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Mr. president, Papua New Guinea comes to this assembly with profound respect for the charter of the United Nations and for the principles and purposes upon which this great institution was founded. The United Nations reminds us that whether we are big or small nations, rich or poor nations developed or developing, powerful or less powerful, we are all members of one international community. The challenges confronting humanity do not recognise the size of our economies, the strength of our militaries, or the boundaries on our map. No nation can address them alone. We must therefore continue to work together, respecting the sovereignty of all nations, upholding the international law and the United Nations Charter, resolving our differences peacefully and recognising that every nation, regardless of its size or economic strength or military might, has a voice and a place in this assembly. For Papua New Guinea and all the nations of the Pacific, multilateralism matters. The United Nations place provides a place rather, where small nations can sit alongside the largest, where voice can be heard and where we can work together on the common challenges facing humanity. And with this, I want to place on record Papua New Guinea's fullest acknowledgement on all speakers from the Pacific who have spoken, all leaders who spoke. We are fully, on behalf of Papua New Guinea, affirm all their points, the points that was raised. I also wish to acknowledge the Secretary General of United Nations, His Excellency Antonio Guterres as he approaches the completion of his tenure on behalf of the government and people of Papua New Guinea. I want to thank the Secretary General for his strong and consistent advocacy for humanity. At a time when our world has confronted war, displacement, poverty, inequality, climate change and many other challenges. He has consistently called for peace, human dignity, international cooperation and respect for the principles of United Nations. He has demonstrated the qualities of a global statesman. If there is anyone befitting of a Nobel Peace Award and label a global statesman, His Excellency Guterres is perhaps the leading person at this time. He has used his office to speak for humanity, including those voices that are often too dim and seemingly unheard. Secretary-General Guterres, on behalf of my 11 million people, Papua New Guinea, thank you for your service to the United Nations and to humanity. We remember fondly your three nights you stayed with us in the mountains and islands of Papua New Guinea. Thank you for being a strong voice of not just Papua New Guinea, but small nations, especially my small Pacific island nations. Your advocacy reminds us that beyond our national borders and political differences, cultures and beliefs, we belong to one human family. And we share one planet called the planet earth. Mr. president, it is in the spirit of common humanity that I wish to speak about human rights, human freedoms, and particularly freedom of conscience, thought, belief, and religion.
And this year, again, hundreds of millions of people need humanitarian assistance, while the resources available to help them are shrinking. When funding runs out what do we tell the mother, who has walked for hours to reach a clinic with a sick child, that the doors are closed? What do we tell to a family waiting for food? That there will be no delivery tomorrow? We cannot ask humanitarian workers to give those answers, because we have chosen to cut their funding. This is not the time to treat humanitarian aid as an optional expense. It is neither a reward nor a bargaining chip. A hungry child is not responsible for the position taken by his government. That child has the right to eat, the right to receive care and the right to be protected. That is why I urge every one of us not to cut humanitarian funding. International law does more than contain violence. It is also enables trade exchange and movements. That brings me to a freedom that may at first sound rather technical: freedom of navigation.
Without that capacity, sovereignty over the land, over the sky becomes just an illusion. And then comes the third layer: reach. For centuries, the great threat to freedom of speech was censorship. Today, freedom of speech is threatened by the weaponization of the freedom of reach. Speech is the right to express an idea. Reach is the power to place that idea before millions of people. Speech belongs to human beings. Reach can be purchased, automated, manipulated and secretly assigned by platforms, corporations, criminal networks and foreign states. The right to speak is universal, but there is no universal right to anonymous, unlimited and artificially amplified reach. When one lie can be multiplied a billion times, truth does not need to be censored anymore because it is simply buried. The citizen remains formally free to speak, but speaks into a storm that no human voice can match. Freedom of speech can therefore be defeated without banning a single book, without imprisoning a single journalist, without deleting a single post. The answer to bad speech remains more speech, but the answer to covert industrial amplification must come and must come sooner, more than it will be too late. And it's called exposure. Who created the message? Who paid for it? Was it spread by people or by machines? Why was the citizen targeted? Was the apparent public reaction authentic, coordinated or foreign directed? Defending democracy and defending a way of life and defending the freedom of each and every nation to live in its own way does not mean controlling what people are allowed to think. It means revealing the hidden powers, seeking to control what people are made to see. If we protect freedom of speech while leaving the control of reach completely opaque, we defend the door while surrendering the whole room. Some respond by demanding that artificial intelligence be slowed or stopped. We are too small, but we respectfully have to disagree. A pause by democracies will not produce a pause by dictatorships.
And for small states, this is existential, not simply of a matter of principle. Not at all. Russia's brutal war against Ukraine is a clear example. Russia invaded a sovereign neighbour, seeking to change borders by force and deny another nation the freedom to determine its future. Ukrainians have paid an unimaginable price. Behind every destroyed home is a family. Behind every casualty is someone who was loved. Iceland's position remains clear. Very clear. Ukraine has the right to defend itself to sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to a just and lasting peace on the basis of international law. Our support for Ukraine defends a principle on which all our countries' security depends that no nation gets to decide the future of another. This principle must apply everywhere including in the Middle East. In Gaza, we continue to witness repeated violations of the cease fire and continued suffering among civilians, despite the adoption of the 20 point Comprehensive Peace Plan and Security Council Resolution 2803. The suffering of Palestinian civilians cannot become a background noise. Children are still being killed. Families are still losing their homes, and parents are still trying to keep their children alive. Again and again and again. We cannot accept Gaza being repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt while the underlying cause remains unresolved. And in the West Bank, illegal settlement activity continues to expand. Palestinian civilians face settler violence too often enabled by impunity, inflammatory rhetoric and permissive policies. Earlier this month, Iceland joined 11 other states in addressing restrictions on trade in goods from settlements that are illegal under international law. Our objective remains clear a viable Palestinian state alongside Israel, with both peoples able to live in security, dignity and peace. We have heard the words moral cowards from this podium. To me, moral cowards are those leaders of the world who refuse to sit down and negotiate a just and lasting peace. Those leaders who deny access to humanitarian aid for people in desperate need and moral cowards, are those leaders of the world who repeatedly go against and disrespect international law. Madam president, we must not allow the horrors in Ukraine and the Middle East to make other crises invisible. In Sudan, years of civil war have brought atrocities, mass displacement, and grave violations of international humanitarian law. As humanitarian leaders have reminded us, Sudan does not suffer from a lack of analysis. It suffers from a lack of action. Acts that may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity cannot be met with indifference. We created the International Criminal Court to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. So thus accountability matters. We have to bear that in mind, and so does adherence to international law beyond the battlefield. To be clear, Iceland stands with the ICC. Obstruction of lawful international transit through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb threatens not only countries in the region, but global energy markets and food security. Disruption falls hardest on the most vulnerable. The freedoms codified in the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea are not optional, not at all.
We meet at a time when the Arab Gulf is facing a security situation of a severity not witnessed in decades. The states of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to waves of unjustified Iranian attacks involving ballistic missiles and drones targeting civilian infrastructure, residential areas, ports, airports and energy facilities. This came in flagrant violation of international law and the charter of the United Nations. These are indiscriminate attacks without justification under any law. My country also condemns the attacks carried out by the Iran backed terrorist Houthi militia against civilian objects and Islamic holy sites in the brotherly kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We also condemn their threats to freedom of navigation in the Bab el Mandeb and the Red sea. Allow me to put the facts before you in figures. Our countries have been subjected to nearly 7000 attacks at the hands of Iran, involving 1700 ballistic missiles, 80 cruise missiles and 5220 drones. 2000 cargo vessels and tankers with 20,000 seafarers on board have also been detained, while 72 commercial vessels have been targeted, resulting in the deaths of 22 seafarers. These are not merely numbers. Behind every figure is a ship, a port, a market and families waiting for those that provide for them to return home. Commercial vessels have been targeted in the Straits of Hormuz. Mines have been laid in an international shipping lane. Restrictions on passage have been imposed in contravention of international law. The consequences of all the above extend far beyond the Arabian Gulf. It affects energy and food prices, shipping and insurance costs, as well as supply chains across the world. As the kingdom renews its full solidarity with the brotherly countries subjected to these attacks, it commends the professionalism of the Bahrain Defence Force and the Air Defence Forces of brotherly countries, and their readiness in confronting these attacks. We reaffirm the right of all states to take all lawful measures to defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity, pursuant to article 51 of the UN charter and the Joint Defense Agreement of the GCC states. All the same, we continue to exercise the utmost restraint, seeking to ensure that security and peace prevail for the benefit of the people of the region. Mr. president, the position of the Kingdom of Bahrain is grounded in international law, the rights of peoples and. The Strait of Hormuz is an international strait, and the right of transit through it is established for the vessels of all states under the UN convention on the law of the sea. That right may not be suspended or obstructed, nor may it be subjected to conditions imposed unilaterally by any state. Accordingly, the Kingdom categorically rejects any permit or fee regime imposed on the passage. It rejects the use of international waterways as instruments of pressure or economic coercion, or any attempt at the seizure of vessels. Such actions would set an extremely dangerous precedent, because what is accepted today in one strait may be demanded tomorrow in every international waterway upon which global trade depends. Alternative routes cannot be treated as a solution to conduct that violates international law. Mitigation measures are an emergency response. They should not be used as a pretext to claim that the strait is no longer necessary, or to accept a new status quo. The right of passage does not cease to exist because alternatives are available. Nor does the violation cease just because those affected have found ways to reduce the loss. This threat is not confined to the Strait of Hormuz. Security Council Resolution 2817 also referred to Bab el Mandeb, recognising that a threat to one waterway is a threat to navigation through all waterways. The security of navigation in the Red sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Bab el Mandeb is part of the same system. We are now not only defending a regional interest, but a rule that applies to every international waterway, and if it does apply to our strait alone, it wouldn't have been a rule. The Kingdom of Bahrain has not only stated its position in principle. On behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council states and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and by virtue of its current presidency of the GCC and its non-permanent membership of the Security Council, Bahrain led efforts resulting in the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2817, with a historic and unprecedented support of 136 countries. The resolution condemned the attacks against our countries, reaffirming their sovereignty and rejecting any action intended to close the strait or obstruct navigation through it. The Kingdom also introduced a draft resolution under chapter seven of the charter to protect commercial navigation. The resolution, adopted by the Council of the International Maritime Organization on the 19th of March, together with the Human Rights Council resolution 61/1, both have further demonstrated that the international rejection of such conduct extends beyond the Security Council. We stress the need for the full implementation of these resolutions to ensure that those responsible are held accountable, and there are compensation for the damage caused. On the 17th of this month, the Kingdom convened an Arria-formula meeting of the Security Council dedicated to freedom of navigation. In this session, we heard from 53 affected states, the maritime transport sector and relevant international bodies. And we heard a conclusion expressed by all delegations. That is, the freedom of passage through international straits is a prerequisite for global economic prosperity. The Kingdom contributes to the protection of a rules based maritime order across an area exceeding 3,000,000mi² through its hosting in Manama, of the headquarters of the Combined Maritime Forces. This comprises 47 nations. We welcome the establishment of the Multinational Maritime Defence Alliance, led by the brotherly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom is proud to participate in the alliance as a founding member in support of efforts to safeguard international trade routes and global energy supplies in accordance with international law. As efforts continue in the Security Council, this General Assembly has an equally important role to play as the forum in which all states stand equal. From this podium, we call upon Member States to support a firm collective position which upholds freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage in accordance with international law.
Own country · at 1 min · 5 mentions in this passage
What has changed is the world around it. What has changed, first and foremost is Chile. For the vast swathes of the 90s and until the beginning of the 2000, Chile was a success story and a model for many regions and nations. Our country implemented economic policies that prioritized economic stability, openness to trade, and private investment in the Latin American context in which many nations were facing inflation crises and external debt. Chile distinguished itself because it continued to show fiscal responsibility, display high rates of growth and poverty reduction. What happened then? Chile ground to a halt. Things stagnated. It took bad decisions. Public policies were implemented that increased taxation, regulation and obstacles to entrepreneurship. We also weathered a very difficult juncture. In October 2019, Chile then fell to its knees in our streets. For months, there was an outbreak of violence. Chaos reigned and disorder prevailed. All of that brought consequences. With it, investment plummeted, employment ground to a standstill and homicide levels rose to an extent that Chile had never seen in modern history as a result of the rising tide of organized crime. And that all happened until very recently. Until now. Distinguished. I've come to this forum to tell you that Chile is back, and that is no slogan. It is the very reality of a country that today begins to stride towards development. Our government took office with one conviction. Order does not run counter to freedom. Order is one of the preconditions of freedom. The freedom to walk home worry free and to not be a victim of crime. The freedom to run a business and not be stymied by the action of the state. The freedom to invest and not find ourselves in a situation where the rules of the game are continually changing. We have been in government for six years and we're getting our house in order. Today, Chile is a safer, more competitive country and a nation with far less red tape.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary— Pleasure to do so here in the United States, a country with which Romania shares a long history of friendship, a nation toward which Romanians look with respect and gratitude, including for its essential contribution to the fall of the Iron Curtain and the opening of my country's path toward democracy and freedom. We are at the United Nations, and I will speak about relations between nations, but let me first draw your attention to a threat to our democracies that I do not believe is receiving the interest it deserves: manipulation via social media.
I appear before this assembly on behalf of a young country, but one with deeply rooted traditions, a country that, over the course of its history, has learned that governing doesn't merely mean administering resources or institutions. Above all, it means working for the well-being of people. And that has been one of Uruguay's great purposes building a society in which dignity, freedom, peaceful coexistence and opportunities can be a part of people's everyday lives.
Thank you so much for your hard work for the United Nations Organization and for the Republic of Poland. Distinguished Excellencies, distinguished guests, the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly begins at one of the most difficult, in my view, moments since the organization's founding. Poland was, in fact, a founding member of the United Nations. From the very beginning of the UN's existence, we have been faced with a question about the foundations of the international order that we are shaping within our organization. Despite many achievements, we must not forget that at the very root of its creation lies a fundamental flaw, an original flaw, that continues to undermine the system's credibility to this day. The UN was established in response to the greatest tragedy in human history, World War II, but it was not founded on a simple and fundamental principle: that every wrongdoing must be met with accountability, and sometimes with just punishment. For Poland, this is not an abstract issue. At the very moment the foundations of the UN were being laid, my nation, a victim of two totalitarian regimes, was under the domination of one of them, Soviet Russia, and, after several years of devastating occupation, of the other, Germany. Thousands of Polish heroes who fought for the freedom of Europe and the entire world were, at that time, imprisoned, tortured, and sentenced to death. The UN already existed at that time. At the same time, the state responsible for those crimes had a say in shaping the postwar order, as a permanent member of the Security Council. Poland has never received redress for that period and those wrongs. The failure to hold anyone accountable for these crimes was not merely historical oversight; it sent a signal that violations of international law, aggression, and imperialist policies could go unpunished in reality. It is precisely this lack of justice, this sort of original sin of the postwar order, that creates space for the return of old aggressive ambitions and methods of operation. The aggressive policies of certain states today are, therefore, not a phenomenon detached from history. These policies are a direct consequence of it. A state that has not been held accountable for its actions is more likely to resort to the same tools again. That is why it is so important that today, as the international community, we restore the full meaning of the principle of accountability. Without it, there will not be a lasting peace, and international law will remain nothing more than a declaration devoid of real power. Ladies and gentlemen, today we must show courage while remembering that sometimes courage alone is not enough, that without prudence, courage can lead to disaster.
Thirty-seven years ago, the Maldives asked this Assembly to face a simple truth: that “Small States can be highly vulnerable to external threats and acts of influence.” In response, this Assembly adopted resolution 44/51, an initiative led by the Maldives, affirming the importance of protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of small States. That was true then, and it is true even today. But the threats have evolved. Insecurity now travels through sea lanes, supply chains, financial markets, digital networks and new technologies. Today, sovereignty can be weakened without a single border being crossed. It can be undermined when external powers limit a State’s freedom to choose. This is why the Maldives comes before this Assembly with a clear message: “Every State, large or small, must have the freedom and capacity to shape its own future.” A sovereign future. And that future begins with peace.
I have come to speak about concrete problems and to suggest solutions. I have come to speak on behalf of a country that rose from the most devastating war in the Western Hemisphere, the War of the Triple Alliance, which brought mourning to no fewer than four sister nations. One of those, the country that I represent, is one of the fastest-growing countries in the world nowadays. Paraguay's contribution is not merely theoretical; it is based on experience. Facts have taught us that war is abhorrent, that peace is the only objective to pursue, and that we must stop watching from the sidelines, stop talking, and start acting. Paraguay comes before the community of nations with one non-negotiable conviction: the dignity of the human person must be at the heart of every decision. For this reason, we defend freedom, democracy, the sovereignty of states, respect for human rights, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. For this reason, we uphold human life from conception, and we recognize the family as the fundamental unit of our society.
We intend to provide people with the conditions they need to thrive. Effort, talent and freedom, as shown by everybody, should then do the rest. Our third major challenge is that of strengthening our institutions and our democracy. In Peru, we believe in the freedom of individuals. We believe in the family as an irreplaceable pillar of our society. We believe in respecting tradition. We believe in equality before the law and human dignity. And of course, we believe in the new name of peace. That is justice. The fact is that in our quest to ensure that freedom can be fully exercised by all, we have to underscore the overriding need for a judiciary which imposes the law in full respect of due process and individual freedoms. Consequently, Peru is of the view that genuine democracy is achieved with respect for the independence and autonomy of powers, firm justice, ironclad justice which is truly impartial and committed to due process. The defence of human rights must not ultimately turn victims into those in the dock and torturers into those we protect. The rights of citizens must begin when impunity of the torturer comes to an end. As such, it is up to the international community to act with the same resolve in the face of any and all violations. When we are at our most vulnerable, Peruvians don't always find a place within the international community or the empathy that they need, or loyalty to the principles that gave rise to this General Assembly.
Italy knows where it stands. Our home is Europe. Our alliance is with the West, and our values are freedom, democracy, and the dignity of every human being. Yet belonging to the West does not mean retreating behind fortress walls. It requires us to draw on the strength of our values, to engage with others, build partnerships among equals, and mend the fabric of an international system that risks descending into chaos. The European Union, the G7, and the West, of which we are proud to be part, must not be perceived as walls. They must be bridges. This is the purpose of IMEC, the Economic Logistics Corridor designed to connect Europe with the broader Indo-Mediterranean region. The same principle guides our relationship with Africa, a strategic priority for Italy and a major partner for our century. The Mattei Plan now involves 18 countries and is built on a simple idea: not to decide for Africa, but to decide with Africa. It is not aid handed down from above, but a partnership among equals in agriculture, in energy, education, and training, infrastructure, and in the pharmaceutical sector. Producing vaccines in Africa saves lives, strengthens health systems, creates jobs, and supports growth capable of generating stability.
Generations move on. But the institutions and powers created on the pretext of those alleged emergencies remain. And if for a moment we allow ourselves to believe that the lesson had been learned after so many failures, the arrival of artificial intelligence demonstrates quite something else. The printing press, the steam engine, electricity, the internet— every great technological revolution has been accompanied by fears about what it would destroy, particularly jobs. There is no doubt that this is one of the most effective ways of instilling fear in human beings, given the role of work as a means of subsistence. Take the Industrial Revolution as an example. When it began, the world was home to some 800 million human beings. If, in keeping with the Luddites and the perennial pessimists, employment had at best remained constant, then, given that the world's population has since increased more than tenfold, the global unemployment rate today would be at 90%. That is absurd, something that few of us seem to have stopped to consider, except perhaps those of us with a passion for reading Borges, who love his approach for testing an idea by taking it to its logical extreme. Ultimately, these technological advances have not only failed to produce any of the catastrophes, but in addition, all of these ended up bringing an end to what human beings were able to do. Today, we have built machines that are able to carry out tasks that only a few months ago seemed out of our reach. Where many see a threat, we see a new frontier: artificial intelligence, or superintelligence, as Donald Trump said, can double our productivity in a way that we do not yet comprehend. To invoke Adam Smith, artificial intelligence will be the pin factory of the 21st century, and much more besides. It can transform our economies, our medicine, our education, even the way we govern. That calls for prudence, yes. But prudence doesn't mean fear. Moreover, under no circumstances should fear automatically translate into obedience. Indeed, the dystopian scenarios commonly invoked to instill fear and justify state control make no sense from an economic standpoint. The answer lies with Adam Smith. Artificial intelligence, like the division of labor in the case of the pin factory, is an accelerator of productivity growth. Smith noted, however, that the division of labor is limited by the extent of the market. Growth will therefore be constrained by its counterpart in genuine demand, without fiscal deficits or spurious money creation. But that's not all. Those projects must also be financed, and that should be done with the resources of human beings. That is, their initial endowments and level of wealth, which correspond to the size of the market. Moreover, the purpose of producing more is to achieve a higher level of consumption. Yet the satisfaction generated by consumption increases at a decreasing rate, while the loss of satisfaction involved in surrendering leisure in order to produce more rises disproportionately. Consequently, the point at which the gain from greater consumption is equal to the loss of leisure brings the system to an equilibrium, leaving no room for dystopian terror. That is why, when we hear that the state should control artificial intelligence, we should remember something basic. The state is not an abstract creature. It is made up of people, officials, and bureaucrats. Granting it control over innovation means granting some people, in the best and most naive of cases, the power to limit what everyone else can create. History gives us reason to scrutinize such power carefully. For centuries, fear over tomorrow has been used as an argument for restricting freedoms today, always with the same promise: give us a part of your freedom and we will protect you from this new threat. We will apply a different principle. In the face of uncertainty, we propose determination. In the face of fear, courage. In the face of decline, ambition. And in the face of resignation, we propose optimism. That is why I tell you that when it comes to artificial intelligence, Argentina will stand at the forefront of freedom. We have the critical minerals, the energy, the talent, and the capacity to compete at every link in that value chain. And we want to become the most competitive place in the world in which to develop it, with a cutting-edge legal framework, a commitment not to regulate preemptively, limited liability for companies operating with AI agents, and tax incentives. Because artificial intelligence is not geopolitically neutral. The West must lead the development of this technology to ensure that it is consistent with our fundamental libertarian values, namely respect for life, liberty, private property, and the notion of human dignity.
At this critical historical juncture for the United Nations, we look forward with great hope to the selection through the process of electing the new Secretary-General of the most capable and deserving individual to lead the organization with a bold, strategic vision, building upon the efforts of his predecessor and capable of providing practical solutions for the various regions whose peoples continue to suffer the consequences of crises, wars, instability and inequality. A vision that restores hope to future generations for a better future in which the conditions for a dignified life are available to all. Mr. president we meet during this 81st session under the theme Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation a United Nations that delivers for all. This prompts us to ask, how can we restore this trust? And before managing the desired transformation, how can we create the conditions and lay the foundations necessary for it? Our questions stem neither from doubt nor from pessimism, but from a firm conviction that restoring trust requires serious and responsible reflection on the reasons behind its decline. Tunisia's belief in multilateral action is not a product of current circumstances. Rather, it is the continuation of a journey that began before independence, when the national movement brought the cause of the Tunisian people before the United Nations and made the right to self-determination and the recovery of sovereignty, an integral part of the struggle for freedom. Following independence, Tunisia engaged fully within the United Nations to complete the foundations of its sovereignty and to build the modern state, and it succeeded in doing so. Restoring confidence in the organization and in multilateral action requires, in our view, two essential conditions a genuine commitment and a meaningful reform process. First, there must be a sincere determination and responsible commitment by all states to respect international law founded on agreement and the principle of sovereign equality among states, and to uphold the purposes and principles of the UN charter, particularly refraining from the use of force, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and fulfilling international obligations in good faith. Second, the United Nations must embark on a comprehensive and profound reform process that responds to the transformations that have taken place in the world. This requires, in particular, reconsidering the mechanisms of decision making within the organization to ensure a more balanced and equitable geographical representation, and establishing more effective mechanisms for transparency and accountability, thus reinforcing the confidence of states and peoples in the organisation's ability to respond to the aspirations of all. Unless genuine progress is achieved on these two tracks, collective action will remain hostage to narrow geopolitical calculations, and the gap will continue to widen between the principles we agree upon and the realities we witness on the ground. We may choose either to continue meeting under the idealism of slogans, or to commit ourselves to what can truly achieve development, prosperity and peace for all. If we have the will, we have the capacity. Tunisia welcomes the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 Initiative. We regard these efforts as a true opportunity on which we should build, rather than a final destination in the reform process. We support the three reform tracks proposed by the initiative, provided that they are pursued through an inclusive, consultative process that preserves the intergovernmental nature of the organization and does not undermine the negotiating mandates of member states. Tunisia also believes that addressing the liquidity crisis in the organization requires all states to meet their financial obligations in full. We stress that reform should not result in a reduction of support allocated to developing countries, or to humanitarian missions and development programmes supervised by the organization and specialized agencies. Tunisia, therefore, calls for a fair and balanced approach that safeguards both the effectiveness and credibility of the United Nations. Mr. president.
I will protect the Constitution, the freedom of our institutions, and the dignity of every Hungarian citizen. The state belongs to those who support the government, to those who oppose it, and to those who have lost trust in politics whatsoever. A new political majority must not become the new owner of the state. This April, the people of Hungary voted for democratic renewal. They expected more than a change of government. They expect public life to change rule of law, a state that serves rather than controls, courts that decide without pressure, a press that challenges power and public money, that is used for public goods. There must be accountability for corruption and abuse of power. But there must be no revenge. Justice cannot become a political weapon. A democratic state cannot repair past wrongs by repeating them with new people in charge. The same law must apply to those who govern yesterday, those who govern today, and those who may govern tomorrow. A republic begins when power accepts its limits. That is the republic Hungary must now rebuild. Trust from our partners will not return because of one election or one speech.
Madam President. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, 35 years ago, Lithuania returned to its rightful place in the global community of sovereign states. By joining the United Nations, we reaffirmed our strong commitment to the global order based on international law, territorial integrity, state sovereignty, and human dignity. It was a glorious moment for a nation well taught by historical experience, that freedom and independence cannot be taken for granted. They must be constantly and consistently defended. Today I am standing here to speak for the same dream that inspired Lithuania in 1991. The vision of the more just, secure and peaceful world. Today I am backing up the principles of the United Nations, which sadly are being put under increasing pressure. Recent years have brought us numerous high intensity and far reaching conflicts that dominate the global affairs, on a scale not seen in decades.
Mr. President. Excellencies, I want to tell you about my grandmother, Alice. Growing up in rural Sweden as the seventh of 11 siblings, her opportunities were very different from those of her brothers. Her parents expected her to focus first and foremost on family life. Yet she was curious, capable and determined to build a life of her own. A job at a local bank gave her not only an income but also independence and confidence. There at the bank, she met many women with little to no experience with finances and who were left vulnerable when circumstances changed. She wrote in her diary about some of the women she met, many of whom were recently widowed, coming to the bank in tears because they didn't know anything about their own family finances. One woman came to the bank holding two safe deposit keys without knowing which bank they belonged to. My grandmother was as independent as a woman in that time and place could be, but she worried deeply about the consequences for the women who were not. During her life, she witnessed extraordinary progress. But two generations later, far too many women are still entirely economically dependent on men. Mr. President, 80 years ago, when Sweden joined the United Nations, the foundations of our modern society were being laid. In the 1940s and 50s Swedish women joined the labour market in large numbers. This was not only a matter of principle, it also came from the realization that our economy needed women in the workforce. Women's economic empowerment is a matter of freedom. When women work and earn their own money, their self-determination grows. Gender equality is not only the right thing to do, it's also the smart thing to do. When women work, economies grow. Mr. President, each generation must fight for equality. In 1919, the same year my grandmother was born, Sweden decided that women should have the right to vote. That very same year, women in Afghanistan were also granted the right to vote. More than a century later, the contrast between women's freedoms in our two countries is as striking as it is saddening. It is a painful reminder that progress is never irreversible. Rights, once gained can be lost. Freedoms do not defend themselves. It is up to us to protect them, for women and girls everywhere and for generations to come.
Croatia brings the experience of a nation that within one generation endured aggression and occupation, defended its freedom, and rebuilt itself. It joined UN, NATO and the EU and developed a flourishing democracy and a growing economy. Our path and our transition were neither straight or easy, but we made it. Over the past decade as Prime Minister, I have seen Croatia translate those experiences into progress at home and more responsibility abroad. They have reinforced three convictions that speak directly to the theme of this session. First, rules are our common compass. Second, transformation help us build resilience. Third, trust is earned only through delivery.
These changes, and I think that we've all experienced them, overwhelm us. However, the most vulnerable people that suffer the most, the poorest people that don't have a voice and who we owe it to work for, are aspiring to something much more simple. They just want peace, security, jobs, freedom, and a safe future for their children.
At the same time, it is necessary to consider that peace is not a negative word, that is, the mere absence of war. Peace is first a gift, the gift of the risen Christ, yet an active and demanding gift. It is built in the heart of every person and is an integral part of the collective memory of every community, as well as humanity's heritage. In the effort of restoring trust and peace, disarmament is therefore not an optional ideal, but a necessary vehicle. No true peace is possible without genuine common resolve for disarmament. Mr. President, the dignity of the person finds concrete expression in the fundamental human rights and freedoms which are inviolable, since they are inherent in the human person and in human dignity.
As President Putin said the dictatorship of one hegemon is spiraling out of control. It's dangerous for everyone else. At the start of this year in contravention of all norms, including moral norms, the US invaded Venezuela, resulting in the abduction of President Maduro and his spouse, held in an American prison without trial. And this despite the fact that international law clearly states that the highest ranking public officials of any state should enjoy immunities. We insist that the Venezuelan leader and his spouse be liberated immediately, and that such excesses do not come to be repeated. It is unacceptable the fact that force was used to kill the Supreme Leader of Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and members of his family, members of the military and political leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We're particularly disquieted by the fact that the U.S. and Israeli aggression, which began in June of last year, also seeks to target the civilian infrastructure in Iran and civilian nuclear infrastructure under IAEA safeguards. This dealt an irreversible blow to the authority of the agency and the entire nuclear non-proliferation system. Repeated armed confrontations in the Persian Gulf and the Strait are ongoing, despite the fact that this is dealing a blow to global navigation and trade. We need the prerequisite for the settlement of this crisis. We need trust in the relationships between the Gulf states, the Arab states and Iran. We need stable regional architecture. This is what drives our concept for collective security in the Persian Gulf. Russia, together with other responsible states, stands ready to constructively contribute to stabilizing this strategically important region. We stand convinced that it's time to resolve the main issue in the Middle East ensuring Palestinian statehood on the basis of countless UN decisions. Almost a year ago, the Security Council approved the peace plan for the Gaza Strip. But peace does not reign there. Older persons, women and children continue to perish. The humanitarian situation is critical. The situation in the West Bank continues to deteriorate, where Israel is stepping up its settlement activities. If the situation continues, it won't be possible to set up a Palestinian state. There won't be any room. But if that were to be the case, Israel's security would also be constantly under threat. Experts understand this full well. The UN and all its member states absolutely need to think outside the box so as to buck these unfavorable trends in the Middle East and nearby areas. I'm not just referring to Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Sudan, Somalia, South Sudan, and other countries in Africa where conflicts rage. We need urgent measures to be taken to address the terrible humanitarian situation in Cuba, which is under extreme, unprecedented pressure on the part of its northern neighbor. We stand in solidarity with the Cuban people and its government. We insist that the U.S. lift its siege on the island of freedom and lift all restrictions on trade with Cuba striking it off the list of that vile list, list of state sponsors of terrorism. This is a stark example which requires the attention of the international community. But there are many other issues as well. The use of force and double standards espoused by the West are destabilizing the situation all over the map. In the Balkans, the EU is flagrantly ignoring U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, compelling Serbia to accept the fact that it has lost Kosovo, part of its history, and Belgrade is basically being forced to impose sanctions against Russia in exchange for nebulous prospects of Euro integration. There are attempts for Bosnia and Herzegovina to be unitarist the Serbs to be unionized and forced to give up their constitutional powers, which were guaranteed by the Dayton Agreement, together with the Security Council. In this spirit of running roughshod international law and security, there are reckless actions being taken in Ukraine in order to supposedly constrain Russia. The US has destroyed the European security system and created a russophobic regime in Kiev. Understanding how vain this is, Europe is doing everything it can to thwart peace talks in which the Trump administration is interested. The West is pumping the Ukrainian regime full of weapons, helping Kiev to target drones and missiles to target them at civilians and civilian infrastructure. The West aspires to inflict strategic defeat on Russia, but these aspirations will result in the warmongers being led into a strategic dead end. Colleagues. A year ago, we marked the 80th anniversary of the victory over German Nazism and Japanese militarism. Next week, on the 1st of October, we'll be marking the 80th anniversary of the completion of the work of the Nuremberg Tribunal.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths. The horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability. Sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence, there is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task then, we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that. We understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029-2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful, our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. President, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions listened to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN Charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the Council's decisions. We will work to prevent crises, resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering, protecting. Colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing. Emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it, so it's up to the challenges ahead and building beyond multilateralism, with new coalitions and partnerships to address and solve complex problems.
Mr. president, esteemed Member States. I speak to you today as the Palestinian people faces one of the most dangerous times of its history. This is following long decades of historic injustice, uprooting asylum seeking occupation and the deprivation of its basic right to self-determination, freedom and independence. In the Gaza Strip, our people are being subjected at the hands of the Israeli occupation forces to killing, destruction, starvation and attempts at displacement, as well as a genocidal war that has created an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. It has destroyed neighborhoods, cities, camps, institutions, schools, universities, hospitals, mosques and churches. And it has targeted all the basic necessities of life and the future of entire generations. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, settler expansion is accelerating, the West Bank is being fragmented and Jerusalem is being isolated and judaized. Settler terrorism is escalating under the protection of the occupying forces. While the crimes of land theft, home demolition checkpoints and raids continue under a system of laws, measures and practices, all built on racial discrimination, ethnic cleansing and state terrorism. Ladies and gentlemen. We have long warned the international community, through the United Nations General Assembly and through the Security Council, that these Israeli policies, in violation of international law, would destroy the two state solution, and that this is what is happening now. Today, we warn of an even greater danger ahead, one that requires international action to address it. The danger is no longer limited to undermining the two state solution and preventing the realization of the Palestinian state. It has now come to threaten the very life and existence of the Palestinian people on their homeland. What is taking place in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are not isolated incidents, but rather a malicious colonial scheme aimed at making the lives of Palestinians more difficult in their homeland and forcing them to leave it. We warn you today do not allow another Nakba to occur. Do not allow further massacres like those that occurred in 1948. Do not allow terrorist gangs protected by the Israeli occupation forces to burn Palestinian homes while their occupants are sleeping inside them. Do not allow our children to live afraid and threatened. Once again, I ask before this assembly. How much longer will some states continue to remain silent on Israel, or supply it with the weapons that it uses against our people? The world has witnessed the tremendous cost in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. So what is the international community waiting for in order to protect the Palestinian people, ensure their continued presence on their land and end the Israeli occupation, and implement the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy. This solution guarantees peace for all, instead of the threat emanating from Israeli extremism, which seeks to expand its colonial project towards establishing the so-called Greater Israel and completely erasing Palestinian presence. Mr. president, esteemed member states. We welcomed President Donald Trump's 20 point plan. We also welcomed Security Council Resolution 2803 and the roadmap for implementing the second phase. This was to halt the aggression against our people and their humanitarian suffering, and secure the withdrawal of the occupation forces from the Gaza Strip and begin rebuilding the Gaza Strip. However, regretfully, we have not seen any of this materialize on the ground. The Israeli killing and aggression continue to claim the lives of men, women and children in Gaza. Nearly a year has passed since the adoption of resolution 2803 and the establishment of the Board of Peace. And only one year remains of the designated transitional period before the end of 2027. Therefore, we call for accelerating the implementation of the second phase rather than wasting any more time. The transitional period must not be allowed to become a permanent or open ended situation without any clear time bound political horizon. Rather, it must lead to the reunification of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, under the authority of the State of Palestine and its legitimate institutions, in accordance with the principle of one state one government, one law, and one legitimate entity authorized to bear arms. Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed Member States. The threats and attacks carried out by extremists against Islamic and Christian holy sites, particularly Al-Aqsa mosque and the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron constitute a violation of their historic and legal status and of freedom of worship.
And this commitment comes at a time when the United Nations itself is facing a profound test. Eight decades after its foundation, the challenges confronting this organization are increasingly complex and interconnected. Conflicts are eroding trust in the international system. Climate change is testing the resilience of states and of societies, and artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies are creating risks at a speed that national frameworks alone cannot adequately address. So the answer cannot be less multilateralism. It must be more effective multilateralism. And Montenegro, therefore, strongly supports the UN reform agenda and the ambition to build a United Nations that is more effective, more agile, more accessible, more financially sustainable, and fit for the challenges of our time. This reform must strengthen the UN's ability to deliver where it matters most: in preventing conflict, protecting human rights and freedoms, advancing sustainable development, and responding effectively to humanitarian crises. This responsibility also extends to the Security Council itself, which must become more effective, representative, accountable, and transparent. And the exercise of the veto must carry the weight of conscience above all when the world is confronted with mass atrocities and the large-scale loss of civilian life. The Charter of the United Nations must remain our common reference point, and Montenegro will be a constructive partner in those efforts. Excellencies, Montenegro remains committed to supporting Ukraine and welcomes all credible diplomatic efforts aimed at bringing the war to an end.
Own country · at 3 min · 2 mentions in this passage
It was shaped by more than half of a century of struggle, sacrifices, displacement and unwavering desire for freedom and self-determination. Our late Dr. John Garang de Mabior summarised those aspirations of the struggle that when he spoke freedom, liberty, equality, justice, human rights and democracy. Those aspirations did not end with the independence. They remain part of the ongoing work of nation building.
We thank them all for their staunch commitment side by side with the Haitian people. President, before this august Assembly, I am bringing to you the voice of a people that has etched its name in the annals of history by daring to do what was unthinkable, breaking the chains of slavery and bringing to life, on a land conquered by sacrifice, blood and sweat, the first free black republic of the world. This epic story is the eternal proof that no empire can be more powerful than the thirst for freedom of a people. How can we forget the destiny and the hidden tears of Toussaint Louverture, torn violently away from the land of his birth, cast into icy solitude and a dungeon in Fort de Joux, made to suffer hardship and humiliation. This all brought down Toussaint Louverture, but his fight for freedom remained alive through Dessalines, Christophe, Pétion and all of our other founding fathers and mothers. Toussaint Louverture predicted it. He said, in overthrowing me, you have done no more than cut down the trunk of the Tree of Liberty in Saint-Domingue. It will spring back from the roots, for they are numerous and deep. The tree did grow back. It got larger. It has gone through the centuries and is continuing. And even though today criminal violence is threatening its roots and trying to strip our children of the fruits of this liberty so dearly won, Haiti will resist. Haiti is standing tall. It is standing tall because the peoples born in light have never given in to the forces of chaos. Haiti is standing tall because the people born of sacrifice know the price of liberty, peace, and security. Haiti knows because it felt it in its own flesh, that these gains are never definitively won, and that when they are under threat, one must have the courage to defend them. This is the struggle that Haiti is undergoing today, and that's why we call upon the world not to save it, but to stand side by side with it while it takes its own destiny into its own hands. Mr. president, I am bringing to you the voice of Haiti, but also the voice of those peoples who our world too often asks to bear the weight of crises that they did not create. For small states such as Haiti, the cost of climate change has become unsustainable. This is a deep injustice. The fact that those who historically contributed the least are among those who are paying the heaviest price, often to the detriment of their own development. Resources devoted to adaptation and resilience need to be commensurate with these challenges. No people must have to choose between responding to an emergency and financing its development. Access to capital, to markets, and to technologies need to be more fair. Our international financial architecture must evolve to better respond to the needs and realities of the most vulnerable countries. Artificial intelligence offers up colossal opportunities, but without regulations or ethical guardrails, it risks deepening existing rifts. Technology must remain a tool for shared progress, and it must serve humanity. We need to be the masters of technology and never its subjects, and no people should ever be left behind.
Ladies and gentlemen, this morning on my way to New York, somewhere in the sky over the big and beautiful Atlantic Ocean, I read President Trump's post on Truth Social. The president wrote that Russia has lost control of its diesel oil industry due to its war with Ukraine, and it is hard to imagine a more humiliating loss for a country that has a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and takes so much pride in its oil exports. I quote," A large number of their diesel refineries have been blown up and are at least temporarily out of commission." End of quote. And this is true: Russia messed up. And the conclusion of the post is also right: this ridiculous and never-ending war with Ukraine must be ended. I do not know a single world leader who would say otherwise. I do not know anyone who is openly for this war, except one man. Ladies and gentlemen, for almost 5 years now, Russian generals have been trying to carry out Putin's crazy order to seize our eastern land, the Donetsk region. And just this year, from January through August, the Russian army lost 248,964 people on the battlefield in Ukraine. In 8 months, 248,000. Killed and badly wounded. Twenty-one countries in the world have smaller population than the number of Russian troops lost in just 8 months. We have video confirmation for every one of these losses. And these are not just statistics; it's about people. We have an archive of drone videos, videos showing thousands and thousands of Russians losing their lives in kill zones. It's madness. But they still keep going there to die, because that is what Putin wants. After losing so many people, Russia managed to capture just over 1,000 square kilometers of our land this year, and we have already liberated a significant part of it. Russia is a country that already has 17 million square kilometers of its own land, without any Ukrainian territory, by the way. So to add another 1,000 square kilometers, Putin is paying with 248 people for every kilometer. Does anyone still think that he is reasonable and moderate? His comrade, the leader of North Korea, sent his troops to Russia to support the weak points of the Russian army. The North Koreans also suffered losses. Heavy losses. You probably saw the broadcast from Pyongyang when they honored those who were killed. And this is madness too. Why should Koreans give their lives in a war against Ukraine? Kim Jong-un uses them like currency, and he gets something in return. And North Korea's neighbors and countries across Asia have probably already noticed its improved ballistic missiles and Pyongyang's much greater drone capabilities. So a war that was not prevented in time, was not stopped in time, and for which Russia was not punished in time, keeps spreading and spreads evil with it. Recently, we sent two North Korean prisoners of war to the Republic of Korea. These guys are not easy to capture alive. One of them, when he realized he was going to be taken prisoner, tried to kill himself, and he was shocked that fate didn't let him die. And this is how they raise people in the North. It's reality. They take away their freedom. They take away their right to choose. And they drill into them that they must die, no matter what. Do you really want to give such a force more time to learn how to wage war? This has already been going on for 5 years. And we know that Putin recently once again promised representatives from the American president that he would seize our Donetsk region, and he said he needs just a few more months. This is probably the 17th or 18th time in 5 years that he has made this promise. It's always the same:" just a few, a few more months." And then he moves the deadline, moves again. Putin will fail this time too. But after that, he will once again make it clear to the world that even our Donetsk region is not enough for him. He wants more of our cities: Odesa and Kharkiv, Dnipro and others. Someone in the Kremlin even put up a picture with the words "On to Kyiv." Russia has claims against our neighbor Moldova. It constantly threatens Poland and the Baltic States. Russia shows no respect for the statehood of the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia. And sadly, sadly, people in Syria and across Africa also know very well what Russian killers are. Something always seems to stop Putin from simply saying," That's it. Enough. Peace." Something always stops him from admitting that 17 million square kilometers of his own territory, internationally recognized by all of you, should be enough for this man. Putin is always looking for someone who can help him kill more people for every kilometer of land, take more territory, attack another country, instead of simply stopping and running his own country. After all of this, can you even imagine him without war? He is patient zero, the one from whom this idea of war keeps spreading further. And wherever it spreads, it brings only pain, instability, new risks, and of course new crisis. The more freedom Putin has to act, the more dangerous the world becomes for everyone else. That is why patient zero must be stopped. He must be denied the space to act and the space to spread this evil further. Ladies and gentlemen, last year, speaking here, I said that we are living in a time when weapons decide who survives. And I've said, if a nation wants peace, it must work on strong weapons. Ukraine is doing exactly that. And this is why, for the first time in Russia's history, we now hear that its pride, its oil industry, is running off fumes. But oil itself is not Ukraine's target, not our target. Not gasoline or diesel. Not factories or ports as such. Our target is Russia's ability to finance this war, to drag it out, to make it more brutal and more destructive. Russia's finances and Russia's production are what must be stopped if Putin is to be stopped. And our great soldiers and our weapons are working for this, only for this. The world's support for Ukraine helps us do it. And I am grateful to everyone, to every country that stands with us, stands with Ukraine, and helps our people.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Your Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, let me congratulate you, Mr. President on your election to preside over the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. You assume this solemn stewardship at the time of intense geopolitical fragmentation, deepening inequality, and eroded trust in our multilateral system? Ghana is confident that your proven commitment to inclusive, consultative and principled dialogue will guide this assembly well, and you have our full support. I also wish to commend outgoing UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres for his dedicated service to our world body over the last ten years. Mr. President, Ghana's national anthem contains a profound petition. It asks God to make us bold to defend forever the cause of freedom and of right.
Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres, to whom I pay tribute for ten years of tireless work in defense of the United Nations Charter, international law and multilateralism, heads of state and government, excellencies. Over the past few decades, the international order focused on promoting peace and stability has been essential to prosperity and socioeconomic progress in our societies. Wars and geopolitical tensions that characterize our times have had a terrible human toll, undermining international order and consequently, the chance of prosperity. That is why we must explore every opportunity for dialogue, diplomacy and peace. In the Middle East, the humanitarian tragedy must end, and we must move towards the two state solution, with Israel and Palestine coexisting as two sovereign states in peace and security. The aggressive actions by Iran and its associated armed groups must cease, including attacks on neighboring countries, merchant vessels and civilian infrastructures. Similarly, the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz must end and freedom of navigation must be guaranteed, including safe and toll free passage, including through the Red Sea. In Europe, we must achieve a just and lasting peace that puts an end to the brutal and illegal aggression of Russia against Ukraine. Ukraine is a partner that has the full support of Portugal and European Union. In Sudan, the most dramatic humanitarian crisis we face must come to an end. We must also remain resolute in combating the global threats of terrorism and nuclear weapons. And in the face of the new challenge posed by artificial intelligence, we must find together the right balance between innovation and regulation, one that allows us to harness its potential for the benefit of humanity while preventing it from distorting our very essence. Excellencies, the energy crisis, and the rising fuel prices we are facing due to international conflicts are affecting all our peoples.
Let respect for international law, peace, solidarity, sustainable development and justice be the path that we follow together. Ladies and gentlemen, we in Bosnia and Herzegovina call upon all UN Member states to focus on reaffirming relations between states on the basis of international law, ensuring respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, promoting peace and social progress, combating hate speech and all forms of discrimination, strengthening policies for the prevention of genocide, crimes against humanity and other war crimes, advancing the rights of women and children, and strengthening gender equality, better healthcare and education. The world must return to the fundamental principles upon which the UN is founded. Respect for human dignity, the sovereign equality of states, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for international law.
Applying the approach of practical diplomacy, we are preparing an initiative under which it will strive, together with countries of the region and all interested parties, to reach an agreement and collective action to ensure the freedom and security of navigation in the Black Sea. We are convinced that this issue deserves the UN's attention as well. Bulgaria calls for the Black Sea to be transformed from a zone of heightened risk and threat into a zone of shared security, one of security, free transport, energy, trade, digital corridors, tourism, a zone in which different cultures, religions, and political systems can peacefully coexist. The Middle East also needs political solutions and de-escalation. A new cycle of destruction, humanitarian crisis, and violence cannot be allowed to take root in Gaza. Distinguished colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, today I commemorate Captain Marin Marinov, who lost his life in Gaza but who accomplished his humanitarian mission. It is crucial to create the conditions needed for stabilization and reconstruction, credible security assurances for Israel, and an effective Palestinian governance. Bulgaria condemns the terrorist acts of Hamas and insists on its complete and unconditional disarmament. Hamas has no place in the government of Gaza. We remain convinced that the only sustainable solution is one in which the two states, Israel and Palestine, live side by side in peace and security. This is the only way in which the two peoples can look forward to a decent life and a peaceful future.
12 years. 12 years marked by war, displacement, poverty, recruitment of children, terrorizing of women, laying of mines, confiscation of rights, freedoms and public resources. Ladies and gentlemen, the government of Yemen has engaged responsibly in positively, with all international and regional initiatives and has made significant concessions in pursuit of peace and an end to the suffering of the Yemeni people. However, the terrorist Houthi militias have responded to those efforts with intransigence, using periods of humanitarian truces to advance their military arsenals at the expense of the livelihoods of ordinary citizens. The latest of these efforts was the initiative undertaken by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Sultanate of Oman to elaborate a road map toward peace. The Yemeni government accepted that initiative while the Houthi militias rejected it and instead escalated their actions in the Red Sea and Bab el Mandeb to serve an Iranian agenda that goes beyond the interests of Yemen and its people. Turning one of the world's most important waterways into a tool of pressure and bargaining in Iran's confrontation with the world. Ladies and gentlemen, this coup could not have persisted for so many years, nor could its threat have expanded from Yemen to neighboring states and international waterways without the military support, expertise and technology provided to the Houthi militias by the Iranian regime. The international community's hesitation to designate the Houthis as a terrorist group provided them with a valuable opportunity to expand their influence and magnify the threat they pose. We have seen that decisive action, when applied, weakens their capabilities. The Coalition to Restore Legitimacy in Yemen, led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, has played a critical role in reducing the dangers posed by this group through its support for the Yemeni government, thereby contributing to regional and international security and stability. We believe that this firm approach adopted by the United States administration in dealing with the Houthi militias, has disrupted their calculations. The Yemeni government appreciate President Trump's clear understanding of the only language this terrorist group comprehends the language of resolve. It is the language that leaves no room for misinterpretation. We likewise value the support of every friendly state that has stood behind this position. International legitimacy and its resolutions are there. But resolutions alone do not make peace and international resolution without a political will to implement it does not stop wars. Rather, it merely prolongs a marathon of negotiations while only terrorism advances. Peace is not a distant aspiration. It is a firm determination. It is an effective deterrent action against those who threaten the security and stability of states. Ladies and gentlemen, Iranian support is not the only factor contributing to the danger posed by Houthi terrorist militias. They also benefit from the lack of an effective and decisive international position. They benefit from every statement that underestimates the threat represented by this racist terrorist movement in Yemen. In Yemen, we're not confronting a purely local terrorist militia. Rather, we face an extension of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, which is also using terrorist groups to threaten international peace and security. The Houthi militias use of the safety of navigation as a tool for blackmail threaten not only Yemen. It is taking hostage the entire global economy. Recent years have clearly demonstrated a truth that the international community must not dismiss, namely, that ensuring security at sea begins with eliminating the source of the threat on land. Protecting ships is important, but it only addresses the consequences and does not remove the threat. Therefore, we warn the world do not be reassured by false promises from a terrorist militia that has repeatedly made endless commitments, just as it failed to honor them. Its abstention from targeting ships today does not mean at all that it will not do so tomorrow. It is a strategic mistake to assume that maritime security can be sustained through assurances that can be walked back.
In an interdependent world, leading is to reconcile the interests of the nation with those of humanity. This is the observation of someone who represents a nation that loves peace and freedom, someone who fought against a military dictatorship and defended their country against a coup d'etat. It is the conviction of a plant worker who was elected president three times, and who removed Brazil from the Hunger Map. This General Assembly recently corrected a historical distortion in the world map.
Ladies and gentlemen, one of the biggest tests for the UN's relevance is Russia's aggression against Ukraine. For more than 12 years ago, since the illegal annexion of Crimea and occupation of eastern Ukraine in 2014, a permanent member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation has been perpetrating a war of aggression at the very heart of Europe. That aggression disregards the principles of the United Nations Charter to its very core. It violates the respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, and the prohibition of the use of force against another state. The consequences of Russia's aggression, however, extend beyond Ukraine and Europe. For example, by increasingly targeting Ukraine's Black Sea ports, commercial shipping, grain infrastructure, and alternative export routes, Russia is putting global food security at grave risk. As such, this is a concern for all of us, and rightly so. Russia's actions have been condemned by a large majority of this Assembly. But condemnation is not enough. We need to collectively force Russia into peace in Ukraine, to force into a negotiation table by raising the cost of its aggression. For this, we can and should use the diverse instruments at our disposal, be they economic, diplomatic, or political. I strongly encourage more of my fellow heads of state and government to use this occasion to call on Russia to cease its aggression. Those of you who have done so already, be it the Global South or North, you have my appreciation. The principles of the UN Charter cannot be trampled on. It is our collective task to stand up for them. We should also support the efforts of international mechanisms to document the war crimes, ensure accountability, and provide assistance to those whose rights have been violated. Estonia is doing its part. We have completed all national procedures and taken the lead in discussions in Strasbourg to establish the special tribunal as soon as possible. A UN member state whose armed forces have been repeatedly cited in the UN Secretary-General's reports for grave violations against children and conflict-related sexual violence should have been no place in UN peacekeeping operations. This is a matter of ensuring that perpetrators' actions have consequences. But it is equally a matter of retaining trust in and the integrity of UN peacekeeping. I therefore call on the UN to stop reflecting and instead take appropriate actions immediately. Ukraine requires assistance in defending itself, but also in rebuilding the country. Estonia, together with its partners, have worked closely to support Ukraine's cybersecurity and resilience, in responding to evolving threats through the Tallinn Mechanism and the IT-Coalition. Estonia is also proud to be hosting the Ukraine Recovery Conference in 2027, organized in cooperation with our closest friends in the Nordic-Baltic region. Building on the outcomes of earlier conferences, next year's event will be advancing in practical terms long-term international support for Ukraine and its recovery. As such, it will be a multilateral effort and example of true cooperation for international peace and security. My fellow leaders, while it is the situation in Ukraine and Ukraine's security that affects Estonia most directly, we are neither indifferent nor unaffected by the impact of other wars, threats, and conflicts. The situation in the West Bank and Gaza remains of great concern. Innocent civilians and children must not bear the devastating human cost of war. Estonia has consistently called for upholding international humanitarian law and ensuring safe, rapid, and unhindered access of humanitarian aid for those in need. We remain a stable donor in UNRWA and are committed to a credible political process leading to a negotiated two-state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and dignity. We have provided food aid to hospitals in Gaza and stand ready to offer our digital transition expertise in its future reconstruction. Estonia has consistently condemned the attacks by Iran against our close partners, the Gulf states, and has shown its readiness to contribute to ensuring freedom of navigation in the region. This is an issue that affects us all. We also see instrumentalization of migration as a means of exerting pressure on countries, whether on the European Union's eastern and southern borders or elsewhere.
Yet it also raises challenges for the future of work and for human rights and fundamental freedoms This calls for international governance that places the human being with his or her freedom and privacy at the heart of this transformation. Above all, we must not allow an artificial intelligence divide to emerge on top of the existing gaps in wealth and development. Restoring trust requires that every individual feel that the law protects them, that development does not exclude them, and that progress leaves no one behind. Mr. president, if restoring trust is a challenge facing our world today for Lebanon, it is not a mere slogan.
Let me deal with the first point. The consistent compliance with international law. Consider UNCLOS, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. In fact, UNCLOS is one of the great achievements of multilateral law making. It was concluded under the presidency of Professor Tommy Koh of Singapore, who called it the Constitution for the oceans. For over four decades, it has set out the legal framework for activities in all our oceans and seas. But the current war in the Persian Gulf has put us close to a severe stress test. The Strait of Hormuz is closed. We have to collectively reject this. Transit passage through straits used for international navigation is a right for all of us. It's not a privilege subject to fees and tolls. And this is customary international law, which means it is binding on all states whether or not they consider themselves parties to UNCLOS. How we deal with the Strait of Hormuz will have implications for navigational rights and freedom around the world. At stake is the legal architecture for freedom of navigation and overflight, and we cannot allow any single country to exercise a veto on these navigational rights and freedoms. Beyond the legal and political implications, the economic impact is also very stark. The Strait of Hormuz carried around a fifth of the world's oil supplies, as well as critical supplies for other industries everywhere. Its disruption has meant higher energy prices for all of us broken disrupted supply chains and stranded seafarers. And this is why shared rules like UNCLOS matter. Defending them is not just a matter of principle or debate. It is in our collective interests. The largest economies depend on the open sea lanes as much as the smallest. And we in Singapore hold ourselves to the same standard. The Strait of Singapore is less than two nautical miles at its narrowest and yet nearly a quarter of the world's seaborne trade passes through the Strait of Singapore. Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia, the three littoral states of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, have worked with other users of these straits to keep the straits open, secure and accessible to everyone for decades, including through the Cooperative Mechanism on the Safety of Navigation and Environmental Protection in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. Madam President, excellencies, the second point is that we should and must reform existing institutions and processes where necessary. In fact, free trade is another success story of the post-war multilateralism.
We know that sanctions undermine economic and financial freedoms and hinder human development. Three, we believe in respecting the rights of nature; that is the only way in which we can duly consecrate human life. Four, equally, the institutional failure of global trade is today patently clear, because no nation can thrive in supranational systems which do not promote national industry and which prioritize outsourcing and award that strategy. Five, international stability means that we must resolve our three-pronged energy trilemma: we must, at the same time, guarantee security of supply, affordable prices, and environmental sustainability.
And few examples are more powerful than the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea. With 172 parties, UNCLOS provides the binding legal framework within which disputes can be managed peacefully rather than through force. And from the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea to the Indo-Pacific, strategic maritime routes are increasingly becoming arenas of geopolitical confrontation. Commercial vessels are being targeted and vital trade routes are used as instruments of pressure, with grave consequences for supply chains, for energy markets and for future food security worldwide. Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union Aspides in the Red Sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south.
And for everyone else everyone else who wants to defend truth and justice, join us in standing up to the barbarians who threaten our common civilization. But I have to be candid with you. Not everyone is standing up. We saw that because unlike Israel, there are some and most recently, especially in Western Europe, who have chosen not to stand up. The leaders of these countries have chosen to succumb to the anti-Semitic mobs. They have chosen weakness. They've chosen appeasement. We cannot evade the sad truth before us. Many in the free world are afraid to defend freedom. And I ask them, what will this future, what will this behavior, what will the world hold for you? The brotherhood of democracies or the Muslim Brotherhood? How long will it take for you to see that these fanatic jihadists are choking your waterways, your energy supply, your economic lifeline? I can assure you, ladies and gentlemen, we and Israel, we do not wait for others to wake up from their moral slumber. We forge ahead. We seize the future. We pioneer incredible developments in health, agriculture, artificial intelligence, superior intelligence. And we bring these amazing innovations to all of humanity. So Israel has never been stronger. We are not afraid. But I'll tell you who is afraid. The tyrants of Tehran, that's who.
Mr. Secretary-General, First Lady of the United States, distinguished delegates, ambassadors, and fellow leaders. It's my great honor to welcome the world to America as we celebrate 250 years of glorious freedom and independence. Two and a half centuries after the cause of liberty found its home on this continent, I can report to you with pride that America is back. And our country is stronger today than ever before. Our economy is the envy of the world.
It is a particular pleasure for me to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. António Guterres, for his tireless commitment to the defense of peace and to the search for solutions to the many challenges facing humanity. Ladies and gentlemen, yesterday September 24th, the people of Guinea-Bissau celebrated the 53rd anniversary of our national independence. This date of profound significance for our people invites us to reflect on the value of freedom sovereignty, and the dignity of peoples. It is in this spirit that I bring to this assembly a message of peace, freedom, and fraternity to all the nations of the world in the firm hope that every people may live in peace, fully exercise its rights, and freely chart its own path towards development and prosperity.
Against this backdrop, we reiterate our grave concern at the situation in Nicaragua. The erosion of fundamental freedoms, the persecution of dissenting voices, the shutdown of civic space, religious persecution and reports of human rights violations continue to draw the country further and further away from democratic principles. As a neighboring nation that has welcomed hundreds and hundreds of thousands of Nicaraguan citizens, we remain staunchly committed to defending their rights and to the restoration of the rule of law in Nicaragua. We also note the situation in Cuba with concern, and we once again hear appeal for the full respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms. We also continue to closely follow the situation in Venezuela as it unfolds. We harbor the hope that dialogue will prevail along with the respect for the people's will, the restoration of democratic institutions, and the provision of care and services to particularly vulnerable individuals.
Peace was its purpose then. Peace remains our responsibility today. And peace will be relevant tomorrow. Ladies and gentlemen, for Latvia, these principles are written into our history. Latvia and its people know what it means to lose sovereignty, what it means to lose freedom. For 50 years, our independence was denied, but Latvia's right to sovereignty endured. We restored our independence. We restored it through the courage and determination of our people. And we did not stand alone. We had friends who never accepted Soviet occupation as legitimate. That history stays with us. Sovereignty and territorial integrity are the foundation of our freedom and our security.
May you all enjoy great health. President of the General Assembly, Secretary-General, Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, distinguished delegates. Honduras is coming to this Assembly today with the title of a founding nation, one of the 50 countries who, 81 years ago, signed the agreement in San Francisco, California, that was the United Nations Charter, the charter that today governs our work. Nine months ago the country went to the polls: our democracy and freedom were in peril.
How we protect our ocean, confront climate change, and power our islands leads directly to how the world engages with us. Partnership must never become pressure, and assistance must never come at the cost of the nation's values, institutions, or the freedom to choose. Sovereignty is not isolation; it is the freedom to cooperate through mutual respect, transparency, accountability, dialogue, and international law. This principle matters because we have seen what can happen when tensions build, when concerns are ignored, and when channels for dialogue are left too narrow for the challenges before us.
We aim to build a strong state and a diversified and modern economy that keeps pace with global technological and digital transformations. And accordingly, we are working to employ all successful expertise and innovative experiences in the world of economics, finance and business, in service of a renaissance of economic and financial reform for my country We also do this to provide a safe environment for national and foreign investment. This vision is based on the great potential Iraq possesses. In terms of resources and investment opportunities in the fields of energy industry, agriculture, transport and technology. Not to mention Iraq's exceptional geographical location. Which connects its economy to the world. In this context. Our vision aims to move Iraq to a stage where it can be an effective production partner in the region by gradually reducing the role of the rentier economy. Strengthening open market policies. Developing production and export capacities. And investing in infrastructure and services. On this basis, we have developed the appropriate roadmap To support the private sector. Provide the necessary legal, tax and customs facilities and guarantees for the growth of business and foreign trade. And build effective partnerships with the global market to accelerate achieving sustainable development. In the field of global energy. Iraq's influence is prominent as our government is adopting an ambitious program to increase the production of crude oil in a manner consistent with the size of our proven reserves. Our government is also working to develop gas fields and expand refining capacities and our capacities to produce derivatives, and we are also working to improve our petrochemical industry capacities. Our ambition is for Iraq to be a global hub for energy production and to leverage its potential to promote regional and international security and stability in a sustainable manner. Nevertheless, we express concern regarding developments concerned with freedom of transport and maritime navigation. And the crisis this has caused in terms of the rise of global energy prices. In order to contain the subsequent risks and the consequences on our peoples, we are working to diversify our oil export ports and develop energy lines and corridors linking Iraq, Turkey, Jordan and Syria. In order to reach global markets with the aim of contributing to energy security and diversifying supply routes. Excellencies. Economic diversification on the basis of genuine partnerships is a central strategic objective of our economic policy.
And I'm here not to sell you a product or a policy, or yet another declaration. I am here to sell you an idea. An idea conceived and spearheaded by His Majesty King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, an idea embraced by the people of Bhutan. An idea already being built. That idea is Gelephu Mindfulness City, GMC. And my sales pitch is simple. Come and build it with us. Now, the world has built new cities before financial centers, freeports, technology hubs, special economic zones. But GMC is different. You see, Gelephu Mindfulness City is a special administrative region, an SAR. Under its Royal Charter, GMC exercises full autonomy in governance, legislation and the judiciary. Think one country, two systems. Think of the agility of a microstate. But GMC was not inherited from history. It was not created to manage a transfer of sovereignty. It is being deliberately created by Bhutan within Bhutan on sovereign Bhutanese territory for the future. GMC covers more than 4000km². That is more than five times the size of Singapore. But its greatest opportunity is not its size. Its greatest opportunity is an institutional blank slate. GMC was given something extraordinarily rare the freedom to design an entire city and its operating systems from first principles. So we asked if you could begin again. How would you govern? What laws would you write? How would we regulate business? How would we guarantee an independent judiciary? How would we attract the best talent? How would we use technology and especially artificial intelligence? How would we create wealth while protecting nature? And ultimately, what would all that prosperity be for? These were not theoretical questions. We answered them. And we are making full use of that institutional blank slate. If Singapore has legal principles that work, we learn from Singapore. If Abu Dhabi has financial regulations that work we learn from Abu Dhabi. If leading jurists from the United Kingdom can help us build an independent judiciary, we learn from them. And if international experts can strengthen our institutions, we learn from them. The principle is simple. Search the world for what works. Take the best, adapt it, and make it work for GMC. The result is a core operating system that is now in place, designed to give investors clarity, familiarity, and predictability. But GMC's operating system was designed around a deeper conviction that prosperity and values should reinforce one another. That means rejecting the assumption that we must choose between enterprise and well-being, between technology and humanity between development and nature. At GMC, we believe a balanced approach can deliver substantial profits while protecting the values that make prosperity worthwhile. Balance is not the enemy of profit. It is the foundation of lasting profit. And at GMC, balance is not a slogan. It is built into the operating system. And this matters deeply to Bhutan. You see, Bhutan is peaceful and stable. Our forests are intact. Our culture is alive. Our people are educated. But our economy is small. It cannot yet create enough opportunities for our young people. So too many of them leave home to find opportunity elsewhere. For a country as small as ours, this is not only an economic challenge, it is an existential one. We cannot simply tell them to stay. We must give them a reason to stay and a reason to return. Jobs. Opportunities. Enterprise, a future. So Bhutan must transform. But we refuse to believe that transformation requires us to become somebody else. We want economic growth. We want investment. We want technology. We want successful companies. We want our people to become wealthier. But we also want to protect what makes Bhutan Bhutan. That is the driving force behind His Majesty's vision for GMC. And that is why His Majesty is personally spearheading its development. GMC is not a project on the margins of Bhutan. It is at the heart of our national transformation. Our people have embraced GMC as a people's project and investment in our children, our economy and our shared future. Bhutan is not waiting to see whether the world believes in GMC before committing to it.
Mr. President, excellencies, I am appearing addressing this assembly representing the first female president of my country, doctor Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo whose government places people at the heart of the actions of the state and works on a daily basis to achieve freedom, democracy, social justice and substantive equality. Mexico conducts its public life according to a conviction that I'm bringing to you today, from this rostrum, to make shared prosperity a reality for all people. This conviction coincides with the commitments that we all made in the United Nations Charter, whose first article establishes as goals to maintain international peace and security, to engage in friendly relations between nations, and to cooperate to resolve economic, social and cultural problems and humanitarian problems. Promoting respect for human rights without any type of distinction. Mexico, a culture with more than 3000 years of history, is experiencing a profound transformation that is a continuation of the journey that, uh, was started with the independence movement, the reform, and then the revolution the three defining moments when my country expanded the rights of its people. My country today aspires to achieve a prosperous society with rights and a decent life for all. This is a transformation with clear goals to bring about shared well-being, to strengthen our competitivity, to develop our own capacities, and to determine our own destiny. It's for this reason that my country has come to share the experience of a nation that decided to show, through concrete actions, that it is possible to improve the quality of life of our people by expanding their rights and their capacity to exercise these rights. Please allow me to underscore some of the progress made. The first is the reduction of poverty. Between 2018 and 2024, more than 13 million people were lifted out of poverty in Mexico, the most significant reduction in the history of our country. It's also important to underscore that in 2025, we had the lowest in-work poverty rate in our history. This effort continues with a national social policy. In 2026, the well-being programs of our countries reached 42.8 million people. In addition to this, we have sustained investment in infrastructure, healthcare, trains, highways, schools and water infrastructure. Looking towards 2030, the investment in infrastructure for development with Well-Being plan plans to make investments in energy, transport, water, health, education and emerging technology. The second concrete action is security that the government of President Sheinbaum understands from a comprehensive perspective, addressing the causes that push youth towards crime and also zero impunity. And the results speak for themselves.
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No. 50
Saudi Arabia09/26 · first at about 3 min2 mentions
Crises arise not so much from an absence of resources and opportunities, but rather from a lack of commitment to the principles agreed upon by the international community. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the countries of the region have been subjected to flagrant Iranian attacks, targeting their security resources and civilian and economic facilities. The Kingdom reiterates its full right to protect its security and sovereignty, its citizens and residents, and its national resources. We call upon the international community to shoulder its responsibilities in confronting all threats to international peace and security. The security of the Gulf region is part and parcel of the security of the region and the world at large. The stability of this vital region is directly linked to global energy security, the steadiness of international trade, and the resilience of global supply chains. Mr. President, safeguarding international navigation and the resilience of global supply chains is a shared responsibility that requires serious international cooperation to prevent risks that could affect the global economy. In this regard, the Kingdom stresses the importance of ensuring freedom of navigation in all international waterways, foremost among them the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. We must restore the situation in the Strait of Hormuz to its pre 28th of February status, without the imposition of any fees or restrictions. The Kingdom rejects the use by any party of these vital waterways as an instrument of pressure, threat or harm to the interests of states in accordance with international law and relevant UN resolutions. Mr. President, efforts to restore security and stability in the region and to build sustainable relations among its countries cannot be based on domination, influence or exploitation of crises. Rather, they must be founded on mutual respect, common interests, good neighbourliness respect for the sovereignty of states, and full compliance with international law and international humanitarian law. In this vein, the Kingdom supports efforts and initiatives that contribute to de-escalation, foremost among them the efforts of Qatar, Pakistan and other sisterly and friendly countries. This would contribute to restoring stability to the region and creating conditions conducive to dialogue and diplomacy. We stress the importance of ensuring that any arrangements on the regional security must be comprehensive, effective and sustainable. They must clearly address the root causes of threatened instability. We stress the need to ensure that the entire region is free of weapons of mass destruction, and that peaceful nuclear programs are subject to international oversight, verification and safeguards. As such, we would enhance confidence and safeguard regional and international security. The continued suffering of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and the targeting of civilians by Israeli occupation, the obstruction of humanitarian assistance, attempts at forced displacement and the continued expansion of illegal settlements all constitute serious violations of international law and international humanitarian law. The Kingdom rejects any attempts at forced displacement or changing the status quo of the Palestinian territories. We stress that a just and lasting peace can only be achieved through the implementation of the two state solution and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. The Kingdom stresses the need to support efforts aimed at reaching a comprehensive political solution that will ensure the stability of Yemen and alleviate the suffering of those brotherly people. We have provided humanitarian and development assistance to the Republic of Yemen, amounting to more than 29 billion USD. We were the first among humanitarian donors to the Republic of Yemen in 2025. The Kingdom in this regard welcomes the statement issued by the members of the Security Council including the condemnation of the missile and drone attacks carried out by the Houthi terrorist militia against the Kingdom and against commercial vessels. The Kingdom calls upon the international community to reject and condemn all the Houthi terrorist militia's aggressions and criminal acts that threaten the security of navigation in the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb Strait. With regard to Sudan, the Kingdom stresses the importance of Sudan's stability, territorial integrity and unity while maintaining its natural resources and institutions. The solution to the crisis must be an intra Sudanese political solution that respects the sovereignty and unity of Sudan. It must be based on supporting Sudanese state institutions, thus fulfilling the aspirations of the Sudanese people, alleviating their humanitarian suffering and enhancing their security and stability. The Kingdom supports all efforts aimed at strengthening Syria's security and stability and preserving its territorial integrity. The Kingdom welcomes the USA's announcement of removing Syria from the list of states sponsoring of terrorism, in view of its contribution to strengthening stability and reconstruction and development. And we have to condemn and reject any effort at undermining efforts to restore security and stability within Syria. In Lebanon, the Kingdom reiterated support for the Lebanese state and its legitimate institutions, the implementation of the Taif Agreement, the restriction of arms to the state and preservation of its sovereignty security and stability. We also attach importance to Iraq's role in promoting cooperation and stability in the region, and support all efforts to contribute to achieving security and stability and prosperity. And we have to ensure that weapons will only be restricted to the state to ensure security and stability in Iraq.
A lesson that fair advocacy and earnest desire for compliance with the law and order alone can hardly defend anything. Like in other parts of the world, a serious landscape of confrontation between justice and injustice, and between hegemonic forces and independent forces is being witnessed in Northeast Asia this year. The Korean Peninsula and its vicinity in particular, are faced with extreme instability and further aggravated tension on a level different from that of last year due to the persistent hostility towards the DPRK and ever increasing military confrontation of the U.S. and its followers. The US Japan ROK military alliance, unmistakably aimed at DPRK, is being evolved by the United States into a more offensive and aggressive military bloc with nuclear element. The US is conspiring with its allies to systematically amend and update the anti-DPRK nuclear war scenarios, and to steadily cultivate and master their performance capability through provocative war rehearsals of all hues and military buildup. This year alone, the US staged a series of bilateral and multilateral military exercises including Freedom Shield and Freedom Edge, simulating a real war scenario. It didn't even bother to cover up its dangerous attempt at military confrontation against the DPRK. The USA has approved and encouraging Seoul's ambition to possess nuclear powered submarines while relocating and deploying different military hardware, including the latest missiles and drones on the Korean Peninsula and its vicinity. The current military inclination is further aggravating the already vulnerable security landscape in the region. On the other hand, Japan, an A-Class war criminal that inflicted untold sufferings and disasters upon mankind in the last century, is taking advantage of the present international turbulence. It accelerates its attempts at rearmament with an unprecedented commitment, including the revision of the peace constitution, abandonment of exclusive defense, reformation of the military structure and arms buildup. Such actions are casting war clouds over the entire region. Under the signboard of a counterattack capability, Japan has buckled down to the development and possession of a long range attack, weapons that put neighboring countries within striking range. Its ambition runs counter to its obligations as a defeated nation. They are in shameless disregard of the UN charter and pose a grave challenge to global peace. The global military and political context is worsening day by day, and the unlimited abuse of power has become a commonplace. Under such circumstances, the risky military threat of the U.S., Japan and the ROK go beyond precedent and continue to break the worst records in their scale, intensity, nature and dangers, creating security instability on the Korean Peninsula on a level different from previous years. Nevertheless, no physical conflict has occurred on and around the Korean Peninsula, a hot spot of the world, and the security index is being maintained at a higher level than any other part of the globe. We owe it to the fact that the DPRK has a war deterrent in place, powerful enough to break anyone's will to start a war of aggression against the DPRK, and that we are thoroughly containing and managing the hostile forces intention to use force. Thus, the regional balance of power maintained by the DPRK's self-defensive capabilities effectively curbs the risk of an armed conflict. No one can deny such an obvious fact. It further highlighted the immutable truth that just power means national sovereignty and prestige, and fundamental guarantee of peace and stability.
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No. 52
Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 3 min2 mentions
International law must not change with geography or bend according to the identity of the accused. In the Middle East the UN charter and international law must guide us. Civilians must be protected, humanitarian access ensured, aggression and occupation ended and freedom of navigation safeguarded. The inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination must be realized through a viable state of Palestine, living alongside the state of Israel in peace and in security. That same commitment to peace requires progress on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation through diplomacy. In Sudan, civilians continue to endure atrocities and displacement, underscoring the cost of delayed action. Sierra Leone calls for their protection, unhindered humanitarian access, accountability, and a Sudanese led political process that safeguards the country's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. In the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, agreements have not yet silenced the guns or allowed millions to return home. Across West Africa and the Sahel, terrorism feeds on poverty, exclusion, unemployment and weak institutions. These conflicts differ in origin and circumstance, but they carry a common warning. Military action may contain a threat, but it cannot by itself build lasting peace. When hunger, exclusion and despair deepen, insecurity takes root. The connection between peace and development must therefore move from our resolutions into our budgets. In 2025, global military expenditure reached about 2.9 trillion USD, the 11th consecutive annual increase.
it did not make. The promise of our generation was made 81 years ago with the founding of this United Nations from the ashes of the worst war in human history. Its ideals have proven its worth. No nation is too small to be sovereign, no people too poor to be equal. And the strong should be bound by the same law as the weak. Sad to say, United Nations has drifted from its promise. The Bahamas comes today to insist on it. Mr. president, all week we've been told this is an age of uncertainty. With respect, I do not agree. Uncertainty is the language of those who have already decided and do not wish to say so. Treaties are being torn up, institutions are being starved, rules are giving way to deals, and the benefits of the deals go to whoever holds the most leverage. Once again, we hear the language of spheres of influence, of backyards and hemispheres. For 500 years, the Caribbean was somebody's backyard. We did not win our freedom to once again become somebody's backyard. The message to small nations is very clear be as sovereign as we allow you to be. Mr. President, a sovereignty that must ask permission is not sovereignty. It is a lease. Our ancestors did not break their chains so that their children could become tenants. These are not uncertain times. These times are very certain. The only uncertain thing is how we respond to the opportunities and challenges of this time. People often say that the world lacks political will. I do not agree. The world has never lacked political will. In 2008, when the banks of the richest nations were failing, trillions of dollars were found in a matter of weeks. When a global pandemic reached the capitals of the powerful, the political will returned. The will exists. It is simply pointed elsewhere. Somewhere, a bank is always too big to fail. Similarly, a nation should never be too small to be left behind. What the world lacks is not political will for change. It is political change itself. A change in who writes the rules. A change in whose suffering counts. A change in who decides and who pays. Political will is a feeling. Political change is a decision about who holds the power. And Mr. President, that is what I have come to speak about today. Power. 2500 years ago, the envoys of Athens stood before the small island of Milos and told his people a simple truth about power. The strong will do what they can. The weak will suffer what they must. 81 years ago in San Francisco, humanity wrote a different law: the sovereign equality of nations, not equality of size or wealth, equality of standing. The United Nations was the world's answer to Milos.
Let me begin by paying my deepest respect to all the martyred freedom fighters of Bangladesh. I respectfully remember the contributions of those who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the struggle to establish democracy, justice and people's rights in our country since independence. I also pay my sincere respect to all those who were martyred and injured in the mass uprising of courageous students and people in July August 2024 against fascism. After more than a decade and a half of movement and struggle against fascist rule and exploitation, and through the sacrifice of thousands of lives, Bangladesh is now free from fascism. In a free, fair and impartial national election held on 12th February this year, the people entrusted the Bangladesh Nationalist Party BNP with the responsibility of governing the country. I congratulate the democracy loving people of Bangladesh. We believe that the people are the source of all our political power. Standing on this world stage of the United Nations, I am somewhat nostalgic at this moment. It was from this very world stage that my father, Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman, the proclaimer of Bangladesh's independence and my mother, former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, addressed the world on behalf of the country and its people. Today, I too, stand here to speak for the interests of my country and its people, and in the hope of a peaceful world community. In this age of globalization, whatever happens in any part of the world has, to varying degrees, a negative impact on every country.
This is indispensable as we make it more democratic and effective and closer to its peoples. As is well known in Cuba, we are facing a multidimensional aggression from the United States government, a permanent, abusive and ruthless hostility that has lasted for almost seven decades. Since January 2026, this aggression has strengthened and become more cruel and more dangerous with the imposition of an energy blockade that, by resorting to intimidation and coercion, prevents any country from exporting fuel to Cuba, an equivalent to a naval blockade which is classified under international law as an act of war. Through the adoption of successive measures, the government of the United States has been applying new prohibitions on all countries with regard to products and services that cannot be exported or transported to Cuba. More than 7000 containers remain stranded in different ports, many of them loaded with foodstuffs, medicines and medical devices, and some of them have even been paid for by private Cuban companies. It is an unusual and unprecedented action. A superpower unilaterally deprives all states of their right to export the commodities that they wish to the country that they wish to export them to, and continuously and comprehensively violates freedom of trade and navigation. Added to this is the intimidation of entrepreneurs of different countries so that they abandon against their will their investments and businesses in Cuba. The obstacles and tricks to prevent the arrival in Cuba of absolutely legitimate commercial shipments, the pressures to prevent the entry of visitors and tourists, and the efforts aimed at restricting as much as possible Cuba's legitimate access to financing, technology and markets.
Mr. president, we are deeply concerned by the effects of regional conflicts and instability on development, economic growth, food security and the achievement of SDGs. The crisis in the Gulf and threats to freedom of navigation have sent shockwaves across the global economy. For small open economies such as Mauritius, which depends on maritime trade routes for over 90% of its primary energy imports and more than 70% of its food supply, these effects are felt acutely. We call for restraint, for dialogue, and for a durable diplomatic resolution. On Palestine, Mauritius reaffirms its long standing position in support of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to an independent sovereign state, with East Jerusalem as its capital, living in peace and security along its neighbours. The cycle of violence must end. Too many people have suffered for far too long.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security, demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb, in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests and settlement. We call for the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid, access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. We affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Kuwait reiterates that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4th, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. president, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the West Coast aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait. In this regard, the state of Kuwait reiterates its full support for UN led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable and Yemeni led settlement, in accordance with the three agreed references and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2216. The State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red sea and the Bab el Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC states. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian led, comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians, with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to the sisterly Lebanese Republic, the state of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon, and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the blue line to ensure the full implementation of UN resolution 1701, and we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia and the state of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law, so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. president, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles, namely moderation and balance, and a firm commitment to the charter of the United Nations and International law, and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The State of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security.
Do you know, esteemed friends, what was, in fact, the reason, the sole official and formal reason, for the attack on the territory of the Republic of Serbia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia carried out by 19 NATO countries? You will not believe it. They told us that they had attacked a sovereign, free, and independent country in order to prevent a potential humanitarian disaster. The humanitarian disaster did not occur, and I have still not managed to hear or see where a similar example has occurred anywhere in the world. The attack against the small, yet free, and freedom-loving country Serbia, of which I am the proud President, was carried out with the intention of finally destroying the UN order established after World War II and of formally and informally confirming the dominance of a that-time unison Western world of United States of America and Europe. Do you know which countries, dear friends, took part in decision-making in the UN Security Council to bomb an independent and sovereign country that had attacked no other country? Just to add, not a single soldier, not a single police officer from Serbia had set foot on the territory of any other country, and yet a decision was made. I am certain that most of you, dear friends, who are among those best informed about world politics, no longer remember much of these either, and especially not the fact of who in the UNSC voted for that decision, or perhaps in the General Assembly. Do not even try, because it is impossible for you to remember. Why? Because such a decision was never made in the first place, and to make things even worse, no one ever even attempted to make such a decision. They were so arrogant and so powerful that they trampled everything in their path, from the Clinton administration to the administration of numerous European countries. That is precisely why Serbia supports the actions of the administration of President Donald Trump and sees in his work an opportunity for establishing a more just order in the world and more responsible attitude toward Serbia as a close American ally from both world wars. And what they did not know or understand at the time was this: they trampled Serbia, but they did not defeat it. Serbia rose like a phoenix from the ashes, and today, through its example, it shows everyone in the world how the international public order is preserved and how international public law is protected. Nevertheless, the consequences of that brutal attack against Serbia are enormous, and particularly visible here in the UN General Assembly. Admittedly, they are even more visible on the numerous battlefields around the world. Why? Well, because the principles of any kind no longer exist. Those who once trampled them have no moral right to speak about them.
The power fuelling climate chaos and the war on nature. And the power unleashed by artificial intelligence. Excellencies, The first great power test in the 21st century is peace and security. Peace is far more than the absence of conflict. It is the presence of restraint of power by law. It is the recognition, as enshrined in the UN Charter, that force cannot be the final arbiter of whose lives, rights and future matter. Today that principle is under profound strain. Across the Middle East, conflicts are cascading. So-called ceasefires have amounted to little more than “lesser fires” – with civilians continuing to pay the price. Enough is enough. I appeal to the leaders in this Chamber to maximize this High-Level week for de- escalation and dialogue. Together, let's send a clear message from this Hall: The fighting must stop. Humanitarian aid must flow. And navigational rights and freedoms must be fully restored in accordance with international law. Amid the turmoil engulfing the region, we must not lose sight of the devastating situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. It is nearly three years since the abhorrent terror attacks by Hamas on 7 October. What followed was an onslaught on Palestinians in Gaza, with a scale of killing and destruction unlike anything I have witnessed in all my years as Secretary-General. The International Court of Justice has issued legally binding provisional measures in the case entitled: “Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip.” In an advisory opinion last year, the Court was clear that the United Nations needs to be allowed to perform our mandates in Gaza – and for our staff and humanitarian personnel to be protected. All parties must comply with international law and the Court’s orders. Meanwhile violence, displacement and settlement expansion by Israel in the Occupied West Bank are bulldozing the path to peace and raising the spectre of ethnic cleansing. We cannot allow the two-State solution to disappear before our eyes. In Ukraine, Russia’s full-scale invasion has subjected a sovereign country to a brutal war in blatant violation of the Charter. Civilians continue to be killed far from the frontlines. Mainly in Ukraine, but also more recently in parts of Russia – homes, energy and water systems, and transport have come under repeated attack, threatening food and energy supply chains globally. In Sudan, a war for raw power fed by outside actors has become a war on civilians: Millions displaced. Hunger spreading. Drones striking hospitals and homes. Sexual violence and ethnically driven attacks escalating. And a country being torn apart as the world looks away. And in Myanmar, another crisis is at risk of slipping from global attention with: escalating violence; mass displacement; and expanding transnational crime. Excellencies, These and so many other conflicts show what happens when power gets out of control, force outpaces diplomacy, military budgets soar, and accountability goes out the window. The test before us is whether power will be exercised with the law – or beyond it. We must pass that test: We must defend the Charter without double standards. Protect civilians without exception. Ensure humanitarian access without obstruction. Shield humanitarian personnel without fail.
President. Nicaragua is addressing the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly with the strength of the peace that we think is possible in our country and throughout the world, where the human family can opt for the urgent need to live in harmony in all possible ways. This is critical to address poverty and to live in dignity, freedom and fraternity. We bring to this forum of all peoples and states of the world the legitimate aspiration of families from the entire world, and in particular in Nicaragua, to live peacefully and safely, to strengthen the work that will allow all of us to establish better societies, to defeat extreme poverty, to live in harmony and in complementarity, which are so critical to allow all societies to progress. And so that also we can care for and increase our resources and natural riches, which will be of benefit to everyone. The conflicts assailing the world are, as we know, the enemy of the well-being to which we are all entitled. In the words of our Rubén Darío, we are in favor of peace, peace, peace, to make headway on the goals laid out and in particular by this organization which gathers us together.
Today, I convey to you the facts, the achievements, to go through the breakthrough we have achieved. Last year, I mentioned that Syria came back. Today, I say that Syria is rising. Ladies and gentlemen, in our journey, in the struggle between good and evil, the bloodshed was stopped. Destruction was stopped. Syria started the journey of reconstruction, of recovery. The country was united. We controlled arms. We rebuilt military and civilian institutions. Sanctions were lifted. Projects for reconstruction have continued. We have combated drug trafficking, and we focused on transitional justice. We have ascertained the fate of the missing. We turned our vision into practical action. We have forged partnerships, and we focused mainly on the future and on the welfare of our people. We focused on reconstruction. We relied on the free will of our people and our independence. This national vision relied on diplomatic efforts. Since liberation, more than 100 states started communicating with us through 4,000 communications. Our capital has hosted more than 60 diplomatic missions. Syria has restored its status in the international community. It has been a transit for the world. We also built diplomatic bridges, and in parallel, we proved to the world that the security of the region has to start in Damascus. With seven states, we started a group, the Breath of Freedom, to destroy the chemical weapons file. We have been working with the OPCW, and we are working with the IAEA with transparency, as we believe that collective security is our duty. The strict implementation of our treaties spares our world the horrors of chemical weapons and nuclear weapons. We combated transnational crime. We have seized large amounts of Captagon, and we combated the smuggling in people and organized crime. Stability and security have been established. We are no longer isolated. The Caesar Act was repealed. Also, sanctions were lifted and culminated in cooperation with the European Union. Also, we are no longer part of the list of states sponsors of terrorism. We have started production. We have more than 5,000 production lines. We have seen an increase in agriculture production to ensure self-sufficiency. We also enhanced the service sector. The housing sector has been focused on. We recovered 3.5 million refugees and IDPs have returned in a safe and decent way. Syria turned from a crisis to an opportunity for many countries. We believe in human resources. Any development planning for the region that ignores Syria would be flawed, and the price would be heavy. Ladies and gentlemen, these initiatives focus on the recovery of citizens in Syria. This is why we focused on safe and dignified return. We launched the initiative Syria without refugee camps to end this era. We have reconstructed universities and schools to maintain educational services to all Syrian citizens. And we have consolidated our values. We have consolidated the rule of law.
The absence of an effective international legal framework leaves the way open for all of these abuses to arise, posing a direct threat to the security of our state and the fundamental rights of our citizens. Having already suffered from these various pernicious effects, Gabon has had to introduce more appropriate and secure regulation of the digital and artificial intelligence sectors through temporary and proportionate measures, motivated solely by the imperative of protecting our citizens. Our aim remains to build an open and secure digital ecosystem that respects freedoms and is fully consistent with our international commitments. Mr. president, if the United Nations is to deliver results for all, it cannot ignore historical debts.
In short, a United Nations that delivers for all. If multilateralism is to deliver, it must first secure the peace upon which all human progress depends. Without peace, sustainable development is an illusion. Conflict destroys lives, uproots communities, and diverts vital resources away from health care, education and climate resilience. We must reject the normalisation of perpetual conflict and the selective application of international law. International law must apply equally to all, without exception, bias or double standards. This principle is vital to maritime security. The oceans are the lifeblood of global trade. When maritime routes are threatened by piracy geopolitical friction or armed aggression, the shocks ripple far beyond regional waters, devastating vulnerable island economies. Freedom of navigation and maritime security must be preserved under international law. Small and vulnerable states like ours should never bear the collateral economic costs of conflicts in which they have no part.
At the same time, we urge Iran to comply fully with resolution 2817, cease attacks against countries in the region and refrain from any actions or threats that undermine the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. Excellencies. Last year, this Assembly endorsed the New York Declaration, a roadmap toward the two state solution a path to lasting peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians. Since then, the Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza conflict has been endorsed by the Security Council. Now it must be implemented in full. We call on all parties to stay committed to the plan. Yet in Gaza, civilians continue to pay the price. Far more must be done to secure humanitarian access and long term peace. And in the occupied West Bank, settler violence and settlement expansion threaten the daily lives of Palestinians and undermine the prospects for a future Palestinian state. This has to stop. Excellencies. As an elected member of the Security Council, Denmark strives to ensure that the council fulfills its mandate.
International law applies everywhere. International humanitarian law applies everywhere and human rights apply everywhere in Ukraine, in the Middle East, in Africa, in Asia or in Latin America. We are well aware that conflicts never remain purely local. They have repercussions on food security, energy markets, immigration development and global stability. We can see that with the war of aggression by Russia on Ukraine, this was a war chosen by Russia the consequences of which are worldwide in scope. This is a devastating aggression on a sovereign state committed by a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the violation of the UN charter and of international law. Attacks by Russia on Ukraine also threaten the security of civilian populations beyond Ukraine's borders, and it is unacceptable that over the last 12 months, Russia has on several occasions threatened the security of several European Union member states. Russia must bring an end to this dangerous escalation, and the international community must do its utmost and use all of the tools available to it to bring an end to this war and to create the conditions for negotiations for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. This war must end. The same goes in the Middle East. We regret the current stalemate in Gaza and more broadly speaking, in Palestine, which is prolonging the suffering of millions of civilians, despite the momentum towards the end of the conflict that we thought we saw at the end of last year. The European Union and its member states have made their positions clear. The two state solution is the only one that can ensure lasting peace in the Middle East. With the State of Israel and the State of Palestine independent and living side by side in peace and security. And we also support all of the efforts to find a solution to the conflict in Iran. The cease fire must be fully respected. Freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be preserved without conditions and without hindrance. For a lasting solution, it is also necessary that security of the countries in the region be ensured. It is essential that Iran never be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons.
We stand at the dawn of an unprecedented technological era. Harnessed responsibly, frontier technologies and AI can accelerate sustainable development, optimize resources and bridge deep global divides. But AI also presents profound and systemic risks. Without robust governance and enforceable ethical standards and strong legal guardrails, it could deepen inequalities and become an existential challenge. We echo the growing call across industries that we need robust AI governance with enforceable standards, and we need it now. Advanced capabilities must never be allowed to pose unacceptable risks to human lives, human rights or democratic integrity. Effective governance must also address deep developmental asymmetries. We are not entering the AI era from the same starting point. Managing this revolution requires closing critical gaps in digital infrastructure, computing resources and technical expertise so that developing countries are not left behind. We need AI systems that uplift the vulnerable, strengthen national resilience, promote gender equality, and foster human centered partnerships, not exclusion and fragmentation. Put a face to the tireless migrant workers and seafarers who keep the global community afloat. Millions of migrant workers leave their homes to search for a better life, contributing immeasurably to the sustainable development of countries of origin, transit and destination. They are entitled to full human rights and fundamental freedoms, regardless of status, and deserve steadfast protection from trafficking and exploitation along perilous migration routes. Among them, our seafarers form an indispensable lifeline of global commerce. Nearly 90% of world trade moves by sea, supported by close to 2 million seafarers, more than 25% of whom are Filipinos. They are essential workers, yet increasingly vulnerable to conflict and attacks at sea. Just recently, an incident in the Strait of Hormuz claimed the lives of Filipino seafarers and injured many others.
These values have long underpinned our domestic and foreign policies. As Iran continues its occupation of the three Emirati islands Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa, which we reject, the United Arab Emirates has consistently called for a peaceful settlement of this conflict, whether through direct negotiations or by recourse to the International Court of Justice. Amid growing threats to navigation in our region and beyond, my country has continued to emphasize the principles of freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage. We stress the need to secure and protect the safe flow of supply chains, trade and energy in accordance with international law, including the law of the sea and the principle of state sovereignty, recognizing these as pillars of food security, development, and prosperity of nations. We have continued to support every sincere effort to achieve peace, particularly in Yemen, Libya, the Sahel, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Myanmar, Haiti and elsewhere. We have also supported efforts to reach a sustainable political solution to the question of the Moroccan Sahara, based on the Moroccan Autonomy Initiative, while affirming the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Morocco over the Sahara. Furthermore, we have advocated for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine in accordance with international law and the principles of the UN charter, including respect for sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. We have remained steadfast in our role as a trusted international mediator, successfully conducting 26 mediations that facilitated the exchange of nearly 8000 prisoners between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, ensuring their return to their homelands and families. The UAE has also stood ready to support nations undergoing positive transformations, such as Syria and Lebanon, as they move towards a secure and stable future. Regarding Sudan, my country has underscored the need to end the humanitarian catastrophe, securing a permanent and unconditional ceasefire that would bring an end to the civil war. This includes launching a comprehensive and credible political process led by civilians, which would culminate in the formation of a civil government independent of both parties to the conflict and from extremist groups. It is crucial to ensure that neither side of the conflict has a role in the new civilian government. The future of Sudan must be decided solely by the Sudanese people, and the international community must press the leaders of Port Sudan authorities and those of the Rapid Support Forces as parties to the conflict to engage seriously with international initiatives. As for Gaza, the UAE was among the first to support the framework established by the international community to end the horrific war. We have stressed the need to fully implement the comprehensive plan of President Trump to end the conflict in Gaza and the associated roadmap, including the withdrawal of Israel from the Gaza Strip, the disarmament of Hamas, and the advancement of a serious political horizon, leading to a just and lasting settlement of the Palestinian question based on the two state solution. This entails the establishment of an independent sovereign Palestinian state, living side by side with Israel in peace and security. We also underscore the importance of ensuring the unification of Gaza and the West Bank under a Palestinian Authority that, once reformed, will be capable to fulfill its responsibilities and ensure that arms remain solely under its control. We further underscore the urgent need to halt Israel's dangerous escalation in the West Bank and its settlement activities, accompanied by the rise of settler violence, terrorism and the siege of Palestinian village, as well as the ongoing violations in East Jerusalem and at the holy sites and the attempts to impose a new historical and legal status quo on the ground. My country strongly condemns all these actions.
One of the most urgent threats today is the loss of human control over weapons. Every Austrian, and I believe maybe a lot of people here, knows the Terminator movies about a machine sent to kill humans. This killer robot was played by a famous Austrian born Arnold Schwarzenegger. In the movies, Skynet learns to choose its own targets and starts a war. Well, in 1984, this was science fiction. Today it is not fiction anymore. Today, weapons with increasing autonomy are already used on the battlefield. The direction is clear. Machines are gaining more freedom to find and strike targets. But a machine cannot understand surrender nor mercy. It cannot face a court or answer for a death. It must never have the final say over who lives and who dies. We therefore need international rules for autonomous weapons built around one clear principle no machine may decide to take a human life. Some will say that agreement is impossible when technology moves so quickly and major powers distrust one another. History says otherwise. Imagine this hall in December 1953.
In this regard, we recognize the crucial role played by AUSSOM in stabilizing the country, as well as the crucial support provided by the United Nations, particularly through UNSOS. We hope that the international community will stand mobilized so as to enable Somalis to assume lasting responsibility for their security, sovereignty and the preservation of the integrity of their national territory. Turning now to Sudan Djibouti, in its capacity as current chair of IGAD, welcomes the return of that kindred country to full participation in our regional organization, of which is a founding member. We call for de-escalation and the resumption of talks to be prioritized. Only an inclusive political solution that places the Sudanese people at the heart of every initiative will make it possible to restore lasting peace and stability. We also call on foreign actors to refrain from fueling this war through harmful interference. Once again, we extend a hand to our Eritrean neighbour. Djibouti remains convinced that dialogue and negotiation in full respect for international law, represent the only path towards a peaceful and definitive settlement of our border dispute and the return of our prisoners of war, who have been held incommunicado for more than 18 years. The Republic of Djibouti further reaffirms its unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian people and its full support for their legitimate rights, in particular their inalienable right to the establishment of an independent and sovereign state. We reaffirm our commitment to a two state solution based on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Palestine, as the path towards a just and lasting peace. We roundly condemn illegal settlement activity, violence committed against civilians, including by Israeli settlers in the West Bank, forced displacement and any policy aimed at altering the demographic and territorial reality of the occupied Palestinian territory. The humanitarian situation in Gaza remains a tragedy, requiring an immediate response from the international community. The protection of civilians must be guaranteed. Humanitarian assistance, must reach those in need without hindrance, and violations of international humanitarian law must cease and be condemned. Djibouti will continue to support efforts to bring an end to the suffering of the Palestinian people, and to ensure that justice, peace and international law prevail. Preserving freedom of navigation in the Red Sea and more particularly through the Bab el Mandeb Strait, is a major geopolitical and economic issue for regional and global stability.
The wars in Europe and the Middle East have caused the prices of food and energy to skyrocket. My country imports all of the fuel that it consumes. We are not the ones that set the prices; however, the prices impact us without us being able to control them. And this is why we advocate de-escalation, freedom of navigation, and for a diplomatic solution that prevents nuclear proliferation in the region.
Second we stand for international cooperation that is peaceful, fair and based on equality. A new nationalism would be a misguided path. Whatever its prophets may preach, the truth is that it would make our lives narrower, poorer and less secure. Instead, global trade relations need to be diversified and deepened in the framework of a fair trading order. No country should have to accept raw materials being used to force obedience or supply chains becoming instruments of pressure. None of us is powerless in the face of this. Where we cooperate, we free ourselves from one sided dependencies and open up new spaces of freedom. With our partners in the European Union, we have begun this work through new trade accords, cooperation agreements and partnerships. These partnerships are built on mutual respect, on common rules and a shared respect of international law. They also take into account the fortunate fact that many countries of the Global South are developing with extraordinary success. The same principle for partnership and cooperation also applies for technology. Access to computing power, data, expertise and infrastructure will increasingly shape who can innovate and who merely has to accept the rules set by others.
It is about exercising wisdom and giving others the strength to move forward. Secretary General Antonio Guterres has led this organisation through an exceptionally challenging period: wars and geopolitical tensions, a global pandemic, humanitarian emergencies and rapid technological transformation. Indonesia expresses its appreciation for his leadership and service over the past decade. Throughout these challenges, the UN continues to provide an important platform for dialogue and collective problem solving. The next Secretary-General will carry an equally important responsibility to uphold the charter, strengthen the organisation and to translate multilateralism into concrete results for people. Effective leadership must also be accompanied with the full commitment of Member states to make multilateralism work. Indonesia is prepared to carry its share, as our Constitution mandates us to contribute to a world based on freedom, lasting peace and social justice. Through diplomacy and mediation, Indonesia has contributed to resolving conflicts in the region and beyond.
It is a daily lived reality. It is woven into our social fabric as human ambition rooted dignity, opportunity and aspiration. Migration benefits countries of origin, transit countries and destination countries, contributing to skills development, cultural exchange and shared economic growth. We must therefore strengthen international cooperation to ensure migration contributes meaningfully to deeper human understanding and sustainable development. Guided by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we must guarantee the full enjoyment of human rights by migrants, regardless of status. Protecting their dignity and fundamental freedoms is not only a legal obligation, it is a moral imperative. Mr. president, we welcome progress under the UN80 Initiative and appreciate efforts to enhance efficiency, effectiveness and coherence within the UN system. As deliberations continue, reforms must remain guided by intergovernmental agreed mandates and Member States priorities. Any measures undertaken should preserve the UN's capacity to deliver across all pillars of its work and maintain meaningful impact on the ground.
It called for the peace dividend to secure freedoms from fear and want. The new majority government in Nepal, elected through the fairest and most peaceful elections in our history this March, has had to weather many international adversities since. When a poor farmer in Nepal went to sow her seeds in monsoon, fertilizers didn't reach her on time. When we wanted to pave a new highway, there was no bitumen.
This is why we have profound gratitude to President Trump for his invitation to Trinidad and Tobago earlier this year to be part of the newly formed Shield of the Americas and Americas Counter Cartel Coalition. We remain confident that this partnership will continue to promote freedom, security and prosperity in our region. Trinidad and Tobago appreciates and recognizes the responsibility bestowed on the Security Council in this regard. We extend our deepest appreciation to the 181 member states that entrusted Trinidad and Tobago with responsibility of serving on the Security Council for 2027 2028. Can we say thank you to all 181 states? We regard that overwhelming expression of confidence not simply as an achievement, but we see it as a very solemn responsibility on the part of Trinidad and Tobago. We return to the council for only the second time in the history of our nation, and this is for the first time in more than four decades. We will carry to the council the commitment on which we sought your support. We did so, and we committed to building consensus for realization of sustainable peace and security. The Republic of Trinidad and Tobago intends to bring the perspective and experience of a small island developing state to the Council, whilst we remain guided by the UN Charter by international law and the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes. We will bring those principles to every matter before the Council, whether the crisis lies within our region or far beyond it. We will approach our tenure with an independent and practical outlook, working constructively with all members of the Council and seeking common ground wherever possible. We intend to place particular emphasis on the curbing of the illicit trafficking of small arms and light weapons, another pillar on which we had campaigned, and we intend to commit to is women and children, as well as peace and security.
Mr. President, Secretary-General, Excellencies. There is an idea that has accompanied Andorra for more than 270 years, and that continues to shape the way that we understand politics. The Manual Digest, one of the great works of our institutional heritage through which Antoni Fiter i Rossell condensed and recounted the essence of Andorran identity, reminds us that the legitimate exercise of power only makes sense when it places the common good above any other interest. This idea, written in 1748, long before modern international organizations came into existence, remains remarkably relevant today because multilateralism is nothing more than the application of this same principle to relations among nations: the understanding that the common good of the international community is inseparable from the well-being of each of our countries. In Andorra, this approach toward politics has enabled us to preserve more than seven centuries of peace, dialogue, and coexistence in harmony, not because history has been easier for us, but because we have learned the best way to protect freedom is to build trust, seek balance, and make compromise a form of governance. Perhaps it is precisely this experience that a small country such as ours can share with this great Assembly today.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Above and beyond our rivers and forests. The tourist of the territory of the country is more than a geographical space. It is the foundation of our nation, the basis of our identity, the territory for our sovereignty. The Republic of the Congo will always defend the integrity of its territory, the security of our borders, mastering our resources, and the freedom of our strategic choices. Our sovereignty is not negotiable. It is the responsibility that we owe to future generations, the inheritance that we need to bestow on future generations.
During the 46th SADC Summit, Eswatini assumed the chairmanship of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defense, and Security Cooperation, TROIKA, whose mandate is to promote peace and stability in the Southern African region. Through this responsibility, we will work closely with all member states to strengthen preventative diplomacy, enhance dialogue, and mediation. We believe that for SADC to attain its vision 2050, we have to create a peaceful, competitive, and industrialized region that guarantees sustainable well-being and freedom for all our citizens. The African Union's Agenda 2063 and its aspiration to silence the guns reflect our continent's resolve to end conflict and to create the stable conditions required for sustainable growth.
Our history has taught us that democracy, peace and respect for the law are not permanent achievements. They are built collectively and each generation must preserve them. A democracy rests on free elections, legitimate institutions, the separation of powers, freedom of expression, public participation, transparency and accountability But it also requires independent and effective institutions committed to the Constitution, the law and the popular mandate. Public institutions must not serve criminal networks, private agendas, personal loyalties, or political or economic interests that are at odds with the common good. They must serve the people, the constitutional order and society's democratic interests. When an institution strays from that purpose, it does more than simply lose legitimacy. It weakens the democracy it is meant to protect. Democracy also earns its legitimacy in everyday life When a family is protected from poverty, when a child learns in a decent school, when a woman lives free from violence, when a community is no longer isolated, and when a young person can envision a future without being forced to leave their country.
Mr. president, we express our country's grave concern as the world continues its slide toward uncertainty and division. The erosion of trust among nations is rapidly reshaping the international order. Our collective inability to prevent conflicts, our collective indifference toward humanitarian crisis, and our collective reluctance to seek common solutions to shared challenges are all becoming normalised. Trust cannot be restored when international law is applied selectively and commitments remain unfulfilled. Our response must be grounded in the fundamental values we have affirmed together freedom, equality, justice and respect for human dignity. President Tokayev has repeatedly underscored the indispensable role of the United Nations as a single universal platform, uniquely capable of bringing the states together to address the challenges we face. But to fulfil its potential, UN must be able to act, adapt and deliver. We fully support the UN-80 initiative. The success of the reform should be measured not by what is cut or reorganised, but by whether the United Nations prevents conflicts more effectively, responds more rapidly to crisis and delivers better results for all member states. Central to this renewal is reform of the Security Council. Broader representation of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the Council, as well as greater voice for developing countries and for middle powers, is a moral imperative. Equitable geographical representation must apply throughout the United Nations system as a condition of legitimacy and credibility. The selection of the next Secretary-General will be one of the defining moments of this session, and Kazakhstan supports a transparent, inclusive and merit based process conducted in full accordance with the Charter. Mr. president, the international security environment continues to deteriorate. World military expenditures reached a record $2.9 trillion in 2025. Our small planet is home to more than 12,000 nuclear weapons, each one capable of untold damage and sorrow. Every year we seem to lose more biodiversity, yet gain more armaments. For Kazakhstan, nuclear disarmament in particular is not an abstract doctrine. It's a responsibility born of national experience. This year marks 35 years since the closure of the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site 30 years since the CTBT opened for signature, and 20 years since the signing of the Treaty on Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in Central Asia. Our experience of renouncing the world's fourth largest nuclear arsenal did not weaken our state. To the contrary through international trust, it strengthens sovereignty, enhanced security and promotes development. Today the trust is again in danger. New START has expired, while the 2026 NPT Review Conference ended without substantive outcome for the third consecutive cycle. Nuclear weapon states must never confuse the absence of agreement with the vacuum of obligation. They remain responsible until we secure a world free of nuclear weapons. Kazakhstan advocates the relaunch of high level dialogue among nuclear powers, and is ready to host one of their next meetings. We will also continue advancing our earlier proposal to strengthen the BWC through establishing an international agency for biological security. Distinguished delegates. Peace and stability are prerequisites for sustainable development. We stand firmly for diplomacy and dialogue, and against the escalation of tension and the use of force.
Mr. president, the fifth opportunity to promote human rights, peace and international security. Malawi firmly believes that development, peace and human rights are inextricably linked. We remain deeply committed to upholding the constitutional rights of all our citizens, strengthening our democratic institutions and maintaining an uncompromising stance against corruption. Furthermore, we strongly defend the right to development as an inalienable human right. True freedom cannot exist in conditions of extreme poverty and systemic economic exclusion. On the global stage, we view with great alarm the proliferation of violent conflicts, unconstitutional changes of government, geopolitical fragmentation and acts of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. Mr. president, the Malawi nation is not standing aloof as all these alarming developments occur. Malawi continue to play a part in global peace operation, deploying our brave men and women United Nations peacekeeping mission to safeguard stability on our continent.
In years to come, every nation in this hall may be told that aggression or coercion upon Taiwan is an internal matter, somehow justified by an ancient U.N. seating chart resolution, a resolution which doesn't even reference Taiwan. In years to come, we may all be told that it's futile for a small nation to resist a larger one, and that might makes right regardless of the rule book. We all will experience pressure to accept a false narrative that UN General Assembly resolution 2758 somehow serves as a legal pretext under the UN charter for coercion or war, impairing freedom of navigation in one of the world's busiest shipping lanes. We will be asked politely and impolitely to turn a blind eye and look away. It is vital that every nation here, including our close partners in our own region, know that appeasement never satisfies an aggressor's wider agenda. And one taste is never enough. How the UN addresses this very real security dilemma will be a test of its strength and relevance.
Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen the Islamic Republic of Mauritania renews its commitment to the principles and purposes of the UN Charter and the norms of international law, as well as the resolutions of international legitimacy. Our foreign policy is based on good neighbourliness, the respect of states sovereignty, independence and non-interference in their internal affairs, as well as the peaceful settlement of disputes and ensuring the just causes proceeding from such principles. My country, under the leadership of His Excellency, the President of the state, Mohammed, will continue to build a modern state that is coexistent in synergy with its neighbours and open to the entire world. On the national level, we have adopted a comprehensive strategy with its political, economic, social and security dimensions. We made dialogue and consultation the pattern for public offices. Thus, His Excellency the President launched a comprehensive national dialogue that is all inclusive. It does not exclude any strata of society to ensure consensus on the development of our institutions and entrench a state of law, a democratic state that protects rights and freedoms. Turning to the social context, we promote social cohesion and community unification through fighting discrimination and vulnerability while addressing any weakness inherited. We try to promote the synergies and develop our economies to limit poverty and provide the basic services to the most needy. We have also expanded the medical services through establishing a Medicare fund for all those who are not currently covered with medical insurance. We provide certain basic medical services to the most in need, especially mothers, the elderly, and those with disabilities. Turning to education, reforming this sector is the basis of our effort to provide high quality education that provides equal opportunities and ensure equity. Turning to good governance, we focus on transparency, the independence of the judiciary, and combating corruption while reforming public offices and promoting investment. Our approach addresses the hike in prices, confronting any threats to the security or terrorism while tackling also vulnerability and poverty. The complementarity between all those dimensions ensured our country's security and stability in an environment full with disruptions.
A United Nations that delivers for all must be inclusive. I reaffirm Namibia's unwavering solidarity with the people denied their right to self-determination. This position is firmly rooted in Namibia's historical experience of the brutality of colonialism, apartheid, and occupation. This is not a position born out of antagonism, but rather one grounded in Namibia's long-standing commitment to justice, solidarity, and the rights of the peoples to determine their own destiny in accordance with the UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 of 1960. The United Nations has a responsibility to advance a just and lasting resolution of the question of Western Sahara, consistent with the charter of the United Nations and the relevant resolution on decolonization and self-determination. We support MINURSO's mandate and the holding of a UN-backed referendum in Western Sahara for the Sahrawi people to finally exercise their right to self-determination. We therefore call upon the full implementation of the UN Security Council Resolution 2797 of October 2025, which reaffirms the need for a mutual, agreeable, lasting political solution between the Polisario and the Kingdom of Morocco. Namibia calls for the Palestinian people's right to self-determination, freedom, and statehood.
A diary that would make its way into the world and inspire millions of people. And I think that one of the reasons people are so inspired by Anne is that she had an unshakable belief in the power of people to turn the tide so that good prevails. She wrote, and I quote, how wonderful it is that nobody needs to wait a single moment before starting to improve the world. And these words are just as powerful and true today. This week is the perfect example of that. And I realize that the United Nations does not carry the most positive associations for everyone. And indeed, there is much that can and must be improved. But let us not forget what lay behind the founding of the United Nations over 80 years ago, the realization that doing nothing had led to the darkest chapters in human history. And we now live in a different time. New generations have arisen, and we face new challenges. But when we look at the world today, we see similar challenges as which preceded the founding of the United Nations. We see that the international legal order is under pressure in more and more places, even though it is a very foundation to our freedom and prosperity. We see the unending human suffering in Gaza, Sudan and so many other places in the world. We see violations of international law and of human rights, which are in stark contrast to the UN's aims. And we see institutions being undermined, institutions that were established to protect people and populations. And we must not be naive about the causes. These constant threats and attempts to dismantle the legal order are fueled by people and groups with their own agenda, an agenda that runs counter to the interests of everyone else. Yes everyone, and even those who don't feel directly threatened because they think it doesn't affect them. Sooner or later, everyone is affected. As we saw in the time before the United Nations. And when major powers chose to pursue only their own interests, it is tempting to respond defensively, but as Mahatma Gandhi, an eye for an eye will only make the whole world blind. And so it is time for us, the global community, to choose to pursue the common interest, not by trying to build an entirely new world order, but simply by working together. And the middle powers must take the lead in fostering such international cooperation. And everyone must be able to participate, including those countries who are currently too often left on the sidelines. It is time that countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America had a fully fledged place not only on the Equal Earth map, but in the real world too. To start with, here in the UN, improved African representation in the Security Council at the very least. Because if we want to preserve the UN for the future, we must change the balance of power in line with the changing times and modernize our institutions. And this means that we must focus on core tasks and stable financing, but also that we must work to protect the multilateral order with all our strength. And because international law either works for everyone or for no one. Take the attempts we've seen to undermine the International Criminal Court, which is based in my country, in my city. This undermines the international legal order as a whole, and that affects us all. This court was established to protect us against impunity. This court was built on the foundations of the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials. In the words of the Nuremberg chief prosecutor, Robert H. Jackson, and I quote one of the greatest tributes that power has ever paid to reason. And now, with the ICC under attack, the writing is truly on the wall. After all, how can you possibly be opposed to prosecuting the very worst crimes? And I believe there can be only one response to say, hands off the ICC and all those other institutions that protect the international legal order.
We are proud of their valuable sacrifices. Ladies and gentlemen, the alarming rise in Islamophobia is deeply worrying as Muslims face hate speech, discrimination, attacks on mosques and desecration of the Holy Quran. Just across our border, RSS driven Hindutva ideology is fanning religious hatred, leading to lynching, communal violence, attacks on places of worship and restrictions upon religious freedom. The demolition of the 150 year old mosque in Saharanpur, India, earlier this month is a case in point.
Ladies and gentlemen, in order to recover trust, we must make headway together on the key issues that benefit our citizens. World trade, without a shadow of a doubt, is one of the best expressions of the freedom to produce, transport, and trade products from one nation to another. We're proud of being a country that connects the world through trade. Having the canal that unites two oceans, that transports goods from all countries of the world without any distinction, that is an icon of integration.
Likewise, the Santomean diaspora is an essential part of our human wealth and a strategic partner of the country. We will continue to strengthen its ties with Sao Tomé and Principe, and to create the conditions for an even greater contribution to investment, entrepreneurship, knowledge transfer and national life. Mr. President, creating opportunities and ensuring truly inclusive development require strong institutions capable of guaranteeing peace, justice, respect for human rights and the participation of all in the life of the country. There can be no sustainable development without these conditions, nor without the full participation of women and men in political, economic and social life. It is in this context that 2026 is a year of particular significance for Santomean democracy. On July 19th, our citizens took part in presidential elections, which were conducted peacefully and transparently, and led to the re-election of His Excellency, Mr. Carlos Vila Nova, as president of the Republic. On September 27th, the people of Sao Tomé and Principe will return to the polls for the legislative, local and regional elections and will exercise their right to vote in large numbers. These elections are marked by important innovations notably automatic voter registration and the first application of the parity law, which is a significant step towards strengthening the inclusion and participation of women. With women accounting for 41.4% of confirmed candidacies, above the legal threshold of 40%, they will be able to assert a growing presence in decision making spaces. Sao Tomé and Principe reaffirms its commitment to constitutional order, political pluralism, fundamental freedoms and respect for the sovereign will of its citizens and will continue to pursue reforms aimed at strengthening justice, security, gender equality, human rights and trust in institutions. Inclusion and equality must also guide our response to the great transformations of our time.
Under King George the First, Tonga preserved its independence during an era of colonial expansion. Our Constitution of 1875 secured Tongans rights and freedoms over seven decades before the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It reflects our fierce determination to chart our own course. That is the essence of our sovereignty.
Mr. president, excellencies, nowadays we are witnessing a downgrading and violation of the rules governing international relations with the logic of force, intimidation and imposition of values stemming from unilateral vision by certain countries in defense of their exclusive interests. Instability being experienced in various regions of our continent is a direct consequence of that stance, as it can be seen in the conflicts currently unfolding in Europe, in the Middle East, in the Persian Gulf and in Africa, while tensions is mounting in the Asia-Pacific region. From what we have observed, we do not discern encouraging signs regarding the likelihood of reaching any peace agreement in the near future in the wars between Russia and Ukraine, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the Middle East, and in the Persian Gulf. We condemned the genocide against defenseless population, the elderly, women, children, bedridden patients, health professionals, journalists and workers of international humanitarian organizations who are often deprived of access to most basic human rights and to essential goods for life, such as water, food and medicines. The expulsion of Palestinians from their homes and lands through expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank must elicit the strongest international outrage and condemnation. Attempts to dominate entire countries and regions of the globe by force of arms, are leading the world towards a catastrophe. The food security and energy and humanitarian situation of countries and the world in general, has deteriorated considerably following the outbreak of wars against Ukraine and more recently against Iran. The toll of these wars is disastrous, judging by the consequences arising from the strangulation of freedom of maritime navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab, a situation that has created serious risk of disruption to logistic supply chains in general, and to food and energy supply chains in particular, with devastating effects on the most vulnerable countries.
Africa must be listened to more. It must be better represented and more closely involved in the decisions that shape the future of our planet. This is what must build trust between Africa and other continents, as well as with international institutions. We no longer wish to see the Human Rights Council become a forum for oppressing countries that are deliberately singled out because they defend and fight for the interests of their peoples. We want to see this council working for justice and equity for all states, without distinction. International human rights law must apply without exception to all states of the world, both in its corrective function as well as in its regulatory function. The Human Rights Council cannot be instrumentalized by other countries to the detriment of others, given that all member states of the United Nations enjoy a status of sovereign equality. Burundi wishes to reiterate, once again, its opposition to the imposition of a special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burundi, who was appointed without any prior dialogue or consultation. Burundi is a responsible country that respects human rights. It has fought impunity for decades. It upholds the rights and freedoms of all and ensures security as well as the guarantee that crimes it has experienced in the past will not be repeated. Mr. President, Africa intends to be a full-fledged actor and not a mere observer called upon to applaud decisions in whose preparation it played no part. Africa is not seeking any privileges. It is demanding justice, equity, and representation. We, therefore, strongly reaffirm the need for reform of the United Nations Security Council in order to allow for permanent African representation and more equitable participation by the continent in the international community's decision-making mechanisms. In this regard, Burundi believes that discussions on reform must also address the financial viability of the United Nations system by strengthening the predictability, transparency, and sustainability of its financing. It would not be coherent to entrust the organization with ever greater responsibilities without guaranteeing it the resources necessary for their implementation. We, therefore, call on member states, particularly the wealthiest, to demonstrate responsibility and solidarity in order to preserve the organization's financial stability. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as part of this process of reform, strengthening, and consolidation of our organization, Burundi also wishes to contribute to the debate on the selection process for the next Secretary-General of the United Nations. In the current international context, marked by deep geopolitical divisions and growing challenges to multilateralism, this process must be conducted in a spirit of transparency, openness, and collective responsibility. Burundi believes that this process must be based above all on qualifications, experience, integrity, independence of judgment, diplomatic skill, and the ability to bring together the positions of all member states. We need a true bridge-builder, a leader capable of engaging in dialogue with all parties, of bringing positions closer together even when divergences appear unsurmountable, but also of showing firmness, courage, and independence when it comes to defending the principles of the United Nations Charter and ensuring that the collective interest prevails. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, peace remains the primary condition for development. The African Union is deeply concerned by the persistence of conflicts and crises that continue to cause massive population displacement, destroy infrastructure, and deprive millions of children of their right to education and to a better future.
We choose the international law. We choose dialogue over coercion, human dignity over domination and cooperation over confrontation. Fiji calls for the peaceful settlement of conflicts wherever they occur. We urge all parties to protect civilians, respect international humanitarian law and return to the negotiating table. The charter does not apply differently according to who is involved or where. Fiji asks the same of every party in every theatre. Energy, food security and supply chains are inseparable from peace. The freedoms of navigation guaranteed under the international law, including the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea, must be respected. Fiji will continue to serve in the United Nations peacekeeping operations. We ask only that they be properly mandated, properly financed and properly supported, and we support renewed investment in prevention, mediation and the quiet diplomacy that stops wars before they begin. We carry a very simple conviction the life of a stranger is worth protecting. Dialogue is worth pursuing, and peace, however difficult, is always worth building. Mr. president, the Pacific knows the cost of militarization and nuclear testing. Our ocean carries the memory of decisions made elsewhere, but suffered by Pacific peoples. That memory strengthens our determination that the Blue Pacific remain a region of peace. The Ocean of Peace Declaration expresses a regional vision grounded in sovereignty, international law, and rejection of coercion. Our message to all partners is clear the Pacific world welcomes our friendship, investment and genuine cooperation. But our ocean must not become a theater in which others settle their rivalries.
In other words, too many nations now compete at the expense of basic rules. And that is why the world has slipped into disorder. But it matters more to find a prescription which would bring us back to order, stability and cooperation. Thus, I will offer you three remedies for a world in disorder. To begin with, we need to go back to the basics of international law. On my recent visit to India, I came across a quote from Mahatma Gandhi and I quote, the breach of one rule inevitably leads to the breach of other rules. End of quote. These words resonate all too strongly today. So there is a kick on effect of breaking the rules. We've moved back to a world defined by raw power and self-interest. Rules and values seem to be taking a back seat. Some are ready to throw in the towel, prepared to accept the defeat of the international rules based order. That is an exaggeration. International law has been questioned and challenged before. It has never been a perfect system, but we must admit that we are at a critical juncture. Fundamental norms are being questioned in a way that erodes confidence in the entire multilateral system. Therefore, the first remedy for a world in disorder is rule of law. Today, international norms are often presented as an obstacle to the pursuit of national interests. This is both wrong and dangerous. International law has never been merely an effort to achieve universal justice, but neither can it be reduced to a mere instrument of domination. It is not only about values, nor about interests, but about both. Despite the rhetoric, no major power is likely to give up its ability to shape the rules. That's why we see major powers still engaged here in the United Nations. Even when actors claim to abandon the rules, they rather seek to replace existing rules with ones more to their liking. Therefore, we will not face a world without rules. But we could be facing a world with less predictability, less restraint, a world based on rules that are more permissive for the powerful. For the collective benefit of the nations in this hall, we should continue to defend the rule of law and uphold its most fundamental principles. They include independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of nations, freedom of navigation at sea, and accountability for the most serious international crimes. The second remedy is about humanitarian principles, many of which have been mentioned in the speeches here today.
Mr. president, in pursuit of a stronger and safer region, Guyana is honoured to be a founding member of the Shield of the Americas, launched by President Trump in March 2026. Since the founding of this initiative, Guyana has worked closely with the United States and 13 other like minded nations that believe in building a Western Hemisphere that values freedom, peace, economic prosperity, and a shared responsibility and commitment to fighting transnational crime and criminal networks. It is our collective responsibility to never allow our region to be overtaken by gangs or criminal networks. We understand that it is only through partnership, shared intelligence and cooperation that we can effectively tackle the threats they pose to our economies and the livelihoods of our citizens. This week, I am pleased to join members of the Shield of Americas in adopting a joint communiqué, which underscores our collective resolve to strengthen the resilience of our region in economic, security and multilateral coordination.
Mr. President, the denial of the fundamental human rights of millions of people around the world remains one of the defining challenges of our time. Renewed pressure on women's rights and gender equality is putting hard won progress at risk. Women and girls are being told that their ambitions, their education, their voices and their very presence in public life are unacceptable. The situation in Afghanistan is one of the clearest examples of this. The systematic exclusion of women and girls from education, employment and public life is not something that the international community can simply observe from a distance. It is a profound human rights crisis. Girls have been denied the education that should shape their futures. Women are being denied the ability to work, to participate fully in society, and to contribute to the economic and social life of their country. Their freedoms are being progressively erased and the world must not become inured to it. We must not allow the absence of headlines to become an absence of action. The women of Afghanistan have not disappeared, and neither should our solidarity. The same is true elsewhere. Across the world, women and girls face conflict related sexual violence, forced displacement, trafficking and discrimination. Across the world, LGBTQI+ people face growing threats to their rights, safety and dignity. Ireland remains firmly committed to the universality, indivisibility and equal application of human rights. These principles are beyond question. That commitment is why Ireland is seeking election to the Human Rights Council for the 2027 2029 term, and if elected, we will use that seat to defend the principle that human rights belong to everyone everywhere. Mr. President, today Russia's illegal war in Ukraine is more deadly for civilians than at any point since the start of their full scale invasion. Russia's reckless drone and missile attacks on Ukrainian towns and cities continue to intensify.
Second, Japan is devoted to enhancing cooperation towards peace and stability. Since the end of the Second World War, Japan has consistently and seriously pursued efforts towards nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. At the very heart of our aspiration for a world without nuclear weapons lies the earnest plea of the hibakusha. The catastrophic consequences of nuclear weapons must never be repeated. It is Japan's mission as the only country to have ever suffered atomic bombings during war, to lead the efforts of the international community towards a world without nuclear weapons. Japan strongly calls for solidarity within the international community to maintain and strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty NPT regime, to which both nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states are parties. Further, Japan will persistently advance realistic and practical efforts, including enhancing the transparency of nuclear forces and promoting a deeper understanding of the realities of atomic bombings. The situations in Ukraine and North Korea have reminded the world of growing risks and threats posed by nuclear weapons. There are also concerns regarding the proliferation of nuclear and missile related technologies through the strengthening of military cooperation between Russia and North Korea. The security of the Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic is inseparable. The advancement of North Korea's nuclear and missile programs, as well as its use of malicious cyber activities, including cryptocurrency thefts as a source of funding, are clear violations of relevant Security Council resolutions and pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The full implementation of Security Council resolutions under the principle of the complete denuclearization of North Korea is essential. Moreover, the issue of abductions by North Korea is an ongoing matter with lives at stake. The abductees are still denied their freedoms and their families continue to suffer. This is a matter of grave concern not only for Japan, but for the international community. As the abductees and their families are aging, the abductions issue must be resolved immediately. For the sake of the future of both Japan and North Korea, I am prepared to engage in dialogue and take concrete action to establish a mutually fruitful relationship in accordance with the Japan DPRK Pyongyang Declaration. Third, Japan will continue to contribute to the maintenance and development of a free and open international order based on the rule of law. Any attempts to unilaterally change the status quo by force or coercion are contrary to the principles enshrined in the charter of the United Nations, and must never be tolerated anywhere in the world. Russia's aggression against Ukraine is the most obvious example. A permanent member of the Security Council, with a special responsibility for international peace and security, has initiated an act of aggression against another country and has vetoed Security Council resolutions concerning its own actions. In this current situation, it must be said that the Security Council is not functioning for international peace.
Second, addressing climate change and its effects. Third, tackling regional challenges, particularly in the Middle East and Africa. The role of non-state armed groups that threaten the security and stability of states has grown considerably. Indeed, they now seek to control maritime corridors and straits and to threaten freedom of navigation. They also target facilities in a number of countries. At the global level, more than 200 million people live in areas under the control of armed groups or in contested areas. Moreover, more than 130 non-state armed groups have been identified as legally classified parties to armed conflicts. These figures clearly reflect the scale of the spread and proliferation of these groups, in a world that, over the past two decades has become less secure and less stable. Further, the close links between these armed groups and separatist militias on the one hand, and terrorist organizations and criminal networks, as well as mercenary elements, on the other hand, are evident to all. It is therefore a mistake to believe that some of these groups are peaceful or constructive, or that they can engage in the settlement of conflicts. All these groups use violence to impose a fait accompli and to serve the agenda of those who control them. They must therefore be dealt with firmly, and responsibility must be assigned to the states that sponsor, harbour, finance and arm them, and provide them with safe haven and support. The responsibility of these sponsoring states is not merely political, it is also legal, moral and historical. These groups and their sponsors alike cannot be allowed to become a means of evading responsibility or a tool for carrying out what states cannot do directly. Hence, deterrent sanctions must be imposed on these groups and their sponsors.
We also advocate for mutual beneficial economic cooperation based on respect for sovereignty for each state, for the equality between the states, and the freedom of choice for the people during the electoral process. In the area of development, we are still far from fulfilling the promise of the 2030 Agenda. With less than four years until the deadline, millions of people remain deprived of basic opportunities: water, energy, infrastructure, and others. Thus, it is important to accelerate the implementation of the commitment made under the SDGs, which requires predictable, accessible, and sustainable financing. It also requires a fair international financial architecture, more fair, sustainable debt relief, greater transfer of technology, international trade that is more balanced, and investments that can transform potential into prosperity, as well as adherence to the principle of common responsibility but differentiated responsibilities. Similarly, in the field of human rights, it is also important to promote a balanced, impartial, and coherent approach based on the principles of universality and equal treatment between the states. Promoting these rights should prioritize constructive dialogue, cooperation, and the strengthening of our institutions. Mr. President, in Mozambique, we are committed to consolidating peace, strengthening democratic institutions, and conducting an inclusive national dialogue led by the Mozambican initiatives that are genuinely Mozambican to deepen reconciliation, national unity, peace, and the reforms that are necessary, with the support of our international partners, while respecting national ownership.
It is ultimately the responsibility of Member states to prevent and resolve conflicts. We cannot outsource that responsibility, but at the same time, we need a Secretary-General who is active in conflict prevention, mediation and peacemaking. The Secretary-General should never have to ask permission or forgiveness for acting to prevent or resolve conflict. As a custodian of the UN Charter, you have the right and the obligation to speak up when its core norms are breached. We expect you to do so in an objective, impartial and consistent manner. We will support you when you do. So we ask you to be active in seeking an end to the horrific conflict in Sudan. You must be bold in pressing for a sustainable and just end to Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, one that is consistent with Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity and the core principles of the charter. You must be determined in your efforts to help alleviate the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza. We ask that you use your influence to progress a fragile ceasefire into a sustainable, durable peace. And you must be resolute in preserving conditions for a two state solution. You must take the initiative despite the challenges and entrenched views to achieve a just and lasting resolution, where Israel and Palestine can live side by side within secure and clearly defined borders. We urge you to use your good offices to secure a lasting end to hostilities in the Persian Gulf and restore freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, which is a right guaranteed under international law. Of course, you cannot do this alone. For our part, as Member States, we must provide you with the tools the resources, and above all, the political support to ensure you can play this role effectively. Parties to conflicts must engage with you constructively and in good faith, while global and regional partners with influence must provide the necessary incentive for the parties to do so. The UN Security Council needs to fulfill its responsibilities.
Reform is necessary not because the United Nations failed, but because it matters. President, today our United Nations finds itself in a triple crisis. It's a normative crisis. It's a financial crisis and an institutional crisis. First, the normative crisis. The fundamental rules that protect the integrity of sovereign states and prohibit the use of force except in self-defence, are threatened. The number of ongoing wars is alarmingly high. Most dramatically, the number of wars between states is the highest since the United Nations was established. Yet this was the key motive for establishing this organization in the first place to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. International law is not charity to the weak. It's a common investment in a system that reduces risk, friction and cost for everyone, including the great powers. Take freedom of navigation as an example. This long standing principle, enshrined in our Convention on the Law of the Sea, benefits every state.
Third, the coalition for Global Energy Supply Chains. Recently, there have been repeated blockades of sea routes in the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea. This has underscored the stark reality that the weaponization of key energy and logistics supply routes can send severe shock waves to the lives of ordinary people around the world. Freedom of navigation and safe passage through international straits is a right grounded in international law and serves as a bedrock of the global economy. Attacks on merchant vessels and threats to the lives and safety of crew members cannot be justified under any circumstances. While making greater use of existing frameworks such as the International Energy Agency, the Republic of Korea will build a more robust framework of cooperation for energy supply chains to prevent the supply chain crisis from escalating into a broader threat to the global economy and people's livelihoods. By nature, these problems cannot be resolved by any one of us alone. At the same time, we cannot afford to sit idly by and wait for all nations to arrive at a single solution. The most urgent and realistic path is for countries with the capacity and willingness to supply global public goods, to join hands and broaden the scope of cooperation.
The situation in the Middle East demand clarity. San Marino unequivocally condemn terrorism, including the horrific attack of 7th October 2023. But we must be equally clear on another point. The Palestinian people have an inviolable right to self-determination and to their own state. Statehood is not a reward for terrorism. It is a right. At the same time, nothing can justify the collective punishment of civilians. The suffering in Gaza cannot become new normal. We call for a permanent ceasefire and for full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access. Humanitarian assistance must reach those who need it. Civilian lives must be protected. UNRWA and other humanitarian organisations must be able to operate. We call for the permanent disarmament of Hamas and other non-state armed groups, and for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip. We support the Palestinian Authority and its reform efforts, including democratic elections. We urge Israel to release withheld clearance revenue and to facilitate correspondent banking services for the Palestinian Authority. In the West Bank and East Jerusalem, settlement expansion, settler violence, land appropriation, demolition and eviction must stop. The situation is rapidly deteriorating amid unprecedented level of settler violence and settlement expansion, including an unacceptable decision to publish tender for the E1 settlement project. This development undermines the possibility of a viable Palestinian state. The status quo of Jerusalem holy site must be respected. All communities, including Christian community, must be protected. Last year, San Marino endorsed the New York Declaration for a two state solution. Following a unanimous mandate from our parliament, the Great and General Council, San Marino recognised Palestine as a sovereign and independent state within secure and internationally recognised borders and in accordance with relevant United Nations resolution. We stand by that decision. There is no alternative to the two state living side by side in peace, security and mutual recognition. The window for that solution is narrowing. We must act now. Mr. president, the consequences of the conflict extended far beyond Gaza and the West Bank. Escalation across the region, threatening international peace and security. We are deeply concerned by the hostility involving Iran and by threat to maritime security in the Red sea and the Strait of Hormuz. Freedom of navigation is essential to global stability. International law, including UNCLOS, must be respected. In Lebanon, we call for full respect for sovereignty and for the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1701. Civilian infrastructure must be protected. In Syria, we support an inclusive and peaceful political transition that respects sovereignty, protect civilians and strengthen institutions. Peace cannot be imposed by force. It requires diplomacy and dialogue, and it requires international rule. Mr. president, Europe is also facing a war that continues to cause immense humanitarian suffering. San Marino condemned Russia's ongoing aggression against Ukraine, the bombardment of the city, the killing of civilians, attack on humanitarian aid workers, the unlawful deportation of children. These are not simply tragedy. They are violations of international law. No state can be allowed to redraw borders by force. San Marino therefore, reiterate its call for a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire, leading to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Any peace must respect Ukrainian sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Mr. president, from Ukraine to Gaza, from Sudan to Syria, from the Sahel to Afghanistan, civilians continue to pay the highest price.
The supreme sacrifice that our heroes have made is a seed of liberty, of justice and sovereignty that are oppressed peoples aspire to. It is the source that nourishes our determination on a daily basis to recover the integrity of our territories, to defend our dignity, and to ensure our sacred rights to live free in peace and security. To the people of the Confederation of the States of the Sahel, including its diaspora, I pay a tribute and renew my pride in them. Courage, resilience, commitment and mobilization as they are showing each and every day, supporting the efforts of the heads of state of the AES Confederation, remain the centre of gravity of our journey towards sovereignty and stability and development. To all of the peoples of Africa and the world who share our struggle and who recognise themselves in the ideals of peace, dignity and liberty that the Confederation represents, I reiterate my gratitude. Mr. President. The confederal dynamic that has been engaged in and taken up by our States, far from being an act in isolation, brings forward the rejection of fatality and chronic wardship that we faced, as well as the rejection of selective criticism when we see human tragedies. It's the sign of a shared willingness of our states to escape the vicious cycle of structural domination and exploitation that are profoundly rooted in the colonial and neo colonialist legacies. It carries the hope of a renaissance of the central Sahel that for too long has been devalued and disregarded. The new course embarked on since the 16th of September 2023 by adopting the charter of Liptako-Gourma, consolidated by the creation of the Confederation of Sahel States on the 6th of July 2024, ushered in a new era for the people of the AES. And each area of land recovered, each terrorist base destroyed, each battle won over the forces of evil, each school recovered, each village rebuilt, each reform initiated brings us closer to this new horizon, defended with determination by Comrade Captain Ibrahim Traore, Army General Assimi Goita and General Abdourahamane Tiani. Under their enlightened leadership against the winds and the tides, the Alliance of Sahel States is consolidating itself every day, taking charge of its own destiny, a destiny of dignity, prosperity and freedom and justice. And this is affirmed thanks to the mobilization of a people over a common space with a shared destiny. One people, one space, one destiny. This motto guides each and every one of our actions, and is embodied by the operationalization of the unified force of the Confederation, and is also embodied by the creation of the confederal Bank, investment Bank and development Bank, and is embodied by the consolidation of relations between all of the different institutions of the countries of the AES, as well as strengthening the historic, centuries long links between the communities and the vital forces of our space.
Of machines, of the technology shaping all our lives. Yet the challenge of how we can manage to trust that technology and the organisations behind it is rapidly becoming the most pressing challenge of our age. The sheer spread and the sheer power, the sheer speed of artificial intelligence is mind blowing. It appears to be moving far too fast for anybody let alone governments, to manage to keep pace. It can seem, whether from the perspective of a leader, consumer or parent, to be overwhelming. There is no escaping that. This is the biggest change and the biggest challenge that any of us will experience in our lifetime. So much so that we barely have the words to describe how monumental a disruption it is proving to be. The usual phrases step change, paradigm shift just don't seem to capture the scale. And we should also be under no illusion that the currently existing rules, the traditional models of governance are in any way or manner up to grappling with the revolution that we are living through. Which is why, if we stand any chance of helping to build citizens trust in these advanced technologies, we need to begin by being honest and transparent that governments, just as individuals, we are still finding our way, that we don't have all the answers. What we do have, what we must have, is the will and determination to act and the right values to underpin those actions. And of course, it almost goes without saying that no state, however micro or mighty, has any chance of getting a grip if they try to go it alone. We only stand a chance as humanity on getting a grip on technology that seeks to ape our humanity if we collectively work together. Acknowledging that the rules need to be set globally and they need to be stuck to. Even as they develop, as the tech develops. If we are to stand any chance of securing public confidence that AI can enhance and not destroy humanity, we need a set of international rules that reflect international law. So Malta, my country, wholeheartedly supports the implementation of the global Digital Compact and wider UN efforts to strengthen international digital cooperation. To fragment is to fail, and that applies equally to fighting the new threats from the new frontline in global conflict and disruption. Cyber attacks, attacks on critical infrastructure, disinformation, the cutting of the underwater cables that connect us all to each other. These are not theoretical threats. They are constant and existential threats. For a small nation like Malta, a small island in the Mediterranean that relies on our connections to the rest of the world. They are, yes, existential threats. Tackling them must be a priority. The priority for this United Nations. We need to embrace every emerging technology that can help us fend off those threats and build our digital resilience today. The guardians of our democracy, of our freedoms are just as likely to be found coding at a keyboard as marching in uniform. Both must work in lockstep together. Security will always, of course be physical.
But for that conviction to carry weight, we ourselves must be consistent. Values are not sustained by speeches. They are sustained when they are upheld precisely at the moment when it is easiest to abandon them. And this may be the greatest challenge of our time. The world is changing at extraordinary speed. The centers of power are shifting. Technology is changing. Economic relations are changing. Security doctrines are changing. Alliances are changing. History is accelerating once again. In such a period, there is always a temptation to declare that old principles are no longer practical, that the law must adapt to power, that values are a luxury that can wait until the crisis has passed. But that is precisely when we need them most. Because if in times of change, we abandon the rules that protected us in times of stability, we will not gain greater freedom. We will inherit a world in which every subsequent decision depends on who has more power at that particular moment. And such a world is especially dangerous for small states. That is why our duty as leaders is not to promise our people a world without injustice, without disappointment, and without conflicting interests. Such a world does not exist. Our duty is far more demanding: to preserve faith in the rules, even when it is clear that the rules are being broken, to defend cooperation, even when confrontation appears more popular. To sustain trust in institutions, not by asking people to look less closely and ask fewer questions, but by making institutions more worthy of their trust and not to allow disappointment with the imperfections of the international order to lead us towards something far worse: a world in which there is no order at all. That, in my view, is one of the greatest political and moral responsibilities of our generation.
I thank our partners, including Australia and the UN police, for their support. Solomon Islands looks forward to increasing its peacekeeping contribution in the coming year. Mr. president, leaving no one behind demands that we complete the unfinished work of decolonization. Solomon Islands reaffirms its long standing support for the right to self-determination of the Kanak people of New Caledonia and the Maohi Nui people of French Polynesia. The UN decolonization process must offer more than hope. It must provide practical pathways to the full emancipation of peoples in non-self-governing territories, and to their freedom to determine their own political future and development aspirations. In the same spirit, I turn to West Papua, whose people are our Melanesian brothers and sisters. Solomon Islands respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Indonesia, and we value our friendship with its government and people. Yet it is precisely because of that friendship that we speak with candor. Reports of human rights violations in West Papua have persisted for far too long.
They are what we allowed, what we still allow, and what we will answer for. There is a painful cry for a better world order as we witness the weakening into irrelevance of multilateral institutions. No country, regardless of size or power, can address today's interconnected challenges alone. Excellencies, leadership is not merely discovering the angriest instinct of the electorate and amplifying it. Leadership is sometimes telling our own supporters that they are wrong. It is explaining complexity when a slogan would be easier. It is asking people to consider tomorrow when they are angry about today. It is persuading citizens that humanity of others who may worship differently, speak another language, or vote for another party does not diminish their own freedoms. Statesmanship requires patience, persuasion, courage to compromise. And above all, it requires an understanding that power brings responsibility, not exemption. The Charter of the United Nations was not written to make the strong weak. It was written to prevent the strong from making the world unlivable. Soon we will elect a new Secretary-General. The regional rotation precedent must be preserved. Africa had an unprecedented continuous three terms: Boutros Boutros-Ghali, 1992-1996, Kofi Annan, 1997-2006. Now the Security Council will elect a Latin American as our Secretary-General for 2027-2032. And after more than 80 years of men at the helm of our organization, needless to say, we ought to have enough wisdom and elect a woman with unquestionable integrity, unblemished record, and in defense of human rights, a strong advocacy of gender equality and inclusion, rule of law, democracy, solid experience in senior management in national and multilateral institutions. Mr. President, Excellencies, for developing countries, particularly small island developing states and least developed countries, efficiency must translate into stronger delivery on the ground, not reduced essential support. Timor-Leste urges comprehensive reform, expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, so that developing countries and historically underrepresented regions have a stronger voice in decisions concerning international peace and security. The veto is inconsistent with the sovereign equality of member states. President, Timor-Leste reaffirms the principles of climate justice, common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in the light of different national circumstances. Greater climate ambition must be accompanied by accessible, predictable finance: adaptation support, technology transfer, and capacity building. Artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies reshape our societies. Developing countries must actively participate in their governance and development.
Um. Turkey does not confine itself to just articulating these principles. With every step we take, we seek a more equitable and more humane international system. Through the Defense Alliance we have established recently with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, based on the principle of regional ownership, we are now both strengthening solidarity among us and aiming to generate solutions to the problems in our region from within the region itself. We are maintaining our efforts with the relevant actors to bring an end to the climate of conflict and to the climate of war that has been ignited in the Gulf. I strongly underline that any dangerous attempt to spread these conflicts, these clashes to neighboring regions, serves no one's interests. As for Gaza, we remain committed to following through on the agreement we signed in Sharm el-Sheikh one year ago. Now we must begin the reconstruction of Gaza as soon as possible. In this regard, I call upon you to exert greater pressure, more pressure on Israel. Let everyone understand and accept the following. Attempts to strangle the state of Palestine will fail. God willing, we shall see those good days when an independent state of Palestine, based on the 1967 borders with territorial integrity and with East Jerusalem as its capital, will be established. Dear friends, after 14 years of oppression, Syria initiated a new path with the December 8th Revolution. Under the leadership of President Sharaa, we are witnessing Syria now moving toward its goal of becoming a safe and peaceful country in spite of all forms of internal and external provocations. We will continue to stand by the brotherly Syrian people on this journey. In another neighboring country, we fully support efforts to strengthen state authority and consolidate stability. We are working with Iraq on strategic transportation and energy projects that will enhance the welfare of our region, particularly among these projects, important is the Development Road Project. As for the Russia-Ukraine war, it is our sincere hope that it comes to an end with Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity being upheld. We continue our contacts with the parties with a view to restoring safety of navigation in the Black Sea, ensuring food security and preventing the war from spreading to a wider region. I would like to particularly emphasize that recent attacks against commercial ships in the Black Sea, regardless of who carries them out, are unacceptable. We believe that freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be maintained. In the Aegean Sea and the eastern Mediterranean region, we wish to see existing issues resolved on the basis of good neighbourly relations and in accordance with international law. Our proposal for an Eastern Mediterranean Conference will contribute to establishing common ground. On this occasion, I once again will repeat the call I had made numerous times in previous UNGA sessions. The sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people must be recognized and inhumane isolation to which they have been subjected must finally come to an end. I call upon the international community to recognize the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and to establish political, diplomatic and economic relations with them. Esteemed delegates. Turkey, thanks to its growing defense industry and thanks to its resilient economy, continues to be an island of stability in the middle of conflicts in its vicinity.
That's why we are so united behind Ukraine. And let me say we salute the Ukrainian people. They are showing depths of resilience and courage that is an inspiration to the whole world. I was in Kyiv last month and it gave me a glimpse of life under Russian attack. I went to a bustling market, just a normal scene from any European city. The traders singing the praises of their products, pushing into my hands peaches and plums from Odessa. But their stalls were out on the street because the market hall had been destroyed. In the background, there were burned out cars. Behind us, a building that had taken a direct hit just a few weeks before. I met people riding the metro home from work, people just getting on with their lives. But at night, those same metro stations doubling as shelters for thousands of people, from the elderly to little kids, some who have known nothing but war. People told me about the freezing conditions in the stations last winter, when temperatures dropped below -20 degrees outside. Meanwhile, Russia was targeting their energy infrastructure, trying to make them suffer even more. We can't let them do that again this winter. So we're working to help Ukraine protect their skies and civilians. We're leading the charge in raising the cost for Russia of continuing this senseless and illegal war. The Graham Bill, which President Trump signed last week, will make a huge difference to that effort. And we will support Ukraine to repair and protect the heat and power plants that Kyiv will depend upon this winter. It is right that we provide that support, but we should call Russia out this time and every time. Everyone in this room knows that strikes on civilian infrastructure are explicitly forbidden by international law. Yet we stand here in the U.N. announcing funding to mitigate the effects of these war crimes, which we reliably expect to be perpetrated yet again by a permanent member of the Security Council. It must end. Russia could choose a different course tomorrow: accept a cease fire, come to the negotiating table. I urge them to do so. But until then, we will stand with Ukraine stronger than ever for as long as it takes. This is about upholding the UN Charter and the rule of law. We will stand firm in the face of any threats and challenges to the rule of law, not just from Russia but from others too, including where they threaten the rights of British territories to remain British, such as the Falkland Islands. That's why we're also working with France and other partners to support freedom of navigation in the Gulf. And it's why I have acted on the Middle East. Just eight weeks into becoming Prime Minister, working with my Foreign Secretary, Ed Miliband, I comprehensively reset our position and we built an international coalition of countries to come with us. The terrorist attack on Israel on the 7th of October 2023 was utterly horrific. I have condemned it in the strongest possible terms. We continue to condemn Hamas, and we stand with Israel in the face of the ongoing threats, including from Iran against Israel and Jewish people around the world. But this does not justify the Israeli government's actions in Gaza or the West Bank. Far too many people have died, including so many children. Far too little aid is getting in and it has gone on for far too long. We will not stand by as the horrific suffering continues to grow and the prospect of a two state solution, the best hope for peace and stability for both nations comes under attack. Last month, Israel issued tenders for the construction of the E1 mega settlement, which would drive a wedge through the West Bank and threaten to put a viable Palestinian state beyond reach. It cannot be allowed to happen. So we have acted by banning trade in goods with illegal settlements, recognizing that the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory is unlawful, and sanctioning those taking part in the construction of illegal settlement. We want to see the suffering and death finally come to an end. We want to see Israeli and Palestinian people living side by side in peace and security, and we will do all we can to keep the hope of that possibility alive. And look, we live in an age of low trust in politics. If we were to continue to talk about the two state solution, but failed to back those words with deeds, that trust will fall even lower and our enemies will seek to exploit the alienation that follows from that. We won't let it happen.
We are duty bound to act, and France stands ready, working in concert with all those who wish to act in defense of the principles enshrined in the charter. All those who do not wish to remain powerless. The coalition of the willing on Ukraine, together with the UK and Germany, a coalition which brings together everyone who stands ready to guarantee peace and stability in the very heart of Europe, the very place where two world wars began, something no one can ignore and many in the room today know better than anyone what a return of war to Europe could mean. We will not yield an inch. The coalition of the willing will continue fighting. We also have an independent multinational coalition aimed at restoring the freedom of navigation in the Hormuz Strait. This should not be used for blackmail. It's a cardinal principle of international law, and it is in the interests of all of us for vessels to be able to transit through the strait securely and for the energy interests of all of our countries to be secured. The reopening of the Hormuz Strait is a priority. Respect for international law is also a priority. It is in everyone's interests and France is committed to it. Moving on to Africa, we shoulder a collective responsibility for the crises which are piling up without any answers, without any responses. Peace operations must be more effective and to this end they must be enabled, endowed with adequate funding and better coordinated with the United Nations as well as host nations. Back in 2018, I already mentioned the role played by regional organizations and better coordination between these regional bodies and the UN. At the Africa Forward meeting in Nairobi with over 30 African heads of state, and in Addis Ababa, the headquarters of the African Union, together with the UN, we stated clearly that the African Union and regional organizations should be fully equipped to play their role as regards peace and security on the African continent. In Paris in November we will hold a meeting aimed at replenishing the African Union Peace Fund. This will be on the sidelines of the Paris Peace Forum. I call on all potential funders to make robust and concrete pledges. We will not yield in the face of war. We must recommit and seek solutions that are in keeping with the spirit of the charter. Second, we must not give in to the permanent temptation to espouse double standards.
