to rage. Similarly, we reaffirm that a negotiated solution based upon the coexistence of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace, security, and mutual recognition, remains the most solid path toward achieving a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. On the other hand, we hope that a peaceful solution can be found in Lebanon that fully respects the sovereignty of all countries involved. We cannot resign ourselves to turning human suffering into a statistic: behind every victim is a life cut short, behind every child killed, a future that disappears, behind every school or hospital destroyed, a part of our shared humanity that has failed. For this reason, we are particularly concerned by the increase in attacks against civilians, humanitarian personnel, and United Nations staff who are carrying out their mission, often under extreme conditions and at extraordinary personal risk. In conclusion of the last SG's report on children in armed conflict and conflict-related sexual violence, are especially alarming: the figures presented are not only dramatic, they are morally unacceptable. For the first time, the primary perpetrators of these violations are states themselves, which should be the ultimate guarantors of the protection of their citizens. Given this reality, Andorra will continue to act. We have increased our contribution to the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children in Armed Conflict, we have strengthened our support for UNICEF programs, and we are taking active part in the negotiations of the future Convention on Crimes Against Humanity, with particular attention to the protection of children. Excellencies, the 2030 Agenda remains the most ambitious collective commitment ever undertaken by the international community. It is not merely a set of technical objectives, nor is it simply an international planning framework; it is a promise, the promise that the place where a person is born should not determine their opportunities, life expectancy, or future. The effects of global warming are being felt across many of the world's regions, from coastal areas and river deltas to the most vulnerable territories, which are increasingly exposed to extreme weather events.
In the relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the clarification of the fate of several thousand missing persons is a matter that needs to be addressed, on which we have reached an agreement to cooperate with Azerbaijan. Armenia is ready to continue and deepen cooperation with Azerbaijan on the issue of de-mining and, of course, people in the Republic of Armenia are waiting for the return of Armenians who were detained in Azerbaijan as a consequence of the conflict. Along with these issues still being unresolved, another reason that fuels pessimists is the use of conflict rhetoric from time to time in certain circles of Armenia and Azerbaijan, sometimes at the official level. I think that we, I mean Armenia and Azerbaijan, have achieved more than sufficient results, which should be more valuable for us than the use of conflict rhetoric, whether it is about history or historical-cultural monuments or anything else. Nurturing the peace, strengthening and making it institutional should be the main theme of cooperation between Armenia and Azerbaijan. For two and a half years now, there have been no casualties or injuries as a result of crossfire between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and I think this is the greatest value that was created as a result of cooperation in recent years. We have never had such a period in the relations between independent Armenia and independent Azerbaijan before. Even though Armenians and Azerbaijanis have centuries of experience of peaceful coexistence. Our task, however, is not to restore that experience, but to build inter-state relations on the basis of that experience of the peoples, based on respect for each other's territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence. This, by the way, is exactly the rhetoric that Armenia and Azerbaijan have already agreed upon and initialed in the text of the Agreement on Establishing Peace and Inter-State Relations between the two countries. The signing and ratification of that agreement, which was initialed at the Washington Peace Summit, is the next major topic in the joint agenda of Armenia and Azerbaijan, and we will consistently continue to work in this direction. Ladies and gentlemen.
During the 46th SADAC Summit, Eswatini assumed the chairmanship of the SADAC Organ on Politics, Defense, and Security Cooperation, TROICA, whose mandate is to promote peace and stability in the Southern African region. Through this responsibility, we will work closely with all member states to strengthen preventative diplomacy, enhance dialogue, and mediation. We believe that for SADAC to attain its vision 2050, we have to create a peaceful, competitive, and industrialized region that guarantees sustainable well-being and freedom for all our citizens. The African Union's Agenda 2063 and its aspiration to silence the guns reflect our continent's resolve to end conflict and to create the stable conditions required for sustainable growth.
The Holy Quran commands: Wa in janahu lis-salmi fajnah laha wa tawakkal ala Allah, innahu huwa as-Sami al-Alim. If the enemy is inclined towards peace, make peace with them. Surah Al-Anfal. Ladies and gentlemen, Pakistan's founding father, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had famously declared, we stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world. These pearls of wisdom have shaped Pakistan's national ethos and guided our conduct at home and abroad. The unanimous adoption of resolution 2788 on strengthening mechanisms for peaceful settlement of disputes under Pakistan's UN Security Council presidency demonstrated our unwavering commitment to global peace. Mr. President. Unfortunately, in February this year, conflict engulfed Gulf along with wider Middle East. Precious lives were lost. Economies suffered. Critical maritime routes, particularly the Strait of Hormuz, came under severe pressure. At this critical moment, Pakistan chose to act swiftly. Through concerted efforts, Pakistan successfully brought Washington and Tehran under one roof in Islamabad. From the Islamabad talks to the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding, many historic steps were taken to bring an end to this serious conflict here. I deeply appreciate Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, Pakistan's chief of defense forces and chief of the Army staff, whose relentless efforts helped create space for diplomacy under exceptionally difficult and challenging circumstances. I would also like to commend the efforts of our Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, in this behalf. Regrettably, Mr. President, recently we have witnessed a dangerous surge of hostilities. Yet amid the roar of missiles, drones and guns, the voice for diplomacy must echo even louder and stronger. The Strait of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb are arteries of the global economy. They must remain open, connecting nations, not becoming choke points of confrontation. These waters must carry the promise of prosperity, not the perils of war. Excellencies, we once again condemn in the strongest possible terms the recent deplorable attacks by the Houthis against the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The attempted drone attack on the holy city of Makkah Al-Mukarramah has outraged Muslims across the globe. Any threat to the safety and sanctity of the Haramain Sharifain is a red line that must never be crossed. No Muslim can even dare to think of committing such a heinous crime. Pakistan stands in complete solidarity with the brotherly people of Saudi Arabia, as we always have throughout our history. Ladies and gentlemen, our enduring commitment to peace is also reflected by the historic Makkah Joint Defense Agreement among the brotherly countries Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan. This alliance is not directed against any country. It is a collective commitment for defense, stability and peace in the region and nothing more. Mr. president, a year ago, Pakistan faced external aggression from India under a false pretext. Pakistan exercised its inherent right of self-defense under article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Our brave and valiant armed forces, under the courageous leadership of Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, responded with precision and professionalism. They silenced the enemy, repulsed its attack, and taught it a lesson it shall never, ever forget. And of course, thanks to President Donald Trump's resolute and visionary leadership that hundreds of millions of lives in South Asia were saved. His timely intervention came at a decisive juncture when two nuclear armed neighbours stood at the brink of an all out war. And who knows, Mr. President, the extent of devastation that could have taken place had President Trump not stepped in at this critical moment with clarity of thought and action? Mr. president, we must therefore ensure that South Asia never reaches that precipice ever again. But this requires a just and fair solution of the Kashmir dispute. For eight decades, the Kashmiri people have waited for the United Nations to fulfill its solemn commitment of a free and impartial plebiscite under its auspices. Generations have endured illegal occupation, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and collective punishment. More recently, there have been attempts to alter the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir through demographic reengineering and other illegal measures. Helpless Kashmiri mothers and fathers yearn for their sons and daughters who never return. Their homes lie silent under curfew and in deep grief. For many, there is no closure, only a lifetime spent searching for graves that bear no names. Mr. president, from this podium, I assure my Kashmiri brothers and sisters with fullest authority at my command that we shall continue to extend our full diplomatic, political and moral support to them till they are granted their inalienable right to self-determination. Kashmir has and always will be Pakistan's jugular vein. Excellencies, another foundation of stability in South Asia is now under strain. The shared waters of the Indus River system are the lifeblood not only for the people of Pakistan, but for the entire region. India's unilateral decision to hold the existing treaty in abeyance has no legal basis whatsoever. In fact, both its claims and actions have been rejected by UN experts and more recently by the Court of Arbitration. Our legitimate stand that the treaty remains valid, binding and fully operative has been vindicated beyond any doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, water must never be weaponised. Rivers should nourish nations, not divide them. Therefore, any attempt to stop, impede or divert Pakistan's share of the waters will be treated as an act of war. India. India. India must make no mistake about it. Ladies and gentlemen, for generations, Palestinians, particularly women, children and the elderly have been subjected to occupation, eviction, suffering and death. Last year, Mr. President, I had shared with you the heart wrenching story of Hind Rajab, an innocent Palestinian girl who was brutally shot by Israeli soldiers. This year, another tragedy weighs heavy on our hearts, your hearts and the world's heart. This time it is the deafening cries of the sobbing mother of eight year old Wafaa Akila, who embraced martyrdom in this senseless aggression. What should have been the first day of her school, alas, became the last day of her life. Does not a child born in Gaza deserve the same life and the same future and same dream as a child, anywhere else in the world? The tragedies of Rajab, Wafaa Akila and countless others will echo through history as an indictment of our collective silence, failure, and inaction. Excellencies, it is deeply worrying that Israeli violence has now spread to the West Bank where the forcible eviction of Palestinians clearly reflects Israel's genocidal agenda, which continues unabated. Pakistan believes that the only just and lasting solution is the creation of an independent, sovereign, viable and contiguous state of Palestine, based on the pre 1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Ladies and gentlemen, we also condemn continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Syria. This, too, must stop immediately. Ladies and gentlemen, terrorism remains one of the greatest threats to international peace and security.
Next December, our country will finish its mandate as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. As we took on this high, lofty task, our premise was clear. We didn't come to the council to choose sides. We came to the council to defend principles: sovereignty, territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, and the protection of civilians. They are the rules that protect the very existence of states, particularly the smallest states. I wish to reiterate to this General Assembly the need for Latin America and the Caribbean to have places with greater decision-making power in the Security Council, specifically a permanent seat, a permanent member of the Security Council of this organization. We are a region that plays a protagonist role in food, minerals, biodiversity, and a deep-seated belief in peace and integration. Our contribution is without doubt. The world doesn't need less UN. It needs a United Nations that works better, that acts with preventive diplomacy, and that can yield positive results in the short term. We are at a turning point in our history. The election of the next Secretary-General will be of paramount importance to determine the next agenda, to ensure robust, lasting trust, of course, in the understanding of the new global balance, if you can call it that.
These critical minerals can help bridge the gap between wealth and poor nations and overcome the indignities of poverty and underdevelopment. We insist, Mr. President, that indeed, Africa must have a stake in shaping the rules that govern the development and the deployment of artificial intelligence. We have a youthful population ready to play a key role in the beneficiation at source of critical minerals and research and innovations for artificial intelligence. Restoring trust in multilateralism demands that we demonstrate, as the United Nations, that peaceful resolutions of conflict is still our mantra.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths the horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal declaration of human rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability, sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence. There is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental, fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task, then we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that we understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029 2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful. Our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. president, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions. Listen to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the council's decisions. We will work to prevent crisis, resolve resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering. Protecting colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it.
Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the Global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars justice and representation and decision making, justice and the application of the law and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes. Notably, sovereign equality among states respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. president, if justice in the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction.
Particular importance must be attached to reconciliation among communities, as it is an indispensable condition for a truly lasting peace. Furthermore, the Holy See is preoccupied by the terrorist attacks, especially in North Kivu and Ituri, which repeatedly target the civilian population, including Christian communities involving killings, abduction and destruction of villages and church structures. The Holy See notes with concern the advance of jihadist groups from the Sahel towards the coastal countries of the Gulf of Guinea. The response cannot be exclusively military. It must include the prevention of radicalisation, the development of border areas, the education of young people, social cohesion, cohesion and interreligious dialogue, fully valuing the role of religious communities in preventing extremism. The province of Cabo Delgado in Mozambique remains destabilised after almost nine years of armed conflict. The Holy See, while calling for the end of the conflict, remains concerned about the sporadic episodes of violence which prevent internally displaced persons from returning to their place of of origins and force them to continue living in a situation of suffering, a food insecurity with no prospects of a better future. In Venezuela, the Holy See encourages every effort aimed at the full restoration of democratic order through peaceful, inclusive means that respect national sovereignty as well as the launch of a process of national reconciliation based on dialogue, the pursuit of the common good, and full respect for human rights and civil liberties.
Friends, the United Nations is entering its ninth decade at a moment of great uncertainty and challenge for the global community. Conflicts are having devastating effects on the most vulnerable. The impacts of the climate crisis are felt in every corner of our world. Hard won rights are being rolled back. Narrow self-interest is breaking the bonds of solidarity, which have so often lifted us to meaningful progress. The international legal order is under tremendous strain. New and emerging technologies that offer unlimited potential could also, without human intervention, create unprecedented dangers. In such moments of uncertainty, it can be easy to question our foundations, to retreat, to turn inward, to say that international cooperation is too difficult, that multilateralism does not work, that the problems of others are not our problems. But that would be the wrong conclusion, because the answer to a world under strain is not less international cooperation. It is more. The answer to the weakening of principles is not to abandon them. It is to defend them. And if our multilateral system is not working effectively, the answer is not to walk away from it. It is to make it stronger, fairer and fit for the world we live in. That is Ireland's position, and that is what all of us, as members of the United Nations need to deliver on. We should also remember what our collective commitment to the United Nations has achieved. The multilateral system anchored in the United Nations Charter has been the foundation of many of humanity's greatest achievements. It has driven advances in poverty alleviation health care, education, social protection, and food and nutrition security. It has championed human rights and dignity and insisted that accountability matters. It has given voice to the marginalised Mr. president, the people of Ireland understand that we live in an interdependent world, that the challenges we face are interconnected, cross borders and require collective solutions. Ireland currently holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union. Our stewardship of the European Union's agenda is deeply rooted in the principle of strength with unity, and this principle is at the heart of our vision for the United Nations, as well as our unwavering commitment to the pillars which guide its work. Peace and security. Human rights and development. These pillars equally bear the weight of our shared ambition for a better, fairer and peaceful world. Collectively, however, we are not delivering on their ambition. We are not staying the course. At a Time and global needs are increasing and becoming more complex.
Japan will play a more proactive role in the peaceful settlement of disputes. Furthermore, the maritime order based on the rule of law is currently being greatly shaken in the Strait of Hormuz. Ensuring free and safe navigation through the Strait of Hormuz for all vessels without additional costs, as has been the case, is extremely important not only for the security of the Middle East, but also for the stability of the global economy as a whole. Similarly, it is essential to ensure stability in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. Japan will continue to work closely with relevant countries and the International Maritime Organization towards the maintenance of maritime order in the Middle East. Madam President, next I would like to set out Japan's efforts and commitments towards the United Nations and multilateralism. Since becoming a member state of the United Nations in 1956, Japan has acted decisively to address global challenges such as eradication of poverty, economic and social development women's empowerment, climate change and global health.
As you are all aware, last year the international community marked the 80th anniversary of the United Nations. For 80 years, this unique global organization has been standing at the forefront of safeguarding peace, security and development. Although our organization brings together all countries of the world and serves as the principal platform for international cooperation, Wars and tensions still persist in various regions. Armed conflicts and humanitarian crises in different parts of the world, including Ukraine, Iran, Sudan and Palestine, demonstrate the complexity of the current international environment and require all of us to work together to strengthen peace, security and sustainable development. Kyrgyzstan is a country that believes in the power of dialogue and the peaceful settlement of conflicts. Our country stands ready to serve as a mediator in addressing complex and contentious issues. In recent years, Central Asia has clearly demonstrated to the world its ability to resolve complex inter-state issues peacefully.
Second, addressing climate change and its effects. Third, tackling regional challenges, particularly in the Middle East and Africa. The role of non-state armed groups that threaten the security and stability of states has grown considerably. Indeed, they now seek to control maritime corridors and straits and to threaten freedom of navigation. They also target facilities in a number of countries. At the global level, more than 200 million people live in areas under the control of armed groups or in contested areas. Moreover, more than 130 non-state armed groups have been identified as legally classified parties to armed conflicts. These figures clearly reflect the scale of the spread and proliferation of these groups. In a world that, over the past two decades has become less secure and less stable. Further, the close links between these armed groups and separatist militias on the one hand, and terrorist organizations and criminal networks, as well as mercenary elements, on the other hand, are evident to all. It is therefore a mistake to believe that some of these groups are peaceful or constructive, or that they can engage in the settlement of conflicts. All these groups use violence to impose a fait accompli and to serve the agenda of those who control them. They must therefore be dealt with firmly, and responsibility must be assigned to the states that sponsor Harbour Finance and armed them, and provide them with safe haven and support. The responsibility of these sponsoring states is not merely political, it is also legal, moral and historical. These groups and their sponsors alike cannot be allowed to become a means of evading responsibility or a tool for carrying out what states cannot do directly. Hence, deterrent sanctions must be imposed on these groups and their sponsors.
Your Excellencies, today, the three pillars amongst which the UN works—peace and security, development, and human rights—are under unprecedented pressure. In the realm of peace and security, we witness the proliferation of conflicts, the worsening of civilian suffering, and the spread of terrorism and the expansion of transnational organized crime. These challenges, amongst others, must lead us to strengthen compliance with the promotion of the mechanisms for prevention and peaceful resolution of conflict, as well as what we are going to do under international law in the light of the United Nations Charter, including respect for those sovereignty and territorial integrity of our states, the human rights, and international cooperation—factors that are, in fact, inseparable to being truthful. In this way, we will be able to address conflicts that persist around the world, including in some countries and regions of our continent, Africa. It is also this that underlies the support of our defense for solutions for two states for Palestine. Living side by side with peace and security with Israel has a legitimate and lasting path forward. The principle of self-determination of the people enshrined in the United Nations Charter as far back as 1945 remains so valid as ever. It is in this context that we reaffirm our principled position in support of the cause for the Sahrawi people.
And we'll come out of this stronger, precisely for this reason, because Spain does not choose the easy route. We always choose the fairest route. And I also want to recognize that the world knows this. At the end of the day, the reactionary forces that want to destroy this multilateral order won't stop attacking us for it. They want us to be intimidated. They want us to give up. They want us to end up believing that the SDGs are a lost cause, that defending the common good is naive, that cooperating is an act of weakness. Well, I'm here, and I've come up to this rostrum to tell you loud and clear that they are wrong and that we will not keep quiet. The Spanish people are not going back. We will not stop believing that humanity can continue to progress and that working together, we can build a better world. And we're not going to do this because we believe that delivering for our children, because we know that in a few years, future generations will look back. They will study this decisive decade, and they will ask us what role each and every one of us played. They will ask us, what did we do when some countries started to break the rules and others decided to look the other way? They will ask us what we did when defending what we believed in started to cost us dearly. And when this happens, we want to be able to tell them that we did not give up the fight. Not us. We want to be able to tell them that we gave everything to leave them a more peaceful, more sustainable, and of course, a fairer world. That's what we want to be able to tell them. And this is the commitment that I want to make here, at this rostrum, not in my own name, of course, but rather on behalf of the country that I represent, Spain. Thank you very much.
We reject these unlawful punitive measures, and we reject the accusations and justifications on which they were based. We affirm that we have fulfilled our obligations, carried out a comprehensive national reform program. And upheld our commitment to international law To shunning violence and terrorism, and to the two state solution and to peace on the basis of resolutions of international legitimacy. We also affirm that the Palestinian people and its leadership should not be punished for demanding an end for the occupation, or for turning to the UN. The International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Our choice to invoke international law and its institutions is a peaceful and civilized choice, and not an act that runs counter to peace. Denying the Palestinian delegation access to the UN headquarters is a violation of the. Of the United States obligations as the host country Therefore, we call upon the American administration. To lift these sanctions and restrictions, return to dialogue and mutual respect. And work with us and with the international community in order to implement the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy and to establish peace, rather than punishing the side that has chosen the path of international law and political and diplomatic action in order to guarantee its rights. Mr. president, esteemed Member States. I speak to you today as the Palestinian people faces one of the most dangerous times of its history.
These knee-jerk reactions that we see from outside the country will be consigned to the theater of the past, which as Venezuelans we no longer wish to see. Venezuela must abandon the course which allowed extremism and intolerance to be imposed on and to prevail over peaceful and democratic coexistence. And here, I ask for the support of the international community so that it, in good faith, supports the changes that Venezuela requires. It must respect the self-determination of my country. Venezuela wishes to breathe freely, exercise its rights as a sovereign nation without any type of interference. Venezuela must be admired and respected. I come here and will do just this going forward. That is, I will assume a historic responsibility.
Mr. President, the theme of this session—restoring trust, managing transformation, the United Nations that delivers for all— expresses perfectly the challenge that we must collectively address to restore the hope that the UN nurtured when it was created. For the DRC, this session is another occasion to reaffirm its faith in a multilateralism based upon the unwavering quest for peace and justice, which paved the way not to the prosperity of a select few, but to the creation of a true common horizon for peoples and generations of the future. This faith, however, calls upon us to be clear-eyed about the world's transformations, and to ask about the ability of the UN to evolve alongside it for our peoples. I have never ceased to believe in the need for international cooperation, a cooperation which, at the most difficult times, can be promptly mobilized but, in other circumstances, may seem to drag its feet when territorial integrity is vigorously defended in one crisis but seems negotiable in another, when the suffering of civilians calls for immediate action in one place but seems less urgent in another. In reality, there can be no lasting trust when the force of our principles varies depending on the people's crises or circumstances. In a world in constant flux, the trust of our peoples in multilateralism begins when the law is applied uniformly, regardless of geography, economic power, or alliances. Our transformation ought to be based upon the need to uphold the Charter in its entirety, especially through the respect for the principle of the sovereign equality of states, peaceful dispute settlement, the prohibition of the use of force, respect for territorial integrity, and human dignity. This ought to be the ambition of the United Nations. Mr. President, we cannot speak of restoring trust toward the UN, let alone of a transformation, as long as the UN continues to reflect a world that has ceased to exist. The world of 1945 no longer exists. Digital revolution, energy transition, and climate deregulation are now altering equilibria, and yet the institutions charged with managing these changes too often reflect an order that no longer exists. Artificial intelligence today offers one of the most striking examples of this.
And central to our national reset is a revolutionary expansion of social protection, universal health care, delivering on the Sustainable Development Goals, specifically SDG one on poverty SDG three on good Health and well-being, and SDG ten on reduced inequalities. And so Ghana has officially launched a historic free primary healthcare programme, ensuring that every Ghanaian can access essential primary health care services at their community level at zero cost. This programme has been hailed by the World Health Organisation and the United Nations as a benchmark paradigm shift for the global South, and this model is currently being studied by other nations that are seeking to achieve true universal health coverage. Alongside our National Health Insurance Scheme, we've introduced a specialised fund officially named Ghana Medical Trust Fund, but popularly referred to after my name Mahama, that guarantees Ghanaians suffering from non-communicable diseases such as renal failure, cancers, cardiovascular diseases and diabetes. It guarantees that they receive subsidized, affordable and life saving care I've always believed that democracy must deliver tangible social benefits. Citizens must experience democracy not only through the ballot box every four years, but through improved access to food, quality education, decent housing, accessible healthcare and economic opportunities. Mr. president, democracy loses its soul when it protects elite privileges while abandoning the vulnerable. And so Ghana remains an uncompromising beacon of constitutional democracy, media freedom, the rule of law and peaceful transition of power on the African continent.
But the real motivation of which lies elsewhere: in a covetousness for the significant resources that God has placed in our land. Niger's uranium, Mali and Burkina Faso's gold, lithium, gas, oil and so many other riches still make the former colonial powers salivate. They want to make us believe that we are incapable of governing, of governing ourselves, incapable of producing, of thinking, and of defending ourselves. They want to make us believe and convince us that we do not have the science, the intelligence, or the sovereignty needed to build something precious by and for ourselves, and that as a consequence, therefore, we should accept the tutelage of Emmanuel Macron's France and his allies. A France which very often acts through its local proxies, networks and complicity. For centuries they have instilled self-deprecation, fear and resignation. They continue to want to introduce permanent conflict in communities which since time immemorial, have been living in harmony in the same space and which have created peaceful mechanisms for settling disputes, such as joking kinship. For example, this perfidious attempt to destabilize the central Sahel conducted by France with the active complicity of Ukraine, is now documented, widely documented. This criminal enterprise has been dismissed, has been unmasked now that the military, political and media elites that justify it in the name of their own country's interests have themselves removed their veils and remove their masks. I say solemnly from this rostrum: the Sahel sees, the Sahel hears, the Sahel remembers, and the Sahel understands things very well. Our Sahel is determined to defend its liberty, its resources and its dignity at any cost. A people that has decided to be free cannot be recolonised through fear, through deceit, nor even through savage violence. Ladies and gentlemen, as I speak to you, on our northeastern border there are proxies led by that France, supported by Ukraine and two other countries. And you know which countries I'm alluding to. Those proxies are armed, managed and led, and they are about to attack our military positions and our oil installations. But inshallah, they will find what they deserve if they do so. The AES, the result of a long and historic struggle of our peoples against colonization and neocolonialism, is now an irreversible process towards our country's sovereignty. Make no mistake, the century that we are living in marks the end of old Hegemonies and the awakening of thus far suppressed forces. The AES is to Africa and its historic and contemporary diasporas as light is to darkness. It is for this human community that is present around the world, a source of hope and of dignity. And I say this before the world so that the world can understand: the AES is the result of a movement that dates from the dawn of time. It is a profound, lasting, irrepressible and irreversible change. Inshallah. A change which, by trimming the sharp claws of imperialism, abolishing the trade in black persons and slavery, overthrowing colonialism and neocolonialism, is bringing the peoples of Africa towards independence, sovereignty and liberty. I affirm that our Refoundation in Niger
Trust is not a sentiment that can be created by adopting a resolution. It is an outcome. It is built when an institution delivers on the purpose for which it was established. That is why reform of the United Nations is necessary, so that the organisation can become more capable, so that it can deliver greater results, and certainly not to replace the responsibility of national states, but to act where collective action is needed. Multilateralism does not begin in New York. It begins with the quality of the states that come to New York. Excellencies, we are a small sized country, but we refuse to let the smallness of our territory define the scale of our ambition. Our ambition is to become a serious state, a state that its allies can trust, a state in which young people can plan their future. A state that respects the diversity and multicultural character of its society, a state confident enough to defend its own identity without denying the identity of the others. A state that knows its history but is not imprisoned by it, and a state that does not expect others to build it in its place. That, to me, is modern sovereignty. Not isolation. Capability. This year Secretary General Antonio Guterres reminded us that the Charter begins with the words: We, the peoples. And he added, not we, the powerful, not we, the victors. In those words lies the reason why a small sized European country continues to believe in this organization, even when it is disappointed by it. Because the alternative to a world governed by rules is not a world in which everyone is free. It is a world in which the strongest are the freest, and everyone else depends on their goodwill. Such a world may appear effective for a moment, but it is never stable. Some decades ago, the United Nations came to our country with a new idea that the international community does not have to wait for a violence to begin before it acts. Today, we once again need that same political wisdom. We must not wait for a technology to create new inequalities before we establish rules. We must not wait for young people to leave before we build societies in which they see a future worth staying for. We must not wait for institutions to lose all public trust before we reform them. And we must not wait for the world to become fully divided into opposing blocs before we rediscover the values of a dialogue. That child with whom I began will be 14 years older when the world enters 2040. None of us today can promise that child a peaceful world, nor a world without crisis, nor a world without competition. But we can leave that child something else. A world in which power is not the only argument, a world in which knowledge is not the privilege of the few, a world in which alliances create security rather than new lines of fear. A world in which technology serves humanity, a world in which a small state has the right to the same dignity, to the same rules, and the same voice as the great powers.
Choose dialogue and peaceful settlement wherever possible. Remember ordinary families when making major economic decisions. Balance commercial interests with the welfare of people. Use technology to advance human dignity and not diminish it. Protect our planet while pursuing development and place the interests of our children and future generations at the heart of decisions we make today. Leadership is not measured only by the power of a nation. I beg your pardon again. Leadership is not defined only by the power you possess as a leader of a powerful nation. Leadership is also measured by the responsibility that comes with how you exercise that power. Papua New Guinea does not claim to have all the answers. We still are developing nations. Just a few years ago, we became a middle income earning nation. We have our own challenges, but perhaps our position as a Pacific nation allows us to remind the larger powers of a simple reality. No nation is so powerful that it can live apart from the earth. No nation is so small that its people should be forgotten when decisions affecting humanity are made. Military strength of a nation does not make the rights of another nation less important. The size of an economy does not make the dignity of a poorer person less important. Technological advancement does not diminish our obligations to protect human freedom. The size of a religious majority does not reduce the rights of a minority. Power in all forms must be exercised with responsibility and care. Mr. president, in PNG we have many tribes. We have many languages. We have many churches. We have many cultures. But we are one nation. Perhaps this lesson can be taught to everyone. Papua New Guinea puts this to the assembly. You do not have to believe what I believe in for you to defend human rights of another person. Let governments govern for people. Let churches preach and preach love to each other. Let mosque pray faithfully. Let temples welcome the worshippers. Let people search their own conscience. Let the economy serve humanity. Let technology serve humanity. Let powerful nations exercise their power responsibly. Let nations resolve their differences peacefully, wherever possible. And I pause here, especially all Christian nations, all Christian nations, our Lord and Savior Jesus talks about peace and not war. Those who are promoting peace are sons of God. You don't promote peace, you are not sons of God. And may this be known to every Christian nation. Let no state compel the human soul. Mr. president, we may have different religions. We may have different political systems. We have different cultures and national interests. We may be. We may be big nations or small nations. We may be rich or poor. We may possess different levels of military, economic and technological power. But beneath those differences, we share something greater. We share our humanity. We share one earth. This is our home. We must protect it. We must protect each other. We must leave our children a better world than the one we are presently living in. Papua New Guinea will remain proudly, proudly Christian, but we will also remain committed to the freedom of conscience, thought and religion. For ultimately, faith cannot be governed or commanded by government. Faith must come from the heart. God has given humanity the capacity to choose that freedom, and that freedom must be respected. God has entrusted this earth to our generation for only a short time. Let us use it wisely and pass it to the next generation. Let us pursue peace. Let us uphold the charter of United Nations. Let us respect the rights and dignity of every human being. Let us work together. Big or small nations. Let us ensure that power, whether military, economic, technology, or religious, is never used to suppress the rights of others. Let us protect our common home.
Facts have taught us that war is abhorrent, that peace is the only objective to pursue, and that we must stop watching from the sidelines, stop talking, and start acting. Paraguay comes before the community of nations with one non-negotiable conviction: the dignity of the human person must be at the heart of every decision. For this reason, we defend freedom, democracy, the sovereignty of states, respect for human rights, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. For this reason, we uphold human life from conception, and we recognize the family as the fundamental unit of our society. Because when human dignity is forgotten, humanity itself disappears. Human dignity, from conception until the end of life, is the foundation of our presence on this earth. There is an increasingly visible gap between the commitments we make and the results we achieve. And as that gap widens, trust erodes. People no longer believe us. And that trust will not be restored through mere statements or beautiful slogans. It will be restored by confronting problems without fear, proposing solutions, and delivering results. The first issue that I wish to address here is one that is in my own neighborhood in Latin America.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about, um, pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate. And there might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
Um. Turkey does not confine itself to just articulating these principles. With every step we take, we seek a more equitable and more humane international system. Through the Defense Alliance we have established recently with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, based on the principle of regional ownership, we are now both strengthening solidarity among us and aiming to generate solutions to the problems in our region from within the region itself. We are maintaining our efforts with the relevant actors to bring an end to the climate of conflict and to the climate of war that has been ignited in the Gulf. I strongly underline that any dangerous attempt to spread these conflicts, these clashes to neighboring regions, serves no one's interests. As for Gaza, we remain committed to following through on the agreement we signed in Sharm el-Sheikh one year ago. Now we must begin the reconstruction of Gaza as soon as possible. In this regard, I call upon you to exert greater pressure, more pressure on Israel. Let everyone understand and accept the following. Attempts to strangle the state of Palestine will fail. God willing, we shall see those good days when an independent state of Palestine, based on the 1967 borders with territorial integrity and with East Jerusalem as its capital, will be established. Dear friends, after 14 years of oppression, Syria initiated a new path with the December 8th Revolution. Under the leadership of President Sharaa, we are witnessing Syria now moving toward its goal of becoming a safe and peaceful country in spite of all forms of internal and external provocations. We will continue to stand by the brotherly Syrian people on this journey. In another neighboring country, we fully support efforts to strengthen state authority and consolidate stability. We are working with Iraq on strategic transportation and energy projects that will enhance the welfare of our region, particularly among these projects, important is the Development Road Project. As for the Russia-Ukraine war, it is our sincere hope that it comes to an end with Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity being upheld. We continue our contacts with the parties with a view to restoring safety of navigation in the Black Sea, ensuring food security and preventing the war from spreading to a wider region. I would like to particularly emphasize that recent attacks against commercial ships in the Black Sea, regardless of who carries them out, are unacceptable. We believe that freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be maintained. In the Aegean Sea and the eastern Mediterranean region, we wish to see existing issues resolved on the basis of good neighbourly relations and in accordance with international law. Our proposal for an Eastern Mediterranean Conference will contribute to establishing common ground. On this occasion, I once again will repeat the call I had made numerous times in previous UNGA sessions. The sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people must be recognized and inhumane isolation to which they have been subjected must finally come to an end. I call upon the international community to recognize the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and to establish political, diplomatic and economic relations with them. Esteemed delegates. Turkey, thanks to its growing defense industry and thanks to its resilient economy, continues to be an island of stability in the middle of conflicts in its vicinity.
Russia's bet on cruise missiles and Shaheds didn't work the way Putin planned. They still caused damage, but they didn't break us. We built our defense. What is truly difficult for us now is Russian ballistic missiles and their new jet-powered Shaheds. Iranian technologies. Just imagine this: since the beginning of this year, Russia has already used more than 2,100 missiles of different types against us, against Ukraine, our people, and our children. More than 950 of them were ballistic missiles. In 8 months of this year, Russia used 63,000 attack drones of different types against Ukraine, our people. And more than 7,700 of them were jet-powered Shaheds. Truly destructive and very dangerous weapons. Just think about it. The Russians launch jet-powered Shaheds every hour. Every hour. Against our cities, our economy, our infrastructure. Our combat aircraft are fighting them 24/7. And this is part of Russia's strategy: to create a near threat every hour, to make life harder for the economy, and to disrupt people's lives, and to stop children from being able to study, just to study at school. Would your country survive if, God forbid, you had to face something like this? Ukraine has. Our soldiers have already successfully tested four new jet-powered interceptor drones against Russian jet-powered Shaheds. So we are scaling up production, and we will build, of course we will build, protection against these threats too. We have also launched an anti-ballistic program, FREA, together with our partners. Ten countries are already part of it: Ukraine, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom, Spain, and the Netherlands. Last week, I invited Poland to join. And we are also in consultations with a couple of other allied governments who want to join FREA. And we remain open to every country that can contribute to building protection against ballistic missiles. Our FREA program does not replace proven and effective systems, like, for example, Patriot systems or upgraded anti-ballistic SAMP/T systems. We want to build a system that can be produced on a much larger scale and at a lower cost, a system that can become an integrated part of Ukraine's defense and Europe's defense. One that can help any freedom-loving nation. The global waiting list for anti-ballistic systems is very long. There are more and more ballistic threats, and the industrial capacity of those who choose war is very large. So we need to produce enough protection so that every person sitting in this hall can say," My people are truly protected." That is our approach to security. Today, even the richest countries in the world can't find enough missile interceptors. Current production is simply not enough. And even those who spend years building up interceptor stocks have already used a large part of them, unfortunately. This is the reality, even in the Gulf, where countries really worked to build strong anti-ballistic system, anti-ballistic defense. So we need a new program. We need FREA join these common efforts. And yes, sometimes it may seem that Ukraine is focused, focused only on war, because we speak about weapons, we speak about defense and sanctions against the aggressor. But Ukrainians did not choose this war. We choose not to die, not to lose our country, our families, not to lose our independence, our freedom. And we are defending ourselves. And this matters not only for us. I'm sure most of you here are like Ukraine was before this war. You are peaceful nations. And you do not think about war every second. But that does not mean you are weak. And those who may wish you harm should not make that mistake. Most of you do not have nuclear weapons. You do not have a habit of attacking your neighbors. And you may not have the money to finance years of war. But that does not mean you have no chance to stay safe, to detour those who may threaten you, to make anyone who may threaten you think twice, and to protect your life and, of course, protect your people. Ukraine has proven that even against a much bigger enemy, you can stand and survive. And we also have the drone deal format. This is not simply about selling drones. Not, of course. It is cooperation with other countries to build a modern, integrated defense system against drone threats in the air, at sea, and on land. And this is not only about protecting the sky. Drones help us control our borders. It's important. Mountain areas. And of course, roads. And without them, this would simply be impossible. And it is also about protecting infrastructure, critical infrastructure, about resilience, about organizing resources and defense forces so that critical infrastructure and transport can keep working even in the most difficult conditions. This is also part of the deals we offer. These are ready-made security formats that we adapt to each specific country and each specific region. We are already working with partners in the Gulf, the South Caucasus, and across Europe through drone deals. Today, I signed a drone deal, serious drone deal, with Finland, and this is significant. Also, today, I signed a security agreement with Australia, and drones are part of it too. And we are preparing drone deals with Canada and with other countries as well. When Russia started this war, it could never have imagined that Ukrainian long-range drones would one day reach its factories, its military factories, somewhere in Siberia and on the Yamal Peninsula, thousands of kilometers from our borders. Thousands. No Russian admiral expected that we would be able to sink Russia's pride cruisers that were supposed to dominate the sea but could not survive our naval drones. And along with different types of drones, we also produce a wide range of conventional weapons quickly, at lower cost than in many other countries, and tested in modern war. Ukraine is building its security so that we reinforce our role of a real provider of security and help others get the protection that has already worked for us and that can truly reduce the space for starting and spreading wars in the world. Peace through protection. Ladies and gentlemen, just think about it. No Russian official ever imagined that Army General Winter, which had fought on Russia's side for centuries, would one day switch sides and support those defending themselves from Russia. We will make that happen this winter if Russia continues to target our energy system and our heating. Ukrainians understand that this winter could be very harsh for us. But in response, we will have no choice but to make it painful for Russia too. And that's exactly why we say that de-escalation steps are important, are needed before winter. Now, we need diplomacy, and we need strength. And step by step, we are closing the gaps in both. Yesterday, we met with the President of the United States, and this is exactly what we discussed. Unfortunately, we have not had a chance to speak directly with the leader of China, who is in America today, but not here. And he is someone who can influence Russia too, more than many, many others can. And we would like him to want peace as much as we do in Ukraine. We believe the world has the power to make this happen. We are sure the world needs this. This is about energy, about critical infrastructure. This is about food security.
