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We must equally reform the Secretariat to better support peacekeeping and the resolution of conflicts. We've been told that there are more conflicts today than at any time since the United Nations was established, and regrettably, these conflicts are in almost every corner of the planet. The Oslo Peace Institute reported that in 2025 last year. 245 000 individuals faced battle related deaths. That is almost Barbados's population. I'm told that this makes it the third most violent year in the post-Cold war era. My friends, the scale of human tragedy is mounting, and whether it is in Gaza or the West Bank or Lebanon, or Yemen or Sudan or Ukraine or elsewhere. Last Here we fared. That there was a risk of conflicts in the Middle East widening even further, and the conflicts continue. These fears, regrettably, have come to pass and with a global impact. Nevertheless. Indeed, conflicts are more protracted and more fragmented. And when coupled with hunger and unsustainable debt and a warming planet, it becomes a veritable hell for the citizens of those countries Increases in energy and transport costs and in interest rates have spurred inflation. It means that no one, even on the other side of the world, can escape the hardships in meeting their daily needs. The truth is, until there is a two state solution that respects the rights and territories of both the Israelis and Palestinians, we will continue to live on the edge in this world. And you may well ask, how have we gotten here? We need to address with laser like focus each and every one of these conflicts. Legitimacy demands that of us. And let us let the UN deliberately and systematically deploy nimble mediation teams led by political leaders, current and retired. On behalf of the Secretary General and enjoying the Secretary General's confidence and authority and the respect of Member States. This, my friends, will help lift the heavy weight necessary to end these multiple conflicts and to bring peace and dignity to those affected populations. We know that many hands make light work and we can't ignore it. These conflicts need to be supported by a quicker and technology enhanced observer force, capable of rapid deployment to monitor and support ceasefires and peace agreements to be given the resources. These peacekeeping forces must be given realistic mandates, predictable financing and true partnership. Let us work my friends together with the parties to these conflicts, to build dialogue and to bring opportunities for investment and jobs to the affected populations so that they too, can live properly. And as for the wider international legal order, we know that countries of every size and capacity depend on a system in which rules are made collectively and applied consistently and fairly But if we don't act early enough, we have trouble. And that is why we say that the UN must receive the resources and the resolve to act before the guns speak, and not after the guns start to fly. My friends, without an equitable rules based order, smaller states like mine will simply cease to exist in this world.
In Montenegro we have an old and simple saying:" A person's word carries weight." This implies that a promise creates responsibility, and what is true between people should also be true between nations. In the opening words of the UN Charter, the nations of the world made perhaps the most important promise of all: to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. And eight decades later, as conflicts take lives and displace millions, geopolitical rivalries place the international system under growing pressure, and new challenges test our collective capacity to respond. So how well have we kept our pledge?
In addition to terrorism, which remains active in some countries, particularly in Africa, the situation of global peace and security has been worsening year after year, bringing us to the present moment in which we note with deep concern that the world has taken a course that brings it alarmingly close to a global conflict. Over the years Angola has sought to make its contribution to building and consolidation of peace in Africa and the world, but the current situation in no way reflects the aspirations of peoples for harmony and understanding amongst nations. Among these contributions to peace are several initiatives undertaken in Africa, of which I highlight the 21st Extraordinary summit of Heads of State of the African Union on the strengthening of conflict prevention and resolution Mechanism in Africa recently held in Luanda, which opened serious and sound prospects for resolving the problems affecting peace and stability on the African continent. Also worthy of particular attention is the holding in July of this year in Luanda, in partnership with the United Nations Alliance of Civilisation, the third edition of the Initiative Call for Peace, an End to Wars and Respect for International Law. In these same contexts, Angola will host next October the Pan-African forum for the Culture of Peace and Non-Violence, the so-called Luanda Biennale. My country takes seriously the issues relating to peace and resolution of conflict through dialogue, respect for norms governing international relations and defence of international law, sparing no efforts to bringing the conflicting parties closer and build consensus in Africa. We remain available to render our attention and contribution to resolving the conflicts that persist on the continent. Our paradigm for peacebuilding initiatives is based on the search for realistic and sustainable solutions within the principle of African solutions to conflicts in Africa. We call for effective implementation of the Security Council Resolution 2719, which must ensure a predictable, adequate and sustainable financing for African Union led peace support operation authorized by the United Nations Security Council, because investing in Africa's capacity to prevent and resolve conflicts is also an investment in international peace and security. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this session of the General Assembly is of particular significance to my country as it takes place in the year in which we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Republic of Angola's admission as full member of the United Nations organization, which took place in December 1976.
The United Nations was born in 1945 from humanity's determination that the tragedies of war should never again define our common destiny. Eight decades later, the world continues to look to this organization as a sanctuary where nations can assemble, where differences can be resolved through dialogue, and where hope can be transformed into tangible action. Yet, at a time when conflicts persist, inequalities deepen, climate-related disasters intensify, and countless communities continue to struggle against poverty and insecurity, the international community must renew its commitment to global cooperation. To ordinary people across the globe, this Assembly must not be perceived merely as a forum where the world discusses its problems, but as an organization that actively solves them. The true test of international cooperation is whether a child in a conflict-affected community can live without fear, a young person can find decent employment, a family can afford food, and a developing nation can access the finance required to build its future. Trust among nations has eroded on multiple fronts. Multilateral commitments have too often gone unmet, financing pledges have not yet been fulfilled, and developing countries face trillions of dollars in annual investment gaps to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, billions of people reside in countries where governments are forced to spend more on debt servicing than on healthcare or education. Restoring trust cannot be achieved through declarations alone. It requires that promises already made be honored, and that our institutions demonstrate the capacity and will to respond to changing global realities. Since the Ezulwini Consensus was adopted in 2005, sadly, Africa still has no permanent seat on the UN Security Council and yet the continent remains a global strategic partner in the world stage. The question is: how many more years should African leaders travel to New York and stand before this Assembly to call for a fair representation in the UN Security Council? Mr. President, we are being deprived of the opportunity to contribute to global security issues. We meet at a time when multiple wars and armed conflicts continue to claim lives, destroy infrastructure, and displace communities across various regions of the world.
And of course, with her president speaking here, you never know whether this will be the low point or the high point of her career. Be that as it may, former Secretary General Kofi Annan once said, and I quote, whatever our differences, we stand or fall together. End of quote. When we forget this wisdom of Kofi Annan, disorder is what happens. Last year, from this very podium, I stated that foreign policy is based on three pillars values, interests and power. This year I come with something much simpler a choice, a choice between cooperation or conflict. In today's world, cooperation is undermined by a lack of trust, disregard for rules, and the weakening of institutions. And we've heard that in so many speeches here today. Conflicts are spreading, bringing suffering, violence and injustice. According to some accounts, there are currently 65 active armed conflicts, more than at any time since the end of the Cold War. Now competition will always be there. Nations compete now harder than they did a generation ago. This doesn't worry me. What does is that more and more of them now compete against the rules on which the international order rests. So this speech defends these rules, and it calls for cooperation. It calls for multilateralism. Small nations need it to survive, and large nations need it to be great. Upholding the most basic rules, values and institutions is our best option to ensure that competition does not escalate into conflict and that cooperation gains ground. Now, I want to begin by analyzing how the world is changing today. And as a pragmatic Finn, I will always try to deal with the world as it is, because it often helps in building a world that I wish we would have. In other words, a world which we can build together. I will then make a few suggestions about what we should do next. So here we go. I think we should all be steadfast defenders of multilateralism. As Strobe Talbott reportedly remarked, multilateralism is hell and can be a real pain in the neck, but it is the best option for humanity as a whole. We need multilateralism in order to address our shared agenda, ranging from conflicts and climate change to sustainable development and artificial intelligence. Currently, however, we seem to be going the other way more towards a non-cooperative and multipolar world order. This order, as it turns out, is based on zero sum deals, transactions, and unrestrained power. This is a short sighted approach. Tempting as it may be for some, such a multipolar order will ultimately lead to conflict. It will turn against us, whether you represent a great power, a middle power, or a small state like Finland. Between these two approaches, there is of course, a third option: plurilateralism. It means building ad hoc coalitions when global cooperation is unattainable. And this is my first observation today the emergence of flexible forms of cooperation around different themes and interests, be it in the economy, climate, defense, or technology. Coalition building can be a force of good but with one condition it should not challenge multilateralism, but build on it. It should support the UN system, not substitute it. The coalition of the willing for Ukraine is particularly close to my heart. It's a group of countries working to end Russia's war of aggression. The war is unlawful, unjustified and unprovoked. Its solution will have far reaching consequences for Ukraine and beyond. It is really about upholding international rules. The coalition works for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, in accordance with the UN charter.
Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres, to whom I pay tribute for ten years of tireless work in defense of the United Nations Charter, international law and multilateralism, heads of state and government, excellencies. Over the past few decades, the international order focused on promoting peace and stability has been essential to prosperity and socioeconomic progress in our societies. Wars and geopolitical tensions that characterize our times have had a terrible human toll, undermining international order and consequently, the chance of prosperity. That is why we must explore every opportunity for dialogue, diplomacy and peace. In the Middle East, the humanitarian tragedy must end, and we must move towards the two state solution, with Israel and Palestine coexisting as two sovereign states in peace and security. The aggressive actions by Iran and its associated armed groups must cease, including attacks on neighboring countries, merchant vessels and civilian infrastructures. Similarly, the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz must end and freedom of navigation must be guaranteed, including safe and toll free passage, including through the Red Sea. In Europe, we must achieve a just and lasting peace that puts an end to the brutal and illegal aggression of Russia against Ukraine. Ukraine is a partner that has the full support of Portugal and European Union. In Sudan, the most dramatic humanitarian crisis we face must come to an end. We must also remain resolute in combating the global threats of terrorism and nuclear weapons. And in the face of the new challenge posed by artificial intelligence, we must find together the right balance between innovation and regulation, one that allows us to harness its potential for the benefit of humanity while preventing it from distorting our very essence. Excellencies, the energy crisis, and the rising fuel prices we are facing due to international conflicts are affecting all our peoples.
But let's ask ourselves a simple question: what if we, as world leaders, would start again following the UN Charter? Would reform even matter if we finally did our best for global peace? Too many conflicts are still driven by the belief that political problems can be solved by force, by changing borders, violating sovereignty, and ignoring international rules. We need to reject this logic. Leadership is not shown by the willingness to escalate. It requires the courage to de-escalate. International rules may sound abstract in this hall, but on the ground, they are very real. They can mean the difference between life and death. When these rules are ignored, civilians suffer. Communities are destroyed. Millions are displaced. Supply chains are disrupted. Prosperity is lost. And there is even a deeper danger: if violence becomes normal for the next generation, diplomacy itself will become harder. What is difficult to solve today may become impossible tomorrow. That is why our most urgent task must be clear: stop the violence, keep diplomacy alive, and prevent today's conflicts from becoming tomorrow's normal. The war in Ukraine, now in its fifth year, continues to bring destruction close to Slovakia's borders. Attacks on civilian areas and critical infrastructure remain unacceptable. A ceasefire is still distant, and lasting peace even further away. We should support every serious diplomatic effort that can help end Russia's war against Ukraine and build a safe future for our neighbor. Our commitment to international law and human dignity cannot stop at Europe's borders. The same basic principles must guide us in the Middle East. International humanitarian law must be respected. Civilians must be protected. Humanitarian aid must reach those who need it, including in Gaza. There can be no justification for terrorism, antisemitism, anti-Muslim hatred, or calls to violence. Israelis and Palestinians both deserve to live in security and dignity. And Slovakia continues to support a negotiated two-state solution, with Israel and an independent Palestinian state living side by side in peace and security. Other conflicts that are currently out of the spotlight must not escape our attention and our efforts to solve them. Take, for example, the civil war in Sudan that has triggered the world's largest humanitarian crisis. Excellencies, the first words of our Charter are: We the peoples of the United Nations. Today we need that sense of shared responsibility again. Armed conflicts have reached levels we have not seen since the Second World War. Civilians continue to pay an unacceptable price. We already have institutions. We already have rules.
193 states that have signed up to the UN charter that have signed up to one essential principle that relations between states are not governed by sheer power, but by rules. Today, this commitment is being tested by conflicts, by shifts in power, by new technologies. And our global institutions are struggling to keep pace. So let me ask you a simple question that I believe sits underneath everything we are discussing this week. Who decides? Who decides whether a border is a line to be respected or a target to be crossed? Who decides whether a human being or a machine pulls a trigger? Who decides who gets heard and who is left waiting outside the room? For more than 80 years, this organization has stood for one answer. Power must be bound by rules agreed together. That answer secured Austria's sovereignty and our prosperity. It still does. We are a nation of 9 million people, an open, liberal democracy, and we are proud of it. Alone we cannot. We cannot keep trade routes open, stabilize energy markets, or prevent wars. Like most countries in this hall, we depend on a world in which borders are respected, agreements are kept, and strength is bound by law. When that order weakens, the gravest price is paid by those least able to bear it, by countries already in crisis, by populations heavily dependent on food imports and by people caught in conflict.
Mr. President, the Secretary-General of the UN, the Deputy Secretary General, Excellencies Heads of State and Government, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, I extend my warmest congratulations to you, Mr. President, on behalf of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on your election as president of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly and assure you of Nigeria's full cooperation and support. I commend your predecessors stewardship of this assembly. I also salute the Secretary General, His Excellency Antonio Guterres, and the Deputy Secretary General, Amina Mohamed, for steering the United Nations through storms that have sharpened our awareness of the cost of inaction. None of us can pretend that conflicts within our borders or in lands far beyond them do not exact a price from us. Such is the reach of our interdependence. Such is the urgency of this session sacred duty to restore trust in the international institutions we establish to reconcile our differences and advance our common interests.
We meet at a time when tensions are growing, conflicts are multiplying, trust is eroding, and uncertainty is becoming part of our daily reality. Over the past several days, from this very rostrum, we have heard many delegations speak about the importance of peace. Peace remains our most fundamental responsibility, but peace cannot be taken for granted. It must be diligently built, and it must be steadfastly protected, and it must be passed on to future generations. It is precisely in this spirit that Tajikistan initiated the proclamation of 2027 2036 at the International Decade of Strengthening Peace for Future Generations, which was adopted by the General Assembly resolution on 25th June 2026. We are grateful to Member States, partners and the United Nations system for supporting this initiative of the president of the Republic of Tajikistan, His Excellency Mr. Emomali Rahmon. The idea behind the decade is simple our responsibility for peace does not end with our generation. We must work to resolve the conflicts of today, but we must also prevent the conflicts of tomorrow. Building on this vision, Tajikistan will convene a high level international Conference on Peace in Dushanbe in June 2027, in cooperation with the United Nations Alliance of Civilisation, the United Nations Youth Office and other partners. The conference will help launch the decade and tone our shared commitment to peace into practical cooperation. Mr. president, our position on conflicts and disputes is clear. They must be resolved peacefully through dialogue, diplomacy, negotiations and in accordance with the chapter charter of the United Nations. In this context the situation in Palestine remains a matter of deep concern to Tajikistan. The continuing suffering of civilians must end. We reiterate our call for a lasting ceasefire in Gaza, and an hundred access access to humanitarian assistance. Our position remains principled and consistent. A just and lasting peace can only be achieved through dialogue and diplomacy, in accordance with international law and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. The Pakistan reaffirms its support for the establishment of an independent and sovereign state of Palestine, based on the 1967 boards and with East Jerusalem as its capital, living side by side with Israel in peace and security. But peace cannot endure in isolation. It needs development, opportunity, inclusion and hope.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This session is taking place against a deeply troubling international backdrop. Conflicts and hotspots of tension are multiplying, and geopolitical divisions are deepening, while the rise of terrorism and violent extremism threatens an ever growing number of regions. At the same time, climate upheavals are hitting our countries hard, not to mention the humanitarian crises and deep inequalities that are weakening our societies. Added to this are the very real risks to the survival of humanity posed by the uncontrolled development of artificial intelligence. The world is thus at a difficult turning point. It is looking on at the gradual fragmentation of its peace architecture and an alarming reconfiguration of the international landscape before our very eyes. Multilateralism is being sorely tested, weakened by an erosion of trust between nations and trust in the institutions that underpin the world order. In these times of multilateral fracture, it is imperative to find appropriate solutions to put an end to these dangerous escalations, prioritize dialogue and rebuild trust. With regard to international institutions, this trust is measured by their ability to translate the universality of their principles into concrete actions, and to treat every state, large or small, with the same standard of fairness. The trust of peoples, for its part, is nourished by tangible results and by the certainty that the decisions taken on their behalf genuinely serve their security, their dignity, and protect their future. This year's theme, therefore, aptly captures the expectations of our time. It calls on us specifically to restore trust in our collective capacity to respond effectively to global challenges, and to support the current changes and reforms of the United Nations architecture so that our organization is once again able to deliver concrete solutions to the concerns of all peoples. For Cote d'Ivoire, this means reinvigorating multilateralism and consequently, restoring diplomacy's rightful place and credibility so that it can act effectively. In light of these challenges, a monumental task awaits the next Secretary General of the United Nations, whose selection process is now well underway.
The theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation. A United Nations that delivers for all, reflects the core of our responsibilities towards the common goal of this organization that was established after the horrors of the 20th century. They decided to rely on the strength of law and not that of the might. They decided to choose dialogue instead of confrontation. Our responsibility today is to maintain the scores, and we have to counter the selectivity in applying international law, especially when there is a systematic avoidance of collective commitments. Some countries do not want to uphold the same rules that they call on others to uphold. This leads to weakened collective cooperation mechanisms. We no longer can prevent conflicts or settle them. This danger extends to institutions that might falter and fail. Multilateralism is not limited to the interests and sovereignty of states. It is not a a an example of weakness. It. Instead, it is a necessity to ensure human dignity, bring peace, and confront challenges. Defending the United Nations is a defense of the right of all peoples to determine their future and participate in decision making. Those decisions that define their destiny. We want a more just United Nations. A United Nations capable of confronting the current challenges. Challenges. After more than eight decades since the establishment of the UN, the Security Council reform has become a necessity to ensure. A fair representation of Africa, including permanent and non-permanent. Membership. While reviewing the financial architecture, this will ensure a participant cooperation on equal footing and open greater opportunities for development. The reform of this organization cannot be complete without promoting its ability to meet the promises of development. As 2030 approaches, we call for accelerating the implementation of the SDGs, and we support the UN 80 initiative as well as the pact of the future.
As he prepares to turn this important page of his life, I wish him, on my own behalf and on behalf of the entire Burundian people, every success in his new endeavors, as well as good health and a future filled with serenity and prosperity. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the theme of this 81st Session: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, comes at a time when our world faces multiple crises: aggression against states, internal armed conflict fueled from outside, and expansionist conflicts that are breeding mistrust among states and rendering the international community unable to resolve these crises through peaceful means. In this context, a fundamental question arises: how can we restore trust in multilateralism and ensure that international institutions truly meet the expectations of all peoples? Our answer is clear: we must strengthen multilateralism, reform global governance, and place human dignity at the heart of our collective action.
I also thank Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her stewardship of the 80th Session, and wish to thank the Secretary-General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to the United Nations." Mr. President, eighty-one years ago the United Nations was established in the aftermath of the Second World War to foster international cooperation and prevent future armed conflicts. As we convene here today, we must confront the reality of living in very uncertain times, shadowed by the persistent threat of global conflict. It is imperative that we work together to avoid warfare. We must reflect on the founding principles of the UN Charter and recommit ourselves to saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity of human person, ensuring equal rights for all large nations and small, establishing conditions for justice and respect for international law, and promoting social progress alongside better standards of life. Uganda firmly believes that multilateralism and international cooperation remain the most vital mechanisms for addressing our shared challenges. Accordingly, we remain and reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the UN Charter as the cornerstone of global diplomacy, supporting the interconnected pillars of peace and security, human rights, humanitarian affairs, and sustainable development. We believe the United Nations must remain agile and adaptive to evolving global realities. Uganda is committed to working with the entire membership to build consensus on necessary systemic reforms, particularly within the UN Security Council. We call for a comprehensive reform to render the Council more equitable, transparent, democratic, and representative. In this regard, we demand Africa's rightful representation in both the permanent and non-permanent categories to correct historical imbalances in line with the common African position articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. Regarding the ongoing UN80 Initiative, Uganda commends efforts to streamline the UN system to make it cost-effective, efficient, and well-coordinated.
This applies particularly to permanent members of the UN Security Council. China has the power, influence, and responsibility to help prevent conflicts, de-escalate tensions, and contribute to ending wars. This includes using its influence to help bring Russia's aggression against Ukraine to an end. That aggression was launched and continues to be waged by another permanent member of the UN Security Council, Russia, in violation of the UN Charter and fundamental principles of international law. Russia's aggression continues to inflict enormous suffering on the Ukrainian people. Civilians and civilian infrastructure continue to be attacked indiscriminately. And the risks are growing day by day. Russia's aggressive posture poses a direct threat to European security as a whole. The immediacy of that threat was starkly illustrated by the recent attempted Russian drone attack on Leipzig/Halle Airport in Germany, only 150 kilometers from the borders of the Czech Republic. The consequences of aggression reach far beyond Europe. Russia's war has undermined global food security, disrupting agricultural production, exports, and supply chains. Its effects are felt in my country, but even more acutely in parts of Africa and elsewhere, particularly in countries that depend on stable and affordable food supplies. While we need to raise costs of war for Russia, we must give serious diplomatic efforts a genuine chance. Diplomacy matters most not between friends, but between adversaries. That is where the United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue, even when agreement seems very distant. The UN was founded on principles. These principles matter in Ukraine. They matter in the South China Sea and across the Taiwan Strait. And they also matter in the Middle East, in Sudan, or DRC. The current developments in Yemen and Saudi Arabia demonstrate what happens when rules give way to force and coercion, when might replaces right, and how a regional conflict can, in an instant, have consequences for the entire world.
First, we need a functioning UN that plays an active role in resolving conflicts rather than merely managing them. In times when the Security Council, as the central decision making body, is paralyzed, this is more difficult than ever. We need to keep its reform high on our agenda. Germany stands up for peace and security. Today, more people than ever are affected by violent conflicts. At the same time, for every member state, resources are limited. Thus, we have to join forces to bring conflicts to an end. Today, Germany is the largest supporter of Ukraine in its defense against Russian aggression. This aggression has been condemned consistently by an overwhelming majority here in the General Assembly. Russia's war targets the lives of millions of innocent people, the existence of the Ukrainian state and culture, and the European peace order. It puts vital grain deliveries for millions of people at risk, particularly in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. It shows contempt for the Charter and for the common order on which we stand. This is why we will continue to urge Russia to finally come to the negotiation table. I call on every member state to join us in convincing Russia that the future is built at the negotiation table, not on dead bodies in cities and villages. The day when negotiations finally begin will be a good day for the United Nations. Germany is also taking on responsibility for peace and security beyond Europe, for example, in Haiti, where we have significantly increased our contribution to the international mission to combat gang crime. Also, we shall not forget Sudan. At the Sudan conference in Berlin in April, together with our partners, we mobilised more than $1.7 billion to alleviate the biggest humanitarian catastrophe of our time.
Mr. president, we meet during a pivotal moment when the world is facing numerous interconnected and complex crisis conflicts are spreading, climate shocks are intensifying and technology is advancing faster than the rules that govern it. As the current crop of leaders, it should concern us that today, somewhere a child is born into war, a families displaced by conflict. A farmer loses another harvest to drought, and the young person wonders whether technological progress will expand opportunity or deepen inequality. Through separated by geography, those separated by geography. These experiences reveal a common truth. Humanity's challenges are increasingly interconnected, and no nation can overcome them alone. The trust deficit among nations has continued to erode the gains that cooperation fostered within the United Nations system. We must therefore choose between purposeful reform or unmitigated repression. Trust will be restored when conflicts are prevented. International law is applied equally. Development commitments are fulfilled, and all nations are fairly represented in global institutions. Multilateralism is a crucial equalizer. It ensures that all have an equal voice under international law, and an equal role in shaping our shared future. Undoubtedly, the charter remains our common compass sovereign equality, political independence, territorial integrity, non-interference, peaceful settlement of disputes and international cooperation must be applied universally, not selectively. International law cannot be a shield for some and a sword against others. The United Nations has a sacred duty to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.
Mr. president, we express our country's grave concern as the world continues its slide toward uncertainty and division. The erosion of trust among nations is rapidly reshaping the international order. Our collective inability to prevent conflicts, our collective indifference toward humanitarian crisis, and our collective reluctance to seek common solutions to shared challenges are all becoming normalised. Trust cannot be restored when international law is applied selectively and commitments remain unfulfilled. Our response must be grounded in the fundamental values we have affirmed together freedom, equality, justice and respect for human dignity. President Tokayev has repeatedly underscored the indispensable role of the United Nations as a single universal platform, uniquely capable of bringing the states together to address the challenges we face. But to fulfil its potential, UN must be able to act, adapt and deliver. We fully support the UN-80 initiative. The success of the reform should be measured not by what is cut or reorganised, but by whether the United Nations prevents conflicts more effectively, responds more rapidly to crisis and delivers better results for all member states. Central to this renewal is reform of the Security Council. Broader representation of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the Council, as well as greater voice for developing countries and for middle powers, is a moral imperative. Equitable geographical representation must apply throughout the United Nations system as a condition of legitimacy and credibility.
Mr. President. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. We must acknowledge that the challenges that we have faced for decades, namely food insecurity, disease armed conflict, or natural disasters are still with us. Thus for Madagascar, as for many other nations, the new emerging challenges must not overshadow the priorities that still require our attention. The theme of this 81st session calls upon us to assume our shared responsibility for our destiny, and for that of future generations, with clear vision placing collective action, the common good, and the welfare of humanity at the center of our responses to the profound transformations shaping our world. In light of these intersecting transformations and challenges, the question of trust in our collective action arises with renewed urgency. Indeed, we must admit, taking into account all the hopes and expectations that we, the peoples of the United Nations, have placed in our organization, that trust has gradually eroded over time. The most vulnerable populations affected repeatedly or continuously by health crises, food insecurity and hunger, the impacts of climate change and conflicts exacerbated by current geopolitical tensions sometimes come to feel a certain skepticism regarding our collective capacity within the United Nations system to respond to the scourges of our age. Mr. President.
Second, addressing climate change and its effects. Third, tackling regional challenges, particularly in the Middle East and Africa. The role of non-state armed groups that threaten the security and stability of states has grown considerably. Indeed, they now seek to control maritime corridors and straits and to threaten freedom of navigation. They also target facilities in a number of countries. At the global level, more than 200 million people live in areas under the control of armed groups or in contested areas. Moreover, more than 130 non-state armed groups have been identified as legally classified parties to armed conflicts. These figures clearly reflect the scale of the spread and proliferation of these groups, in a world that, over the past two decades has become less secure and less stable. Further, the close links between these armed groups and separatist militias on the one hand, and terrorist organizations and criminal networks, as well as mercenary elements, on the other hand, are evident to all. It is therefore a mistake to believe that some of these groups are peaceful or constructive, or that they can engage in the settlement of conflicts. All these groups use violence to impose a fait accompli and to serve the agenda of those who control them. They must therefore be dealt with firmly, and responsibility must be assigned to the states that sponsor, harbour, finance and arm them, and provide them with safe haven and support. The responsibility of these sponsoring states is not merely political, it is also legal, moral and historical. These groups and their sponsors alike cannot be allowed to become a means of evading responsibility or a tool for carrying out what states cannot do directly. Hence, deterrent sanctions must be imposed on these groups and their sponsors.
It is a carefully crafted agreement to safeguard peace and security, promote development, and uphold human rights. I still believe in that promise, enshrined in the United Nations Charter. But the world around us is changing, and not for the better. Over the past year in particular, it has become increasingly clear that the multilateral world order, with the United Nations and the Charter in its core, is at a profound turning point. Blatant disregard for international law and the principles of a charter, reinforced by the sense of impunity, too often dominates over adherence to the rule of law and cooperation between countries for a better future. Mutual dependence has come to be treated as a critical vulnerability. Aggression, wars, and conflicts are becoming the new normal. Millions of people are suffering in Ukraine, Gaza, Sudan, Haiti, Myanmar.
Mr. Secretary General, the more I reflect on the theme of this session of the General Assembly Restoring Trust and Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all the more convinced I become of the wisdom of that choice. Without mutual trust, peace and security cannot take root among states, nor can cooperation among them flourish. More than 80 years ago, the United Nations was founded on the promise that the force of law would replace the law of force. Yet we still live in a world of multiplying wars and conflicts, a world that spends more on armaments than on development. Civilians remain the primary victims, while millions face displacement, hunger and deprivation. The problem is not the absence of rules. It is their selective application, if not their outright non-application. The sovereignty of states cannot be untouchable in one place and negotiable in another. Nor can the rules of international law apply to some, but not to others. Restoring trust requires respect for international law. It requires investment in preventing conflicts before they erupt, and in development before poverty and deprivation become a source of violence, extremism and terrorism. Development, too, is a matter of peace.
Mr. president, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security, one of the foremost purposes for which this organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge. At that critical moment, the preventive diplomacy of the United Nations working in partnership with African Union and ECOWAS, helped uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with The Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displaced populations and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest costs, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crisis remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of a shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate, timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peace building that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore not only be how to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human political and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and preventive diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. president, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence, societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The Gambia has experienced the value of peace building firsthand. Since our democratic transition, the Peace Building Commission and the Secretary-General's Peace Building Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally led efforts to strengthen institutions, advance transitional justice and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peace Building Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the Peacebuilding Architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peacekeeping operations, and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including Gambian military and police personnel who have contributed with distinction, international peace and security. Their safety and security must remain a priority, alongside performance, accountability and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organisations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. president, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to The Gambia. Together with continued instability across part of the Sahel, it reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards de-escalation, dialogue and a durable political settlement. In the Sahel and other conflict zones, our response must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance, institution building, education job creation, development and climate resilience. Mr. president, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, etc. continue to pose greater insecurity.
This session of the General Assembly is convening on the eve of the 65th anniversary of Mongolia's full fledged membership in the United Nations. In 1961, Mongolia made history by raising its national flag with the Golden Soyombo at the United Nations and becoming the 101st member of the United Nations, the guarantor of global peace and security, and the beacon of hope and trust for the world's nations. Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations. For instance, more than three decades ago, in pursuit of its foreign policy to ensure national security through political and diplomatic means, Mongolia declared its territory nuclear weapon free. Since then Mongolia has consistently pursued policies and taken actions to verify the status legally. In this spirit, the United Nations General Assembly adopts on a biennial basis the resolution entitled Mongolia's International Security and Nuclear Weapon Free Status, initiated by Mongolia in 1998.
There is no need to look too far. It's just enough to look at the picture that has unfolded over the last one year period. Consider this the past 12 months have gone down in history as one of the bloodiest periods of the last 30 years, marked by more than 60 conflicts and wars. From Gaza to Ukraine and Russia, from Myanmar to Darfur, from Iran to Lebanon, 250 000 people have lost their lives, and far more number of people have endured indescribable suffering. Hundreds of thousands of people have been forced to leave the lands where they were born and raised. In Gaza alone, over the past three years, we have lost 74000 of our brothers and sisters, most of them women and children. Mind you, we lost them to what we regard as acts of state terror by Israel. The people of Gaza are still searching for their loved ones beneath the rubble. They are recovering the bodies of their spouses, their children or parents. Innocent children who have lost their arms and legs in Israeli attacks are trying to return to school. They are trying to hold on to life with prosthetic legs made of wood. In Gaza's hospitals, more than 70% of power generators are currently out of service due to fuel shortages. Personally, as a father and as a grandfather who cherishes his children and grandchildren, I have to say the following from this podium with a heavy heart. Today, Gaza is not only the world's largest graveyard for children, it is also the place with the highest rate of child amputations in the world. Gaza has become the most inhumane and shameful concentration camp of our time. In fact, a cease fire was reached thanks to President Trump's efforts and with contributions of countries including my country, Turkey. But even after the cease fire, the number of Gazans killed exceeded 1500. Although the Palestinian Resistance movement has agreed to move to the second stage of the peace plan, the Israeli government refuses to stop the occupation. Meanwhile, the West Bank is witnessing the most severe period of what we regard as settler violence and terror. In Jerusalem, Muslims and Christians are being denied access to holy sites. There is an attempt to destroy UNRWA, which is our collective initiative. Now esteemed friends, today, once again I will speak from the heart with complete sincerity and without reservation. And I'll state straight some facts plainly. Please don't be offended or upset. I'm sorry, but this is not Tayyip Erdogan's personal matter. This is a humanitarian issue. It is a matter of conscience for all of us. We are faced with a genocidal mindset that can never get enough of killing. We are faced with an extremely serious situation. No one with a sense of humanity, mercy or compassion, no one guided by justice and conscience, can possibly remain indifferent to this picture.
Ladies and gentlemen, without identifying the causes of the crisis facing contemporary humanity, we cannot solve its problems. The politics of force cannot bring progress to humanity. Instead of force, we need respect and strengthening of the existing international norms, rules and institutions that we have built over more than 80 years. The multilateral system today faces a serious challenge a crisis of institutional trust. Trust is weakening because some actors in the international community undermine the values enshrined in the UN charter. The future of humanity does not lie in policies of violence and human rights violations. Conflicts and wars are not the purpose of our civilization. Let us build a culture of dialogue, cooperation, and peace. In this context, I believe it is of utmost importance to reaffirm the importance of the UN charter, revitalize the role of the UN as the Global Center for Coordination and Cooperation, support the reform process and strengthen the credibility of the United Nations, consistently implement the Sustainable Development Goals, build mutual trust, inclusiveness and democratic vision of leadership, and strengthen preventive diplomacy at a time of numerous tensions and conflicts.
Mr. President, this session is taking place at the time of a twofold need: to restore trust and to manage transformation, to understand the urgent need for action. Let us gaze upon the world as it is, first. It has been a long time since peace has seemed so fragile. On all continents, conflicts are multiplying, becoming entrenched, and fueling one another. Each has its reasons, its history, its instigators, but they all have one thing in common: they are costing civilian lives, destroying schools and hospitals, and displacing entire families. These crises never remain contained. Disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz are causing energy and fertilizer prices to skyrocket. Migration—forced migration—routes are growing crowded. Terrorism, trafficking, and armed groups are flourishing in zones beyond state control. However far they may be from the front line, no state is safe from the repercussions of these conflicts. At the same time, divisions within the Security Council— the body charged with protecting international peace and security— are paralyzing action where it is the most urgently needed. International law is supposed to protect the weak from the ambitions of the powerful, and yet it is increasingly being dismissed as optional.
It was founded to maintain international peace and security and take effective collective action. To that end, members committed to develop friendly relations and to strengthen universal peace. Yet even as we meet, conflicts and confrontations remain our primary preoccupation. The inability to maintain peace is not just undermining security, but threatening progress and retarding development. In a globalised world, the effects of war are felt worldwide. Countries, far from conflicts, are being penalised for no fault of theirs. Those most impacted often have the least say. This assembly must face up through the true state of affairs. This year we are witnessing a conflict in the Gulf, one that is exacerbating an already difficult situation. We remain deeply concerned over continuing hostilities, the targeting of commercial shipping and seafarers transiting international waterways is simply unacceptable. India calls upon all parties to exercise restraint, de-escalate tensions ensure protection of civilians and uninterrupted flow of energy and commerce. Mr. president, the conflict in Ukraine, now in its fifth year, is equally concerning. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated, endless war must give way now to an end to war. India supports ongoing initiatives to bring peace, even as this is under way. There is an urgent need to address the security of seafarers and supply of food, grains and energy. India is prepared to do everything possible to ameliorate this situation, especially with regard to food and energy security. Tensions and violence also regrettably continue in West Asia or the Middle East. We strongly believe that a durable and lasting peace requires a two state solution. In the meanwhile, India is contributing to humanitarian assistance and relief efforts for the Palestinian people. Mr. president, let us recognise that peace is not just the absence of war. If the world is subjected to continuous threats and pressures, then we are really living on the edge of an abyss. All it takes is one more step to push us over. Therefore it is imperative to strengthen stability, security, and predictability. These are crucial elements of the enabling environment for peace. If any of them are undermined, peace will inevitably be weakened. After eight decades of the UN, this should have become a second nature. Instead what we are actually seeing is a weaponisation of everything. A mindset of extreme competition has set in undermining institutions and establishing choke points. It extends from the world of finance to constricting market access, disrupting supply chains and withholding technology. Resources and connectivity have become particularly subject to leveraging. As a result, nations are now more focused on de-risking and diversifying. Now, while this may secure their interests to varying degrees, the overall atmosphere is no longer that of trust or goodwill.
As per the charter of the United Nations, true stability is not built through wars, but through common interests that make cooperation more feasible than conflict. Iraq's vision is based on contributing to the region's transition from conflict to integration, from competition to cooperation, from resource depletion to investment in development. On this occasion, we extend our hands to everyone On the basis of respect for sovereignty, non-interference, good neighborliness, strengthening mutual interests, and adopting dialogue as a means to address differences. Based on these principles, Iraq renews its position in support of dialogue and diplomacy to defuse any crises. We also call for support for efforts for the passage of trade through Iraqi territory, with great facilities, in order to provide alternatives to complex trade corridors. Ladies and gentlemen. Iraq believes that our responsibility towards the peoples, their security and stability, requires working to end conflicts through negotiation in order to secure a safe future and prevent future wars. Here at the United Nations headquarters. There is a replica. Of the stele of the Babylonian king Hammurabi. It has an inscription which reads, laws are made to prevent the strong from oppressing the weak. In today's world, we find the weak being oppressed, because it is the law of the powerful that governs, not the power of the law. Therefore, the question of Palestine remains central to any discussion of stability in the region. There will be no room for security in the Middle East without a just solution for this issue, and without establishing the right of the Palestinian people to their land. To self-determination and to establishing their sovereign state. We stress here the paramount importance of facilitating humanitarian access and the protection of civilians.
Mr. President, excellencies, at the outset, allow me to extend my warm and heartfelt congratulations to you on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. Your election reflects the confidence of Member States in your steadfast commitment to multilateral system and your vision for a United Nations that is responsive, effective, and capable of delivering for humanity. As you embark on this important journey, my delegation reaffirms its unwavering commitment to working closely with you and all Member States to ensure a productive and successful session. I also pay tribute to your predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Baerbock, president of the 80th session of the General Assembly, with whom my delegation had the honour to serve as Vice President. Her dedicated leadership, zeal and tenacity of purpose in strengthening multilateral cooperation during a period of profound global uncertainty gave us hope that the future of this organization can be secured when all nations work together for the common goal of leaving no one behind. To the secretary general, Antonio Guterres, whose tenure is approaching an end, my delegation commends his exemplary leadership and commitment to the ideals of the United Nations. During his term the world confronted unprecedented challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic to the eruption of new conflicts, the catastrophic effects of climate change, and unstable trade regimes. Throughout these crises, he remained the moral force and steady anchor of the organization. We salute him for his distinguished service and will fondly cherish his historic visit to the Mountain Kingdom in December 2024, during which he witnessed firsthand the dividends of the UN's contribution to Lesotho. Mr. president, the theme for this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all, resonates deeply with Lesotho's aspirations for a more inclusive, transparent and result oriented multilateral system capable of advancing respect for international law, maintaining global peace and security, accelerating sustainable development, protecting human rights, driving climate action, and implementing long overdue institutional reforms.
We expect his successor to have the vision, courage, and leadership skills to restore trust, overcome divisions, and to act for change. Your Excellencies, peace and security are among the main responsibilities of the international community. In light of conflicts that have taken thousands of lives and caused immense destruction, we must step up our efforts to prevent and end hostilities. The main challenge remains the war against Ukraine, the consequences of which have spilled far beyond the immediate combat zone. Can we resolve this problem? Can we find a solution? Of course we can. I am convinced of this. Is it not time to rethink European security policy? Bulgaria, as a member state of the EU, calls for the holding of a debate on this topic and on the broader goal of the future of a post-war Europe, as well as the Europe before the war. And to begin this debate, it is high time to transfer this conflict from the military sphere to the political and diplomatic realm. This involves negotiations which require dialogue and a minimum level of trust, supported by the appropriate guarantees. Europe, however, cannot be a simple mere observer. It must be a real participant in negotiations on the post-war security architecture of the continent after the end of the war. Europe must be able to guarantee its own security. Military security must be complemented by the second pillar of security, that is to say, the contractual and legal pillar, which must guarantee that defensive capacity building provides more security rather than a new arms race. For the security of Europe, we must add robust diplomacy to military and economic security, because we cannot, dear colleagues, negotiate without the participation of two countries, Ukraine and Russia. It would be irresponsible if, after the end of the war in Ukraine, we were unable to offer anything better to European citizens than a new cold war, or worse. We need a vision for tomorrow, in line with the concept of a Europe of peace, thanks to dissuasive defense and shared security. From this lofty platform, we call for Europe to move toward this goal. Bulgaria believes that security and stability in the Black Sea region is an integral part of its national security in all of its aspects. But it is not only our national security that is at stake; it is global security. The war in Ukraine and other territories has expanded beyond the territories of the conflict parties and directly affects Bulgaria today.
Conflicts, geopolitical tensions, declining resources for development and the fragmentation of spaces for dialogue are testing the principles that have guided coexistence among nations. At the same time, democracy faces a twofold challenge the resurgence of authoritarian tendencies that seek to undermine the will of the people, and the spread of organised criminal networks that infiltrate institutions, corrupt justice systems, capture economies and territories, and erode public trust. Transnational organised crime is more than just a threat to public security. It is a direct threat to democracy the rule of law, and the ability of our peoples to freely determine their future. Criminal networks do not recognize borders. They are linked through drug trafficking trafficking in persons, illicit arms trafficking, smuggling, extortion, money laundering, environmental crime and other illicit economies. They exploit institutional weaknesses, inequality, and a lack of opportunities. Wherever the state is weakened, these structures seek to replace it, intimidate it, or bend it to serve private interests. In the face of these realities, the fundamental principles that must guide our collective action have lost none of their relevance. Preserving peace, combating hunger and poverty. Ensuring equal rights and opportunities, strengthening justice, protecting our planet, and consolidating democratic institutions remain shared responsibilities. The Sustainable Development Goals continue to provide an essential roadmap.
Salafi om namo Buddhaya Raju. May peace be upon all of us. 81 years ago, from the ashes of the Second World War, Indonesia and the United Nations were born. We emerge from a world devastated by war with a shared conviction that never again should humanity live its future to war and division. And we shared a founding promise to build a future of peace. For eight decades. We have worked to turn that promise into progress. Nations freed themselves from colonialism. Globalization connected our economy, technology transform our societies and development improves the lives of billions. But progress has never been linear. We have lived through financial crisis, a global pandemic, climate disasters, geopolitical rivalries, and conflicts around the world. With every transformation and every crisis, one lesson remains clear for peace and prosperity to endure, multilateralism must be resilient. It must be able to adapt, to respond, and most importantly, to deliver. Because multilateralism that cannot deliver will lose people's trust. And without trust, multilateralism will never endure. Building resilient multilateralism begins at home, begins with resilient nations.
And this conviction does not allow for any exceptions in, um or any selective uses in the face of international conflicts. Mexico has a firm position that international law must prevail over force, that civilian populations must be protected, that the territorial integrity of nations must be respected, and that all disputes must be settled by way of dialogue, negotiations and peace. It's for this reason that Mexico has defended the two state solution for decades and recognizes the state of Palestine, as well as the right of its people to live in peace within safe and recognized borders. Aware that this position would not be sufficient without institutions that are able to uphold it, Mexico is working to strengthen this house and make it, um, uh, in particular in an environment of global polarization.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Heads of State and Governments. Ladies and gentlemen, it is a great honor for me to take the floor before this assembly on behalf of the government and the people of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tomé and Principe. Allow me, first of all to congratulate His Excellency, Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly, and to wish him every success in the discharge of his duties. I would also like to express our appreciation to Her Excellency, Miss Annalena Baerbock, for the work accomplished during the previous session of the General Assembly. Allow me to pay tribute to the Secretary General, His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres, for his commitment to peace, sustainable development, human rights and the strengthening of multilateralism at a time of great challenges. Excellencies, we live in a context marked by conflicts, geopolitical rivalries, economic uncertainty climate change, forced displacement, inequalities, transnational crime, and rapid technological transformation. No state can face challenges of this magnitude alone.
Global peace and security are vital for sustainable socioeconomic development. The United Nations, through its Charter, has remained central to international efforts to maintain peace and security, uphold international law, and promote conditions conducive to development. However, despite these longstanding commitments, the persistence of armed conflicts around the world reflects the departure from the purposes and principles of the Charter. In addition, there are emerging challenges to the authority of the United Nations Charter and the established principles of international law, often without commensurate accountability. These developments underscore the urgent need to reaffirm multilateralism, strengthen respect for international law, and reinforce the central role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security. In that regard, Tanzania remains firmly committed to supporting the efforts of the UN Security Council to fulfil its primary responsibility, for the maintenance of international peace and security. our commitment is demonstrated by our two terms of service on the Security Council, during which we made substantive contributions to such cause. Notable achievements include the adoption of Security Council Resolution 1653 (2006) on the Great Lakes Region and Tanzania’s collaboration with Denmark in establishing the Peacebuilding Commission. Building on this record of service and sustained commitment to multilateralism, I am pleased to inform you that, last month, the African Union formally endorsed Tanzania’s candidacy for a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for the term 2029–2030, during elections to be held by this Assembly in June 2028. I, therefore, seize this opportunity to formally announce our candidature. During our tenure in the Council, we will put forward and prioritize deliberations on matters vital to the maintenance of international peace and security, such as preventive diplomacy and the peaceful Settlement of disputes; women in peacekeeping; youth in peace and security and the Reform of UN Peacekeeping. In the coming days, we will engage with each one of you and present our vision and respectfully seek your valued support to enable Tanzania to serve with a strong African voice, principled leadership, and unwavering commitment to international peace and security. Tanzania is deeply concerned and saddened by the protracted conflict and humanitarian suffering in Gaza and across the Middle East. We continue to call for the protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian assistance, and renewed diplomacy towards lasting peace. Furthermore, Tanzania remains firmly committed to the two-State solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and harmony, in accordance with international law and relevant UN resolutions. We reaffirm the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and believe that lasting peace must guarantee the dignity, security and legitimate aspirations of both peoples. We have been consistent on this for the past 50 years.
This is the promise of the UN Charter, and this is what our people expect from the UN, and the reason why they hold it in high esteem. Over the past year, we have seen a record number of armed conflicts around the world and a rapidly diminishing role of the United Nations in ending them. In the Middle East, the UN's role has been further reduced, in contrast to the central position it has taken up over the years. In Ukraine, there are few prospects for a peace process, even though the aggression has now lasted longer than World War One, without even a nominal role for the United Nations. In Sudan, the role of the UN is limited to alleviating the enormous suffering of the civilian population, with no prospect of a political solution and an end to the conflict. We are well aware of the political dynamic in the Security Council, primarily tasked with matters of peace and security, which severely limits the options for UN action. But the conversation must not end there. There are alternatives for action. This Assembly in particular has wide authority over matters of peace and security, and it is universal in composition. A glance at its history demonstrates its authority in peacekeeping, conflict termination, and accountability. It is time that we make better use of this authority. The Veto Initiative, which we were proud to spearhead, provides a platform for such action. What is required is the will to spend our political capital here in this room on peace rather than force, by dealing with conflicts, through diplomacy rather than through war. The United Nations must not accept being reduced to a crisis mitigation organization that distributes state contributions to a skyrocketing humanitarian assistance bill. Instead, we need to see a return to the UN doing political work to prevent, contain and end conflict, through the wide range of peace operations available and through a strong interplay between a Secretary-General who is proactive and offers creative solutions backed by the UN membership. President, any successful community must be grounded in the rule of law. And so it is with the international community. Our commitment to the law as the foundation for the conduct of international affairs is grounded both in principle and pragmatism.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths. The horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability. Sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence, there is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task then, we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that. We understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029-2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful, our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. President, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions listened to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN Charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the Council's decisions. We will work to prevent crises, resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering, protecting. Colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing. Emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it, so it's up to the challenges ahead and building beyond multilateralism, with new coalitions and partnerships to address and solve complex problems.
Human made conflicts have created situations of unrest in many countries. Vast numbers of people are being displaced, giving rise to humanitarian crisis. Wars and conflicts are placing immense pressure on the global economy. Energy security concerns, disruptions to global energy supply systems and rising inflation are worsening the economic situation. We believe that every conflict should be resolved through dialogue, diplomatic processes and mutual cooperation. Equality, fairness, protection of mutual interests and respect and dignity among disputing states should form the basis of bilateral and multilateral relations. We aspire to a peaceful world, a humane, global community where, rather than weapons of destruction, reason and debate, diplomacy, education and humanity become the instruments of change. Bangladesh sees the United Nations as the centerpiece for establishing an accommodative global community based on mutual respect for one another's independence and sovereignty.
Mr. president, in a world marked by rapid technological change, environmental threats, renewed conflicts and deepening fractures in the international order, this year's theme Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, is not merely aspirational, it is an urgent moral and political imperative. Every international institution, beyond its legal framework, requires mutual trust among its members to be effective. Moreover, trust is an ongoing process. Pope Leo identifies three essential words that must guide diplomacy, peace, justice and truth. He warns against the return of a diplomacy of force and reaffirms the indispensable role of multilateral institutions. Mr. president, the human person remains the measure of all progress at the heart of this conviction. Start the acknowledgement of the inviolable, God given dignity of every human person. From this flows the sacredness of life from conception to natural death, as well as the imperative to safeguard the human person that every society that aspires to be regarded as civilized, as a duty to protect Pope Leo addressed in his first encyclical letter The New Technological Challenge, which he does not reject but calls for its ethical ordering.
Madam president, excellencies, dear friends, the United Nations was born from a harsh lesson of history. The generation of 1945 had learned at terrible cost that while states can choose their actions they cannot control all the consequences they set in motion. That lesson is painfully relevant today. We are living through a period of profound uncertainty. Power is shifting, conflicts are multiplying, and there is a growing tendency to treat the rules and institutions of the international system as constraints belonging to another age. But the United Nations was built precisely for times of uncertainty, to bring rules and restraints to an unpredictable world, and to prevent conflict from descending into catastrophe. The task of our generation is both to preserve the institutions built by those that came before us, and also to remember the hard earned wisdom on which they rest. Today, that wisdom and the United Nations that embodies it is under enormous pressure. Madam president, this year marks 80 years since Iceland joined the United Nations. For eight decades, Iceland has held that a small state should enjoy the same protection, same rights and voice as a powerful one. That idea matters more today, not less. Despite its shortcomings, the United Nations has mattered and it has mattered a lot. UN peacekeeping and peace building operations have helped prevent and contain conflict around the world. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights transformed our understanding of human dignity. The convention on the law of the sea became the Constitution of the ocean, on which countries like mine depend, now strengthened further by the BBNJ agreement. The International Court of Justice has helped states settle disputes by peaceful means through law rather than force. And the International Criminal Court was created to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. The United Nations has advanced gender equality, fought racism and discrimination, delivered humanitarian assistance, and help countries build more peaceful and prosperous societies. But loyalty to the United Nations cannot mean pretending that everything works perfectly. Bureaucracy can be cumbersome, decisions slow, and resources fragmented. The Security Council, entrusted with maintaining international peace and security, has too often been paralysed when action was needed most. Too often, the veto has become a shield against action rather than a tool for preserving peace. So yes, the United Nations needs reform, and Iceland fully supports the UN80 reform process. We need a United Nations that uses resources effectively and responds quickly when people need it. United Nations that delivers for all. The deeper challenge, however, is political. The strength of the United Nations depends on our willingness to uphold the principles and wisdom on which they were founded. Madam president, the most basic rules of international relations are being tested, not because we no longer know them. We do, but because increasingly governments apply them selectively, meaning that international law applies until it becomes inconvenient, that court decisions must be respected unless they challenge our own actions or those of our friends. That sovereignty is sacred only unless someone else's territory stands in the way of our ambitions. We cannot build courts, celebrate them when they prosecute our enemies and undermine them when they turn their attention to our friends. When grave violations go unanswered, they are more likely to be repeated.
Mr. President, last year from this very podium, Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni recalled that 56 armed conflicts were raging across the world, the highest number since World War II. Today, those same sources put that figure at 61. It's the stark truth of the numbers. Pope Leo XIV issued a warning that Italy has made its own: we must never grow accustomed to war, because first we'll become accustomed to the words, then to images, and finally to the victims. When war becomes something we grow accustomed to, peace itself risks becoming a mirage. We will not give up. Against the law of the strongest, we choose the strength of the law; against the politics of force, we choose the force of politics. This is the message Italy brings today to the United Nations. This is the mission of Italian diplomacy: to build bridges, open new paths, and keep dialogue alive even when it seems impossible. To work for peace, prosperity, and growth, because growth creates prosperity, and prosperity in turn consolidates peace. Ukraine, the Middle East, the Gulf, Sudan, and the Sahel are not separate crises, nor are trade wars, AI competition, hybrid attacks, and their economic and social repercussions, nor is terrorism in all of its many forms, which we continue to fight in every corner of the world.
Mr. president, your theme for this session could hardly be more timely because today, trust is in short supply. Wars and conflicts are devastating communities and displacing millions. Geopolitical tensions are deepening. Climate change is destroying lives, livelihoods, and decades of development in a matter of hours. New technologies, including artificial intelligence, are offer extraordinary promise while presenting risks we have not yet fully understood. And at the very moment when collective action is most needed, confidence in multilateralism itself is being tested. Jamaica's position is clear. The shortcomings of multilateralism cannot be solved by abandoning multilateralism. For small states like ours, a rules based international order is not an abstract diplomatic preference. It is fundamental to our sovereignty, our security and our development. But neither can we safeguard multilateralism simply by defending it. We must reform it. We must make it more representative, more accountable, more efficient and more responsive to the needs and realities of the people it was created to serve. That is why Jamaica has chosen not merely to call for reform, but to help lead it. Our permanent representative was privileged to co-chair with New Zealand, the UN 80 initiative's informal ad hoc working Group on mandate implementation review. That work culminated in General Assembly Resolution 80/251, an important framework for improving how UN mandates are created, implemented and reviewed. Jamaica now continues that work alongside Norway. Our objective is straightforward a United Nations that spends less time sustaining process for its own sake and more time fulfilling its purpose. That is the multilateralism Jamaica believes in. Mr. president, the selection of the next Secretary General will be one of the most consequential decisions before Member states this year. Jamaica proudly joins our CARICOM family in supporting the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of the Cooperative Republic of Guyana. Her candidacy also speaks to something larger. Small states have long served the international system as bridge builders, consensus makers, and problem solvers. We learned very early that influence does not depend only on size or power. It can come from credibility, from dialogue, from principle and the capacity to bring people together.
Your Excellencies, today, the three pillars amongst which the UN works—peace and security, development, and human rights—are under unprecedented pressure. In the realm of peace and security, we witness the proliferation of conflicts, the worsening of civilian suffering, and the spread of terrorism and the expansion of transnational organized crime. These challenges, amongst others, must lead us to strengthen compliance with the promotion of the mechanisms for prevention and peaceful resolution of conflict, as well as what we are going to do under international law in the light of the United Nations Charter, including respect for those sovereignty and territorial integrity of our states, the human rights, and international cooperation—factors that are, in fact, inseparable to being truthful. In this way, we will be able to address conflicts that persist around the world, including in some countries and regions of our continent, Africa. It is also this that underlies the support of our defense for solutions for two states for Palestine. Living side by side with peace and security with Israel as a legitimate and lasting path forward. The principle of self-determination of the people enshrined in the United Nations Charter as far back as 1945 remains so valid as ever. It is in this context that we reaffirm our principled position in support of the cause for the Sahrawi people.
Our perspective has always been that the way to resolve disputes is through dialogue and negotiations to reach just fair solutions grounded in international law, grounded in respect for the sovereignty of states and the rights of peoples. This remains our position in the aftermath of the wars we've been witnessing. The state of Qatar through its role as a trusted mediator and peace facilitator, has consistently warned that time does not resolve lingering conflicts in the absence of a just settlement. Rather, it doubles their costs. Ladies and gentlemen, at the heart of the dangerous situation we are witnessing lies the absence of a regional system of collective security, one that respects the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of states one that promotes the peaceful settlement of disputes and the non-interference in the internal affairs of states. We have previously called from this very podium for the establishment of such a system, and we reiterate that call after recent events have demonstrated the urgent need for it. In the absence of such a system, it has become possible for a war to erupt owing to considerations unrelated to the interests of the countries of the region. It has become possible for one party to drag its neighbors into a war that is not theirs, targeting their vital assets and installations despite their strenuous efforts to avert escalation.
I also express my gratitude and pay tribute to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his tireless service over the past decade. Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General and distinguished delegates, the United Nations, which has a history of upholding human dignity and pioneering the way for future generations, now stands at a grave crossroads. The glacial flooding in Nepal that claimed many lives and destroyed the foundations of people's livelihoods evidences that the climate crisis is a reality of today, not tomorrow. Persistent armed conflicts around the world, including those in Ukraine and the Middle East, continue to threaten the survival of humanity.
Zambia continues to salute His Excellency Antonio Guterres for reminding us that the answer to a more divided and multipolar world is not less multilateralism, but a stronger fairer and more representative United Nations. The theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all is both timely and necessary. Trust is the foundation on which international cooperation is built upon. Yet today, trust in institutions, trust amongst nations, and most importantly, trust between the institutions that serve the people is under strain. Trust means that the founding principles of the United Nations Charter must be respected. For Zambia, trust begins with keeping promises. Trust means that international agreements must be honoured. Trust means that development commitments must be financed. Trust means that the voices of developing countries matter in word and in deed. Trust means the global system must not protect the interests of the powerful at the expense of the vulnerable. And trust means that when the world agrees on a goal, we must have the commitment to implement it. The world is undergoing profound transformation. Technology is changing economies and societies. Climate change is reshaping livelihoods. Geopolitical competition is altering global trade and investment patterns. Conflicts are causing massive displacements and humanitarian suffering. And yet developing countries continue to confront a financing system that does not adequately reflect and respond to their development needs. The question before us is therefore not whether transformation will happen, but it is rather how we manage transformation, who benefits from it, and whether our multilateral institutions are capable of delivering meaningful results for ordinary people. For Zambia, the answer is clear we must restore trust by achieving results, and we must manage transformation by ensuring that no country and no one is left behind. Zambia's democratic journey and the 2026 elections. Mr. president,
Indeed, trust among states today is at its lowest point since the Cold War. The necessary reforms are stalling. More and more voices are saying that the UN is not working in the interests of all and is incapable of managing change. This is largely because we, the Member States, have in large part, become mired in endless debates, but have failed to give the organisation a real opportunity to act. That is precisely why the theme of this session sounds today like a verdict on our collective indecision, and at the same time as a diagnosis, calling for urgent treatment. We are surrounded by a systemic crisis in international relations. We see this everywhere. The air is thick with anxiety from Europe to the Middle East, from Asia to Africa and Latin America. Wars and conflicts are engulfing the world. They are claiming lives, tearing families apart, turning thriving cities into ruins and giving rise to ever more waves of mass forced migration. Global supply chains are being disrupted. The energy crisis is entwined with the food crisis, and all of this hits the most vulnerable segments of the population the hardest. And even more alarming sign is the collapse of the system of strategic stability. For the first time since the 1970s, there are no longer any legally binding limits on strategic arms between the major nuclear powers. There are no treaties, no verification mechanisms, and no predictability. Humanity is once again teetering on the brink of existence. That is a brink that we had hoped we had left for good in the last century. How did we reach this point? Well, it is no mere coincidence. It is the inevitable result of actions by certain states aimed at deliberately undermining the system of international relations so that the world would develop not according to the laws of peaceful coexistence, but rather the principle of might makes right and political selfishness. If we truly want to restore trust, we must not hide behind diplomatic niceties, but honestly identify the causes of crises. In 1945, in San Francisco, at the UN founding conference, U.S. president Harry Truman spoke words that today sound like a prophecy. No matter how great our strength, we must deny ourselves the license to do always as we please. If all those with great power had acted as Truman said, we would have avoided many wars and conflicts. Unfortunately, however, the desire to live at the expense of others has remained the dominant narrative in the collective West's development. During the Cold War the balance of power was maintained by a system of checks and balances between the two opposing political systems. But since the 1990s, when that balance collapsed, the policy of unrestrained superiority has begun to grow rapidly, and in recent years this policy has reached its peak. Western countries have effectively trampled on international law and started to force everyone to act according to so-called rules, destroying countries and suppressing unbowed peoples. And these rules are like traffic signs in a city that they themselves have designed. They always have a green light while everyone else faces strict restrictions. But this isn't about metaphors. It is about facts that everyone knows. Yugoslavia, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Venezuela, Cuba, Iran, Palestine. And this is by no means an exhaustive list of the countries that have been or remain the focus of greedy Western interests. Now let's add to that unfair global trade where the rules are written to serve the interests of transnational corporations and also illegal unilateral sanctions that are suffocating entire nations. And those efforts are intensifying. But what is the U.N. doing? The organization has not been able to resolve a single serious conflict.
Throughout his two terms in office, Antonio Guterres has been a direct witness to the excesses of the superpowers. Mr. president, this is the 10th time I have opened the general debate of this Assembly. Since I first took up to this podium in 2003, this is undoubtedly the most critical moment for the United Nations. The feeling that drives me today is one of indignation. The U.N. is failing in one of its most important missions to rid humanity of the scourge of war. Its credibility has never been lower. Its ability to protect the most vulnerable, those who have no army or arsenals has never been so weak. We are all held hostage by the inaction of the Security Council for failing to fulfill its role. In 1946, at the first session of this assembly, Brazil warned of the high price that the international community would pay for the right to veto. This inherent flaw in the U.N. charter granted the great powers the luxury of being insensible. To this original sin a profound leadership crisis is now added. The year of 2025 recorded the highest number of armed conflicts since the World War Two. Trillions of dollars are funding a new arms race.
After two decades of tensions, Latin America wants this history to have a happy conclusion. Delegates. This Assembly cannot remain indifferent to the wars and conflicts that are raging around the world. These open conflicts do not only threaten the stability of many regions, rather, they damage the entire world. Chile, like many countries represented in this chamber, imports almost all of the oil it consumes and has been directly affected by manifold wars. I'm not talking here about abstract geopolitics. The impact is expressed in the cost of bread transport and harvests inflation that refuses to hold still, taxes that do not decrease, investment delayed and jobs that don't arrive, entire countries that were really taking off and triumphing have once again ground to a halt and seen stagnation settle in for wars that they didn't start and that they can't stop. Therefore, our appeal to you is direct. Wars must stop. Wars do not only drain the blood of those that fight them, they plunge people into poverty. Indeed, they do that for the whole world. We all lose with wars and we've lost too much. The United Nations has a role to play, and it must do so with the character and the dynamism that it has not yet shown. Delegates.
His place in the history of this institution is assured not merely by the office he has occupied, but by the principles he has steadfastly upheld, the courage and profundity with which he has spoken when silence would have been easier, and his rare ability to hold before the world a clear mirror of the perils that confront our age and the possibilities that still beckon beyond them. Mr. president, one year ago I stood at this very podium and reminded this Assembly that if the United Nations is to remain humanity's surest hope for a just and peaceful world, it must have the courage to confront aggression and the will to engage fully with the defining question of our age. I also argued that we must be bold enough to undertake the institutional reforms necessary to strengthen the organisation, enhance its credibility and enable it to meet the challenges of a changing world. Indeed, I am pleased that the theme of this year's assembly, and I quote, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, end of quote, acknowledges the need for this organisation to be fit for purpose, to respond to the challenges, and to seize the possibilities of our time. Today, we confront a climate catastrophe, an energy crisis, food insecurity, biodiversity loss, armed conflicts, and geopolitical tensions, the horror of genocide, a spiralling cost of living crisis, a mounting debt crisis, widening inequalities within and among nations, and, perhaps most troubling of all, a weakening of multilateralism itself. Yet if history has taught us anything, it is that even when the world seemed to stand at the precipice, humanity has never been entirely without the means to draw it back from the brink. We have ended wars that seem without end. We have confronted economic calamities that threaten the foundations of societies. We have overcome dangers that presented existential threats. Time and again, it has been our inventiveness, our courage, and above all, our willingness to act together that have opened a path where none seemed to exist. This is why I do not wish to linger or lament further upon the difficulties before us. I wish instead to turn our gaze toward the possibilities that lie beyond them. For within every crisis lies a summons to solutions, within every disruption an opportunity for renewal, and within every uncertainty, the possibility of shaping a better future.
We would be remiss not to applaud the efforts, good offices and initiatives of the Secretary General aimed at strengthening multilateralism and that include initiatives such as UN 80 and the pact for the future, as well as the ongoing efforts to address global challenges, crises, conflicts, wars, climate change and terrorism, as well as the efforts to assist member states in order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and to strengthen international cooperation on artificial intelligence. We hope that these efforts will continue beyond the conclusion of the Secretary General's term in a manner to guarantee the continuity of work to reform and develop the organizations bodies to enhance its effectiveness and performance in discharging its responsibilities. In this context, we emphasize that Security Council reform and the Security Council is the body charged with maintaining international peace and security has become essential to keep pace with the significant increase in the number of member states and the changes in international relations since the establishment of the organization. There is an urgent need for the Council to become more representative, effective and transparent in carrying out its responsibilities.
In this context, we call upon the Security Council to discharge its responsibilities and to follow up on the United Nations reports submitted to it. This includes the report of the panel of experts on violations and cases of noncompliance. We call upon the Council to give serious consideration to the panel's recommendations and to take the necessary action within its established mandates. The purpose is to ensure the effective implementation of the Council resolutions and the relevant sanctions measures without selectivity or double standards. Documented violations should not become mere recurring facts in reports, nor should accountability end at documentation. The authority of international law and the credibility of its institutions are measured by their ability to move from monitoring violations to holding perpetrators accountable, and from resolution to implementation for all without exception. Sovereignty also means that the state's foreign relations are an extension of its national interests, not an extension of others' conflicts within it. Mr. President.
Here, Venezuela felt the real spirit that inspired the creation of this organization. I come to you, before this assembly, as one more daughter of Venezuela, to present the aspirations of a country that is seeking to rebuild its own destiny following political conflicts and economic models that were imposed that affected our development. For all too long, we were a divided country, where we were a country in which the color of a party flag held more weight than the common surname that we all share. That is the name Venezuelan.
And I do so at a moment of particular importance, as Greece reaches the end of our second year on the U.N. Security Council and is again preparing to assume its presidency next month. 12 months ago, as we marked the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, we spoke of the need to reinvigorate multilateralism. And one year later, that need has only become much more urgent as we are living through extremely perilous times. Conflicts are multiplying, tensions are deepening, and perhaps most alarmingly, we're witnessing a further erosion of restraint in international affairs. The rules and understandings that have long provided a relative degree of stability in international relations between states are increasingly being tested. Secretary-General António Guterres has steered these United Nations through this exceptionally turbulent decade, with a steadfast commitment to its charter and the values it embodies, and the selection of the 10th Secretary-General presents a historic opportunity for the reinvigoration of the organization when it is most needed. Ladies and gentlemen, the first step in restoring confidence in multilateralism is acknowledging where it has actually succeeded.
It helped Namibia achieve independence, supported Cambodia's transition from conflict, disarmed combatants in Sierra Leone and Liberia, and helped Timor-Leste take its place among sovereign nations. More than 2 million peacekeepers have served under the UN flag, proving that peace can be built, protected, and sustained. Its impact reached further into the lives of ordinary people. The United Nations system helped eradicate smallpox, vaccinated generations of children, fight hunger and disease, expand access to education and bring clean water and humanitarian assistance to communities across the world. Since the year 2000, deaths among children under 5 have fallen by more than half. These achievements matter. They changed borders, ended wars, defeated disease, and transformed lives. They tell us that multilateralism works when nations summon the will to make it work. The United Nations has not fulfilled every promise of its charter, but without it, our world would have been poorer, more dangerous, and less free. That is why Kenya speaks today, not from despair in this institution, but from conviction in its possibilities. Yet conviction in what this institution can be requires us to confront what this institution has become. Distinguished delegates, last year the world recorded 65 state-based armed conflicts, the highest number of documented incidences in eight decades of global conflict data.
As you are all aware, last year the international community marked the 80th anniversary of the United Nations. For 80 years, this unique global organization has been standing at the forefront of safeguarding peace, security and development. Although our organization brings together all countries of the world and serves as the principal platform for international cooperation, Wars and tensions still persist in various regions. Armed conflicts and humanitarian crises in different parts of the world, including Ukraine, Iran, Sudan and Palestine, demonstrate the complexity of the current international environment and require all of us to work together to strengthen peace, security and sustainable development. Kyrgyzstan is a country that believes in the power of dialogue and the peaceful settlement of conflicts. Our country stands ready to serve as a mediator in addressing complex and contentious issues. In recent years, Central Asia has clearly demonstrated to the world its ability to resolve complex inter-state issues peacefully.
That is the only way that we will manage to find paths to progress on the all too many, all true, all too intractable conflicts blighting our world today. In Malta, the smallest member state of the European Union, we have always been a bridge between Europe and the Middle East. So allow me to focus on two of those conflicts on our doorstep. Firstly, Ukraine. It is all too easy and all too great a mistake for us to fall in the trap that repelling the invasion of Ukraine becomes another never ending conflict, a grinding tragedy on the corner of our continent about which we can do nothing. Malta will never accept that despair. Europe must never accept that despair. The world must never turn its head away in despair. Malta remains as adamant in our condemnation of that invasion today as we were on day one in February 2022. And Malta is equally as adamant that a just and lasting peace must guarantee Ukraine's sovereignty within its internationally recognised borders. That will only come about through a diplomatic process that the Ukrainian people can have full trust in. They will only have such trust if the process follows a full and unconditional cease fire and the full participation of Ukraine and its people in the subsequent peace talks. Rightly the Ukrainian people will never have trust in any search for a settlement which involves their government being frogmarched to the table, one arm tied behind its back, whilst the guns still blaze. The issue of trust is clearly also central to the very worrying situation in Gaza The people of Israel need to have trust that Hamas will be disarmed, and that they will play no future role in the governance or security structures of Gaza. But the people of Gaza need to have trust that there is a path to a just peace. It is impossible to build that trust with a humanitarian situation as acute as that being experienced in Gaza right now. Malta's voice remains unwaveringly with the global calls for safe, sustained and unhindered humanitarian access throughout Gaza in accordance with international law. We firmly believe that the Gaza peace plan provides the best path towards ending the conflict and advancing credible political progress. To achieve that progress, all parties and I emphasize all parties must fully respect and implement the objectives and commitments set out in the plan. And naturally, no progress can be made. If there is any question of the forced displacement of any of the Palestinian population. Indeed, it is incumbent on each and every one of us in the international community to rebuild the trust needed to underpin the conditions where genuine progress can be made towards a negotiated and lasting two state solution. That is the only solution. Nobody, however, is under any illusion how out of reach? Unfortunately, that seems at the moment. But nor is this the moment to shy away or run away from the only goal that will guarantee the people of Israel and Palestine living side by side with the peace, prosperity and stability that they both deserve. Sadly, any progress towards a long term solution is being endangered by the situation in the West Bank settlement expansion, running directly counter to the resolutions of this General Assembly and designed to undermine the Palestinian territorial integrity, must stop and stop now. So too, must the violent settler attacks on Palestinian communities increasing at an alarming rate. Behold, they must be halted. These are all essential preconditions to a just and lasting peace, as is a credible and reformed Palestinian Authority that can demonstrate to citizens of both Palestine and Israel that it has the transparency, the accountability, the institutional effectiveness, and, above all, the democratic legitimacy to be a truly effective partner for peace. Malta stands ready to play its part in building the capacity of both a renewed Democratic Palestinian Authority and the robust civil society that must underpin it, not just in Ukraine, Gaza and Israel, but across the world. Be it the conflict in Sudan, the ongoing violence in Myanmar or the instability across the Sahel. It is evident that diminished trust means diminished chances of finding solutions. You could put it as starkly as no trust equals no peace. Of course, no matter the conflict, each with its own individual and particular circumstances, there is no easy way of building trust. But equally, there is no easy way of avoiding the need to build trust. We all know from our lives as much as from the experiences of our own countries, just how hard it is to rebuild trust when it has evaporated. Yet we also know the consequences if we give up trying, and the rewards that can come. If, however, slowly and however tentatively, we can start. If it is hard enough to build trust human to human face to face, it can be, of course, infinitely harder to build trust.
We are, therefore, entering a period marked by a more complex and less predictable distribution of power, in which the risk of potential conflict is greater than it has been for decades. This is no longer confined to conventional armed conflicts between states. Confrontations are increasingly taking the form of economic pressure, technological restrictions, competition for resources and markets, cyberattacks, disinformation, and attempts to influence other societies. Cultural and identity-based divisions are also becoming more pronounced, increasingly exploited for political purposes, and further deepening mistrust among peoples. The boundary between peace and conflict is becoming ever less distinct, while the consequences of confrontation among global and regional powers increasingly affect even those countries that are not directly involved. For small and medium-sized countries just like the Republic of Serbia, such an environment represents an enormous challenge. The space for independent decision-making is narrowing, while pressure on states to choose sides is steadily increasing. At the same time, disagreements among the most powerful actors are increasingly paralyzing the very institutions that should be protecting all countries equally.
Mr. President, few situations illustrate so painfully the gap between international commitments and lived reality as that of the East of the DRC. For more than three decades, millions of Congolese have been suffering attacks, forced displacement, and bereavement. Territories have been occupied, families dispersed, women and girls have suffered sexual violence, while children are recruited by armed groups or deprived of education. At the same time, the looting of our resources continues to fuel international trade. My country continues to face a war of aggression led by Rwanda through its proxy, the AFC M23, in violation of its sovereignty, our sovereignty, and our territorial integrity, as documented by the UN. The atrocities committed by other armed groups, especially the ADF and CODECO, are exacerbating this humanitarian crisis even further. To combat this challenge, the DRC has chosen the path of diplomacy without ever abandoning its rights. The peace agreement signed in Washington on June 27, 2025, the commitments made as part of the Doha process, and the roadmap coordinated by the African Union have opened up prospects that we have constantly supported. I commend the United States, Qatar, the African Union, African facilitators, regional partners, and all those who are sincerely striving to restore peace. However, for the sake of truth, we must recognize that for millions of Congolese, this peace remains only a promise. Resolution 2773 of the Security Council has laid out an unambiguous path. It calls for an effective cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Rwandan forces from Congolese territory, an end to all support for armed groups, the disengagement of the AFC M23, the dismantling of parallel administrations, the restoration of state authority, unhindered humanitarian access, and the safe and dignified return of displaced persons and refugees. But we don't need new texts to replace those that have already been adopted. What we need is their implementation. With regard to the issue of the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda, the FDLR, long cited by Kigali to justify its military presence on our territory, the DRC is shouldering its responsibility. The protocol signed by the political and military leadership of the FDLR on May 30, 2026, provides for the disarmament, demobilization, and containment of their combatants, with a view toward their repatriation or resettlement without prejudice to potential judicial prosecution for serious crimes, until the movement is disbanded. The repatriation on September 8, with the support of MONUSCO, of 120 persons associated with the FDLR, is a first testament to the protocol's implementation. The issue of the FDLR, therefore, should no longer serve as a pretext for maintaining foreign military presence in our territory. The coordinated implementation of the mechanisms of Washington, Doha, and the African Union must be subject to a precise time frame, independent verification, regular information exchange, and clear consequences in case of violations. In this context, MONUSCO maintains a vital role in protecting civilians, monitoring the ceasefire, and supporting agreed-upon mechanisms. Any change to its presence must be determined by the conditions of security on the ground, the strengthening of national capacity, and the guarantee that no vacuum of power will remain to the detriment of populations. The DRC, for its part, will continue to fully shoulder its responsibility, especially through pursuing reforms of its defense and security institutions, through bolstering state authority, and through reconstruction on territories affected by the conflicts. And because the peace sought after in the subregion ought to go hand in hand with cohesion within our nation, the President of the DRC launched on August 28 a national dialogue for peace, cohesion, and the rebuilding of the state. This dialogue is open to the political and social forces that are committed to the Republic, our constitution, our territorial integrity, and to the rejection of violence. It does not aim to circumvent institutions nor to distribute power. It ought to help us address the structural causes of our vulnerabilities, to consolidate national unity, and to build a state that is more just, more involved, and more protective. Our hand remains outstretched toward all of the children of Congo that choose peace, Republican debate, and loyalty to their homeland. We Congolese speak to each other with frankness and responsibility, but no internal dialogue can transform an external aggression into a simple domestic dispute. At the same time, no external aggression should absolve us of correcting our own weaknesses. National cohesion and the defense of our territorial integrity are not mutually exclusive but mutually complementary. Because the peace that we seek cannot be limited to a ceasefire, it ought to also help our country regain full control of its future by transforming the wealth that has too often gone to fuel conflict into tools for development and shared prosperity. Mr. President, it is another paradox that my country's experience is showing the world, that some of its resources that fuel conflicts on its territory are also those that a growing proportion of the transformations of the global economy depend upon.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate, and where might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
The power fuelling climate chaos and the war on nature. And the power unleashed by artificial intelligence. Excellencies, The first great power test in the 21st century is peace and security. Peace is far more than the absence of conflict. It is the presence of restraint of power by law. It is the recognition, as enshrined in the UN Charter, that force cannot be the final arbiter of whose lives, rights and future matter. Today that principle is under profound strain. Across the Middle East, conflicts are cascading. So-called ceasefires have amounted to little more than “lesser fires” – with civilians continuing to pay the price. Enough is enough. I appeal to the leaders in this Chamber to maximize this High-Level week for de- escalation and dialogue. Together, let's send a clear message from this Hall: The fighting must stop. Humanitarian aid must flow. And navigational rights and freedoms must be fully restored in accordance with international law. Amid the turmoil engulfing the region, we must not lose sight of the devastating situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. It is nearly three years since the abhorrent terror attacks by Hamas on 7 October. What followed was an onslaught on Palestinians in Gaza, with a scale of killing and destruction unlike anything I have witnessed in all my years as Secretary-General. The International Court of Justice has issued legally binding provisional measures in the case entitled: “Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip.” In an advisory opinion last year, the Court was clear that the United Nations needs to be allowed to perform our mandates in Gaza – and for our staff and humanitarian personnel to be protected. All parties must comply with international law and the Court’s orders. Meanwhile violence, displacement and settlement expansion by Israel in the Occupied West Bank are bulldozing the path to peace and raising the spectre of ethnic cleansing. We cannot allow the two-State solution to disappear before our eyes. In Ukraine, Russia’s full-scale invasion has subjected a sovereign country to a brutal war in blatant violation of the Charter. Civilians continue to be killed far from the frontlines. Mainly in Ukraine, but also more recently in parts of Russia – homes, energy and water systems, and transport have come under repeated attack, threatening food and energy supply chains globally. In Sudan, a war for raw power fed by outside actors has become a war on civilians: Millions displaced. Hunger spreading. Drones striking hospitals and homes. Sexual violence and ethnically driven attacks escalating. And a country being torn apart as the world looks away. And in Myanmar, another crisis is at risk of slipping from global attention with: escalating violence; mass displacement; and expanding transnational crime. Excellencies, These and so many other conflicts show what happens when power gets out of control, force outpaces diplomacy, military budgets soar, and accountability goes out the window. The test before us is whether power will be exercised with the law – or beyond it. We must pass that test: We must defend the Charter without double standards. Protect civilians without exception. Ensure humanitarian access without obstruction. Shield humanitarian personnel without fail.
President. Nicaragua is addressing the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly with the strength of the piece that we think is possible in our country and throughout the world, where the human family can opt for the urgent need to live in harmony in all possible ways. This is critical to address poverty and to live in dignity, freedom and fraternity. We bring to this forum of all peoples and states of the world the legitimate aspiration of families from the entire world, and in particular in Nicaragua, to live peacefully and safely, to strengthen the work that will allowed all of all of us to establish better societies, to defeat extreme poverty, to live in harmony and in complementarity, which are so critical to allow all societies to progress. And so that also we can care for and increase our resources and natural riches, which will be of benefit to everyone. The conflicts assailing the world are, as we know, the enemy of the well-being to which we are all entitled. In the words of our Rubén Dario, we are in favor of peace, peace, peace, to make headway on the goals laid out and in particular by this organization which gathers us together.
We live in an interdependent world marked by growing uncertainty and by challenges that transcend borders climate change, transnational organized crime, terrorism, structural inequalities, the burden of debt, and insufficient financing for development continue to undermine our efforts towards sustainable development. Devastating conflicts also persist in several regions of the world, as do security challenges, particularly in the Sahel. In this context, Guinea-Bissau considers it essential to strengthen the international community's support to the most affected countries in the region. Ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations remains an essential pillar of multilateralism and a privileged forum for dialogue, cooperation and the search for collective solutions to the challenges facing humanity. It must be acknowledged, however, that in certain circumstances, the expectations that people have placed in it have not always been met with a response commensurate with their aspirations. This reality should not lead us to question the foundations of the multilateral system, but rather to strengthen the effectiveness representativeness and capacity for action of international institutions. It is incumbent upon Member States to renew their commitment to multilateralism that is more effective, more inclusive and more responsive to the aspirations of peoples. We also consider it urgent to reform the architecture of global governance, so that it reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century. It is essential that Africa have more adequate and effective representation in the international institutions that play a central role in shaping responses to the challenges of peace, security and development The reform of United Nations Security Council Council must reflect the legitimate aspirations of the African continent and ensure fairer, permanent and effective representation. In keeping with the principle of a more inclusive, equitable and representative international order, Guinea-Bissau welcomes the efforts of the United Nations to achieve achieve a lasting political solution to the question of Western Sahara. We welcome the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2797 of 2025 and view favourably the Autonomy Initiative presented by the Kingdom of Morocco as a basis for resolving this dispute. Ladies and gentlemen, on November 26th, 2025, during the electoral process, the constitutional order in Guinea-Bissau was interrupted and transitional bodies were established.
Ladies and gentlemen, until recently, Central Asia was often mentioned against the backdrop of unresolved border disputes, water resource management issues, and many other conflicts. Thanks to the initiative of the President of Uzbekistan and the political will of the Central Asian heads of state, the situation and atmosphere in the region have completely changed. We began to view each other as partners, not as sources of threat. The same is true of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev's approach to the Afghan issue. Viewing Afghanistan solely as a source of danger will not solve the problem, nor is it a way out to leave multi-ethnic Afghan people alone with their problems. They must be given hope and confidence to achieve a peaceful life. Dear friends, the reforms being implemented by the head of Uzbekistan are primarily based on the criterion of whether people's lives are improving. We measure the results by this very criterion.
Amílcar Cabral, one of the greatest figures of our history, left us a lesson that continues to resonate across generations: learn in life, learn from our people, learn from the books and learn from the experiences of others, learn always. Perhaps this is an ability that the world must rediscover: the ability to learn from history, to learn from one another, and to understand that there can be no lasting development without peace, just as there can be no lasting peace where poverty, exclusion, and lack of opportunity persist. In this spirit, Cabo Verde reaffirms its faith in the United Nations, in dialogue among nations, in cooperation among peoples, and in the primacy of law over the use of force. In the face of wars, inequalities, and crises confronting our world, we reaffirm our unwavering commitment to the Charter of the United Nations, to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, to the protection of civilian populations, and to the peaceful resolution of conflicts.
First, restoring trust among states. Second, ensuring there is reconciliation among peoples and nations with multilateral institutions. And third, working so that recent technological progress benefits all humanity. We are living in a time where the progress of science and technology have allowed for useful knowledge to flourish, such as the emergence of artificial intelligence in order to overcome the multiple challenges that humanity is facing. In recent decades, we have adopted agreements in different areas, and we continue to create the conditions for a world that is more just a world where we can all live in peace and security. Despite our efforts, nevertheless, wars and conflicts of all kinds persist. The arms race is intensifying. Humanitarian catastrophes, selfishness and intolerance are increasingly present, and with impotence, we watch the deterioration of international solidarity and multilateralism as we see the appearance and strengthening of different blocks that are in confrontation when certain challenges antagonize their specific interests. President, the time has come to return to the spirit and the very basics of the United Nations Charter.
Many citizens see a gulf between what we agree on here and what people experience on a daily basis. Closing this gap is the task of our organization. A lot of citizens realize that this is the task that our generation must take up. And as a founding country, Ecuador believes in the United Nations, and it's precisely for this reason that we want an organization that's able to respond to the challenges of the world today, not of 1945. Supporting the organization, the United Nations, also needs to involve a willingness to transform the United Nations. And that's why we support the UN80 initiative and pose an essential question: what United Nations of the world needs today? We need an organization that's more efficient, with the ability to prevent conflicts, resolve crises, and support states to challenges that didn't exist when the organization was created. An organization whose legitimacy depends not only on the decision that we adopt, but the way that they adopt. And we need the Charter and international law to remain our common language. More than 80 years ago, countries understood that peace didn't depend on everyone's power, but rather is something that we built organizations to cooperate to achieve. This remains our main strength. The citizens of the world will not judge this organization by its declarations; they will judge it by its ability to turn commitments into peace and security, into respect for human rights, into real opportunities for development, and how many lives we really save. President, the criminal gangs already coordinate with each other. Now we need to do better. Ecuador has come to this Assembly to defend collective solutions, because no country can build a safe, prosperous, and sustainable future alone. And because when international cooperation works, we are all stronger for it.
This theme comes at a pivotal time in international history. Our world is beset by numerous profound and interconnected crises. Armed conflicts are becoming more protracted. Geopolitical tensions are intensifying, inequalities persist, climate change is accelerating, and humanitarian emergencies are multiplying. These challenges are compounded by the economic and social consequences of successive crises food insecurity, the forced displacement of populations, the risks associated with cybercrime, and the upheavals brought about by emerging technologies. These realities are severely testing the international community's ability to act together. In this uncertain environment, there is one value that can still guide us: trust. For Gabon, restoring trust among nations requires more than ever a return to the fundamental principles of international law in general, and of the charter of the United Nations in particular. In this spirit, my country reaffirms its commitment to the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of states and to the respect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity. Against this backdrop, Gabon once again welcomes the adoption of resolution 2797 of 2025, which has injected fresh impetus into the settlement of the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara, based exclusively on the autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty. Mr. President, restoring trust depends above all on concrete action that enables us to address together global challenges relating to peace and security, climate change, sustainable development and pandemics. Accordingly, in the face of human tragedies across the world, and particularly in Africa, greater collective engagement is essential.
In short, a United Nations that delivers for all. If multilateralism is to deliver, it must first secure the peace upon which all human progress depends. Without peace, sustainable development is an illusion. Conflict destroys lives, uproots communities, and diverts vital resources away from health care, education and climate resilience. We must reject the normalisation of perpetual conflict and the selective application of international law. International law must apply equally to all, without exception, bias or double standards. This principle is vital to maritime security. The oceans are the lifeblood of global trade. When maritime routes are threatened by piracy geopolitical friction or armed aggression, the shocks ripple far beyond regional waters, devastating vulnerable island economies. Freedom of navigation and maritime security must be preserved under international law. Small and vulnerable states like ours should never bear the collateral economic costs of conflicts in which they have no part.
For generations, the Palestinian people have waited for justice, statehood and dignity. They cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for rights that are already theirs. In Gaza, the scale of human suffering and destruction is intolerable. Civilians, including far too many children continue to bear the heaviest costs. Medics, journalists, humanitarian workers and United Nations personnel have also lost their lives while carrying out their duties. This suffering cannot become normal in the West Bank, Palestinians continue to endure occupation, expanding illegal settlements, settler violence and displacement from their homes and land within Gaza or the West Bank. These are not merely numbers, they are human lives, and their suffering exposes a fundamental truth. International law and the principles of the charter must apply equally to everyone. There cannot be one standard for some and another for others A just and lasting peace, therefore, requires more than managing the consequences of conflict. It requires addressing its root cause and realizing the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and an independent state of Palestine, based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. Without justice for the Palestinian people, there can be no lasting peace. This remains a defining test of the credibility of the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council, and the conflict is no longer confined to Palestine. Its consequences are now spreading across the region. In neighboring Lebanon, United Nations peacekeepers have also lost their lives while serving the cause of peace. It is in this wider context that Brunei Darussalam co-sponsored Security Council Resolution 2823 strengthening accountability for crimes against United Nations peacekeepers. Those who serve under the United Nations flag must be protected, but accountability cannot be episodic. The protection of those who serve peace and the protection of innocent lives, especially children, must remain at the heart of this organization. Mr. president, rebuilding confidence does not mean returning to a world that no longer exists. It means equipping ourselves to face the world that is emerging from conflicts and climate change to sustainable development and emerging technologies. The challenges before us are increasingly complex and interconnected.
Mr. President, 81 years ago, in the aftermath of the devastation of the Second World War, the nation that founded our organization made a solemn pledge to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. That commitment remains as vital today as it was in 1945. While the world has thus far been spared another global war, armed conflicts continue to inflict immense human suffering across many regions. Concurrently, geopolitical rivalries, climate change, widening inequalities, rapid technological transformation, and transnational threat are placing growing strain on international peace, stability and cooperation. At a time when international cooperation is more necessary than ever, trust among nations is being tested, while confidence in multilateral institutions and their capacity to respond effectively to common challenges is under increasing pressure. Our response cannot be retreat. The world needs the United Nations, not less, but more. But it is only a United Nations that commands trust, because it is principled, representative, effective, and capable of delivering the purpose and principle of its charter. Trust is not restored by declaration alone. It is earned through consistency: when commitments are honoured, international law is respected, disputes are settled by peaceful means. Sovereign equality must remain a fundamental principle of international relations. The charter does not prescribe one standard for the powerful and another for the less powerful. All member states, large or small, are equal before the charter and are bound by the obligations it establishes. Mr. president, Cambodia understands the value of trust from its own history. Our country endured decades of conflict, genocide, division, and immense human suffering.
Mr. President, colleagues, the world is witnessing intertwined changes and turbulence, protracted geopolitical conflicts, widening development gaps, and a growing number of global challenges. Five years ago, at the 76th session of the UN General Assembly, President XI Jinping put forward the Global Development Initiative. Since then, he has proposed the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative and the Global Governance Initiative. These initiatives provide strategic guidance for the building of a community with a shared future for humanity. At a time when countries of the world find their future so closely linked, more and more of them want to join hands to shoulder the historic mission of addressing difficulties and challenges and advancing the well-being of all humanity.
International law applies everywhere. International humanitarian law applies everywhere and human rights apply everywhere in Ukraine, in the Middle East, in Africa, in Asia or in Latin America. We are well aware that conflicts never remain purely local. They have repercussions on food security, energy markets, immigration development and global stability. We can see that with the war of aggression by Russia on Ukraine, this was a war chosen by Russia the consequences of which are worldwide in scope. This is a devastating aggression on a sovereign state committed by a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the violation of the UN charter and of international law. Attacks by Russia on Ukraine also threaten the security of civilian populations beyond Ukraine's borders, and it is unacceptable that over the last 12 months, Russia has on several occasions threatened the security of several European Union member states. Russia must bring an end to this dangerous escalation, and the international community must do its utmost and use all of the tools available to it to bring an end to this war and to create the conditions for negotiations for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. This war must end. The same goes in the Middle East. We regret the current stalemate in Gaza and more broadly speaking, in Palestine, which is prolonging the suffering of millions of civilians, despite the momentum towards the end of the conflict that we thought we saw at the end of last year. The European Union and its member states have made their positions clear. The two state solution is the only one that can ensure lasting peace in the Middle East. With the State of Israel and the State of Palestine independent and living side by side in peace and security. And we also support all of the efforts to find a solution to the conflict in Iran. The cease fire must be fully respected. Freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be preserved without conditions and without hindrance. For a lasting solution, it is also necessary that security of the countries in the region be ensured. It is essential that Iran never be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons.
Mr. President. Mr. Secretary-General, Excellencies, Distinguished Heads of State and Government. Ladies and Gentlemen, in the name of the Almighty God, in whom we place our trust, Kam na bane ni Mauri. On behalf of the Government and people of Kiribati, I extend our warmest congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your election to preside and lead the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. Kiribati assures you of our full support and cooperation as you undertake this important responsibility. Mr. President, we meet today at a difficult moment. Conflicts continue to claim lives and displace communities.
Mr. president. Our world continues to confront severe multi faceted tensions, geopolitical crisis and tension macroeconomic instability, supply chain disruption and accelerating climate emergencies. These headwinds place immense strain on the most vulnerable economies, where rising energy and food prices jeopardize the livelihood of millions of people in countries in special situations. The ongoing conflicts in the Middle East demonstrate how rapidly confrontation can destabilize global stability. Sustainable peace cannot be forged through force or unilateral action. It requires diplomacy, respect for sovereign equality and territorial integrity, and strict adherence to international law. The question of Palestine remains an enduring test of multilateral credibility. We remain deeply concerned by humanitarian catastrophe and immense reconstruction requirements in Gaza, as well as the mounting challenges in the West Bank. To prevent the two state solution from slipping beyond reach, the international community must secure a just, comprehensive and lasting peace, and one that fulfils the legitimate rights to the Palestinian people to self-determination through an independent state of Palestine with full membership in the United Nations.
You can count on Latvia's support. I am looking forward to working together for a stronger United Nations and a safer world. Excellencies, for the past year we have heard it again and again: the world order is breaking down. The rules-based order that brought stability is under growing strain. Something new is taking shape. What comes next is not certain, but one thing is certain: the world has changed. International trade, mobility, technology—what happens far away is no longer far away. Instability travels. Conflicts cross borders. What happens in Ukraine does not stay in Ukraine. What happens in the Middle East, in the Red Sea, in Sudan—does not stay there. The same is true of other global threats. Technology has made distance matter even less. Artificial intelligence offers enormous opportunities, but in the wrong hands it can also become a powerful tool for deception, disruption, and conflict. And nature respects no borders either. Heat waves do not stop at checkpoints.
Madam President. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, 35 years ago, Lithuania returned to its rightful place in the global community of sovereign states. By joining the United Nations, we reaffirmed our strong commitment to the global order based on international law, territorial integrity, state sovereignty, and human dignity. It was a glorious moment for a nation well taught by historical experience, that freedom and independence cannot be taken for granted. They must be constantly and consistently defended. Today I am standing here to speak for the same dream that inspired Lithuania in 1991. The vision of the more just, secure and peaceful world. Today I am backing up the principles of the United Nations, which sadly are being put under increasing pressure. Recent years have brought us numerous high intensity and far reaching conflicts that dominate the global affairs, on a scale not seen in decades.
We meet at a perilous precipice, a tumultuous time marked by profound upheaval, relentless uncertainty and deep unpredictability. More than 50 active conflicts tear tear of the fabric of nations. Geopolitical competition strains our multilateral institutions, and global trust is fading. Precisely when we need it most. 81 years ago, our forebears forged this organization to save humanity from the scourge of war and reaffirm our shared dignity. Today, we must ask, have we honored that sacred compact? When more than 645 million people face hunger, when our climate remains in a state of calamity, and when our collective conscience is stained by humanitarian catastrophes, reflection must give way to urgent, united resolve. We cannot continue down fragmented paths in an interconnected world.
We are a credible and reliable partner, ready to contribute to shared prosperity. Ladies and gentlemen, we have entered the fifth year of the illegal, unprovoked, and unjustified full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine, waged by a permanent member of the Security Council. This member, entrusted by the entire UN community with the responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, has deliberately disavowed its fundamental obligation and is pursuing a revisionist agenda. As the EU member state sharing the longest border with Ukraine, Romania has felt the effects of this war directly, through repeated violations of our airspace. A few months back, a drone crashed onto a residential building on our territory, injuring people and causing material damage. It was one episode in an ongoing series of such incidents. We have said it before, and we will say it again: Romania will stand with Ukraine and its people, as they exercise their legitimate right to self-defense for as long as necessary. Moreover, Romania is acting responsibly to stabilize the region. We provided assistance to refugees from Ukraine. In response to Russia's attacks on ports and grain infrastructure, which disrupted global food supply chains and deepened food insecurity for millions of people, Romania has coordinated with Ukraine on the transit of grain through Romania, by rail and by waterway. In response to the disruption of freedom of navigation in the Black Sea, together with Bulgaria and Türkiye, Romania is part of the Mine Countermeasures Task Group in the Black Sea. Through mine detection and mine neutralization missions and the protection of critical undersea infrastructure, this initiative safeguards freedom of navigation and the region's energy security. And in order to enhance security in the Black Sea area, Romania places particular emphasis on the EU's strategic approach. Accordingly, together with Bulgaria, we are establishing a maritime security hub aimed at strengthening situational awareness. Finally, in response to disruptions to energy supplies in the region, Romania has expanded its energy interconnections with Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova. Romania will continue to support the resilience of our neighbor, the Republic of Moldova, the second most affected country by this war. It is facing the economic shock caused by Russia's aggression and a sustained hybrid campaign, consisting of disseminating disinformation, energy pressure, and attempts to destabilize its democratic institutions. Romania is a staunch supporter of the Republic of Moldova in the face of these challenges. Romania also remains the Republic of Moldova's strongest advocate within the European Union, sharing our own experience of accession and providing political, technical, and diplomatic support for its European path. The threat posed by the Russian Federation is not only limited to Ukraine. Europe is the target of a hybrid war involving cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns, sabotage, and disruptions to critical infrastructure, with the aim of undermining citizens' trust in democratic institutions and discouraging support for Ukraine. We must deter the Russian threat, and unfortunately, we can only do that by increasing military spending. Romania supports balancing military expenditure and a target of 5% of GDP, reaching this year 3.7%. Distinguished audience, we are equally concerned about the proliferation of conflicts worldwide. It is essential to advance the implementation of the Peace Plan for Gaza in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2803, and to address, with no delay, the humanitarian situation on the ground. Within the Board of Peace Initiative, Romania has offered its support and has so far contributed to the medical evacuation of numerous patients, especially children. Disarming Hamas remains a prerequisite condition for lasting stability in Gaza. President Trump's Peace Plan represents the most credible path toward peace and prosperity in the region, and Romania supports its full implementation.
Mr. President, when Sweden joined the UN in 1946, the world was emerging from the devastation of war. The lesson from that catastrophe was clear peace must not be taken for granted. Defence of sovereignty and territorial integrity has been at the heart of Swedish foreign policy ever since. Eight decades later, these principles are once again being challenged. Bad faith, conflict and utter contempt for the common rules are weakening the institutions that we built together. These are times of upheaval. The number of armed conflicts is growing and civilians are paying the price. In Ukraine, Sudan, Yemen, Palestine, Lebanon, Myanmar, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and many other conflict zones, millions are suffering. Mr. President, Russia's aggression against Ukraine is a blatant violation of international law. It strikes at the heart of the very principles upon which the United Nations was founded. Sweden's support for Ukraine is felt deeply throughout our entire society. It comes from our people, our civil society and the business community. We will support Ukraine for as long as it takes. Russia has not only violated the UN charter, it has repeatedly violated international humanitarian law and human rights law. Attacks targeting civilians, forcible transfer of and deportation of children, conflict related sexual violence and torture, the list is far too long. Ensuring accountability for these violations is crucial. If there is anything that we have learned from history, it is that there cannot be a just and lasting peace without accountability. Sweden stands firmly behind the ICC, its independence and integrity and recognises its vital role, not least in Ukraine. Russia must also be held accountable for its breaches of the Chemical Weapons Convention, both on and off the battlefield. Russia's war of aggression against a peaceful neighbour is one of the biggest strategic mistakes and moral failures of the 21st century. Four and a half years after launching its full scale invasion, Russia has failed to achieve its objectives. Its economy is under strain and its casualty numbers are devastating. Ordinary Russians are withdrawing their funds from the bank, and a substantial share of Russia's young people are dying on the frontlines. The impact of Russia's war of aggression extends far beyond Ukraine. Russia intensified its systematic attacks on civilian infrastructure and on vessels in the Black Sea this summer. This has once again disrupted global food supply chains, exacerbating an already dire situation for vulnerable people across the globe. To President Putin and Mr. Lavrov, I say this the path to peace is clear. The choice should be easy. Withdraw your troops.
Managing transformation requires institutions capable of adapting to a rapidly changing world, and delivering for all requires us to move beyond declarations toward tangible improvements in the lives and livelihoods of our peoples. Ultimately, our declarations, communiqués, and resolutions must travel the difficult road from this assembly hall to the daily lives of the peoples we represent. Persistent conflicts, geopolitical tensions, and growing divisions have tested trust between nations. Concurrently, our world is undergoing transformation driven by technology, climate change, demographic shifts, and changing patterns of economic power. The pertinent question is how we strengthen multilateralism so that the United Nations can deliver meaningful results for all member states. Humanity has traveled far enough to know that, on the great challenges of our age, none of us can go it alone. Whether a nation of a billion people or, like Botswana with just over 2.5 million people, we share one fragile planet and one imperfect but irreplaceable United Nations. The choices we make will determine whether multilateralism restores trust, manages transformation, and delivers for all, or becomes a cautionary tale of promises made and forgotten.
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we are here today at a unique moment in the history of our organization. At a time when the UN is discussing crucial reforms and multilateralism is at a crossroads, the topic of this 81st session, restoring trust, managing transformation is a very relevant topic. It summarizes the expectations of member states and the peoples of the world in all of their diversity vis a vis the UN. Each year we adopt new resolutions and we reaffirm our commitments. Each year, we renew our faith in multilateralism. Nonetheless, conflicts persist. People are still awaiting justice. Will generations still grow up with fighting as their backdrop? Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Security Council reform illustrates alone this situation and this crisis of confidence. For decades now, positions have been well known. Calls for reform have stacked up and consultations have multiplied. But progress still remains insufficient. Chad reiterates to this end, its complete support for the common African position, as stipulated in the Ezzelini consensus and the Sirte declaration, and taken up in the African model for reform of the Security Council, presented in April by Sierra Leone on behalf of the Committee of ten of the African Union. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Chad considers that those difficulties facing multilateralism stem in part from the cynicism of the most powerful and from double standards policies. My country remains committed to multilateralism that is based on the UN charter, the sovereign equality of states, the respect for their independence, cooperation and international solidarity.
This theme is particularly relevant in the current international context. We are living through a critical juncture, exacerbated by the proliferation of conflicts, deepening existing crises, and the emergence of new crises with devastating political, economic, humanitarian and security consequences. In the face of these challenges, we must reaffirm the essential mission of the United Nations and strengthen a renewed, more inclusive and more effective multilateralism that takes full account of the interests of all states, large and small. The region that is home to my country also continues to face crises, the consequences of which extend beyond our national borders. Djibouti is following the situation in Yemen with grave concern. We are indeed directly experiencing its effects with the recent arrival in our territory of several thousand people fleeing the violence. This situation is already placing considerable pressure on host communities in the Obock region, as well as on the reception capacity of the Markazi site.
You have brought us together to restore trust and manage transformation. To achieve this, we now require serenity, clarity, and unity— serenity because the international order is going through a profound transition, clarity because this organization faces an unprecedented financial situation and conflicts that are ongoing, and a technological revolution that is progressing quicker than our ability to govern it, and unity because none of these challenges can be addressed by one country acting alone. As a developing island country, the Dominican Republic is well aware of vulnerability. Situations that happen far away from our coasts can directly impact the dinner tables of our families.
And finally, we need a transnational water governance regime informed by the outcomes of the various water conferences held over the last eight years. Excellencies. Samoa remains a peaceful country, steadfast in our commitment to human rights and justice. We remain concerned by the ongoing wars in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran, the terrible loss of civilian lives, displacement of people as well as the destruction of infrastructure and the environment, is something we do not condone. The continued supply of weapons to fuel conflicts must end. We also reiterate our long standing call for meaningful reform of the Security Council to ensure that it remains effective, credible and representative of today's realities. It is imperative that the UN resolves disputes peacefully and strengthen international peace and security. The world needs a stronger commitment to peace, not more division, not more conflict and not more suffering. Excellencies.
We also wish to express our thanks to Mrs. Annalena Baerbock for her efforts during her presidency of the 81st session of the GA. We further express our profound thanks and appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres Secretary General of the United Nations, for his continued effort in furthering the purposes of the UN. Mr. president, the work of this session is taking place at a time when the world and the multilateral system are facing rapidly evolving and unprecedented challenges, while crises and conflicts continue in many parts of the world. There is an increasing need to uphold the principles of the UN charter, respect international law and strengthen the effectiveness of international institutions in maintaining international peace and security and advancing sustainable development.
Dear colleagues, as was the case last year, we are yet again meeting here against the backdrop of a worrying global juncture. The organization is facing an unprecedented accumulation of complex global challenges. Against that backdrop, the theme of this session rightly expresses the fact that we are facing a major issue. Indeed, the major issue of our time is restoring trust, managing transformation in order to build a United Nations that delivers for all. The current crisis we face is undoubtedly a crisis of trust. More trust between states needs to come about, but there is a crisis in that trust. There's a crisis of confidence and trust in international institutions, and there's a crisis of confidence, confidence rather, in international law's ability to enforce agreements reached on the basis of the United Nations Charter. Finally, there is a crisis of confidence in the original promise of the United Nations, namely preserving succeeding generations from the scourge of war and promoting economic social progress for all. It is high time to once again place this promise at the heart of the UN's work. If we do not wish it to remain a dead ideal, it must become once more a reality for everyone. And yet armed conflicts are increasing in number.
This very simple experience seems to me to have something to teach us about the world in which we live. Because we are going through a time of upheaval. The international order established in the aftermath of the Second World War is under severe constraints. Conflicts are multiplying and becoming deadlocked. The most fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, the prohibition of the use of force and respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity are being openly violated. Added to this are transformations that are reshaping our societies: climate change and the increase in the number of disasters, humanitarian crises, inequalities and also technological upheavals, notably artificial intelligence which are often advancing faster than our collective ability to assess their implications. At the same time, multilateral institutions are having to respond to an increasing number of crises while facing pressure, pressure on resources and an erosion of trust. The theme of this 81st session of the General Assembly Restoring Trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, therefore aptly sums up the task before us to restore trust to support transformation, and to demonstrate through concrete results that cooperation remains possible. This erosion of trust extends far beyond the realms of peace and security. We are also seeing it in the global economy. Protectionism is on the rise.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Your Excellencies, every generation believes the challenges they face are unmatched. Perhaps for us that is true. We are at a unique moment in history. The scale of knowledge and the speed of change are unprecedented. Every day brings another crisis, another tragedy, another emergency demanding our attention. One study shows that average screen attention has fallen from 2.5 minutes in 2004 to just 47 seconds today. Of course, a screen is not the world, but that says something about our world today that attention has become a scarce asset, and where we choose to direct it has never mattered more. And in this chamber, attention is more than a cognitive resource. It is a geopolitical one. It determines which conflicts receive sustained diplomacy and which fade from the agenda. Whether a cease fire holds after the cameras leave, whether humanitarian suffering remains intolerable or becomes familiar and whether the world steps up or scrolls and strolls away. History rarely catches us entirely by surprise. More often, it catches us focused elsewhere. Economic disparity, food insecurity, climate change disasters. None of these challenges emerged overnight. The warning signs have been there. The question is whether our attention lasts long enough to act, and what we neglect has a habit of shaping our future.
We remain committed to the multilateral humanitarian system, as well as to all those who are providing assistance where it is most needed. The same level of responsibility applies to peace and security. Conflicts affect all human beings women, children, older persons, persons with disabilities, as well as people who are already vulnerable. Protecting civilians and defending human rights cannot take a back seat to other considerations.
Why does a state such as mine believe so strongly in international law? The answer goes for all. When might makes right. It is the smallest states who are the first to be threatened when force is regulated by the law. All of humanity is protected. Sovereign equality between states, honoring commitments, peacefully settling disputes are therefore not abstract concepts. They are our front line of protection. And yours too. With the balance as is set out by the charter between the three pillars peace and security, development and human rights. Nevertheless, this protection is today under assault. Rearmament is accelerating throughout the world. We are seeing the use of force once again as being another political tool for some Trade is breaking down and we are seeing a race to capture critical resources. The private sector is also part of this. Of these power relations. We are now in the era of the geo economy, and this is fertile ground for disinformation, which undermines people's trust in their institutions and leads them to question verifiable facts. Our belief has never been tried to such an extent since 1945 in Ukraine, the Middle East, Sudan, the Sahel in many other places out of the media spotlight. Civilians are paying the price for conflicts which have discarded the most basic rules of humanity. And never, since 1945 has the very legitimacy of states and multilateral bodies such as the UN, been called into question to such an extent. Given this danger, let us recall our mission. In the words of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary general of the UN.
Mr. President, confidence in the international system is increasingly declining; international organizations are grappling with reduced capacity; political and economic impunity is being entrenched. The UN Charter underscores resolving international disputes through peaceful means, and the obligation of states to pursue diplomatic solutions before resorting to escalation or the use of force. Notwithstanding, we continue to be inundated with the image of suffering of innocent civilians, such as in Sudan and Eastern DRC, large-scale internal displacement, cross-border migration, and humanitarian crises across the world. Those conflicts continue to undermine international mechanisms and the structures established to maintain international peace and security.
Allow me to share with you, ladies and gentlemen, some of the most pressing challenges that Peru is currently facing. The first major challenge we face is the frontal assault we must wage on our organised crime and petty crime. Peru is located on a continent in which there are no wars between nations. However, we are faced with another type of war that is, that declared by transnational criminal organizations, organizations that have sowed terror among our people. In this war, there are no battlegrounds, no fronts. Indeed, no fronts have been defined. There are no international rules governing these conflicts. The enemy does not wear a uniform. The enemy hides among our people. There is no possibility to secure surrender or to sign peace treaties in this context. Confronting this war as an isolated problem to be dealt with by each nation alone is not only mistaken thinking and a mistake that we've been making. Rather, it is an act of giving the advantage to transnational organised crime. To make that mistake allows them to grow stronger. They have huge economic and war mongering power, and they get that through crimes and illegal businesses that range from smuggling, illegal mining, drug trafficking, human trafficking, extortion and killing. Consequently, the first thing we must do is isolate or pinpoint and identify the enemy. These organisations, these enemies are terrorist groups and they must be tackled for what they are. They are enemies of a democratic state and of fine, upstanding citizens. Clearly defining who the enemy is and establishing a normative framework will allow the armed forces in supporting the National Police to act with resolve and tackle the threat to the domestic order posed by these organisations. Moreover, in addition to actively participating in the regional Santiago Commitment, Peru recently joined the Shield of the Americas. That was a demonstration of its decisive commitment to working together and in concert with our partners in this challenge, which is of the utmost priority for Peru. In Peru, we will pursue crime and prosecute. It will go after the man that commits the crimes and go after the network that supports him. We will not waver in the face of those that attempt to impose terror over and above the law, suppressing, repressing. These organizations will do that with the full force of the law. But doing that is not enough if at the same time, we do not tackle the challenge that is developing a better educational system. There need to be effective opportunities for learning for our children and young people.
As President Putin said the dictatorship of one hegemon is spiraling out of control. It's dangerous for everyone else. At the start of this year in contravention of all norms, including moral norms, the US invaded Venezuela, resulting in the abduction of President Maduro and his spouse, held in an American prison without trial. And this despite the fact that international law clearly states that the highest ranking public officials of any state should enjoy immunities. We insist that the Venezuelan leader and his spouse be liberated immediately, and that such excesses do not come to be repeated. It is unacceptable the fact that force was used to kill the Supreme Leader of Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and members of his family, members of the military and political leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We're particularly disquieted by the fact that the U.S. and Israeli aggression, which began in June of last year, also seeks to target the civilian infrastructure in Iran and civilian nuclear infrastructure under IAEA safeguards. This dealt an irreversible blow to the authority of the agency and the entire nuclear non-proliferation system. Repeated armed confrontations in the Persian Gulf and the Strait are ongoing, despite the fact that this is a dealing a blow to global navigation and trade. We need the prerequisite for the settlement of this crisis. We need trust in the relationships between the Gulf states, the Arab states and Iran. We need stable regional architecture. This is what drives our concept for collective security in the Persian Gulf. Russia, together with other responsible states, stands ready to constructively contribute to stabilizing this strategically important region. We stand convinced that it's time to resolve the main issue in the Middle East ensuring Palestinian statehood on the basis of countless UN decisions Almost a year ago, the Security Council. Approved the peace plan for the Gaza Strip. But peace does not reign there. Older persons, women and children continue to perish. The humanitarian situation is critical. The situation in the West Bank continues to deteriorate, where Israel is stepping up its settlement activities. If the situation continues, it won't be possible to set up a Palestinian state. There won't be any room. But if that were to be the case, Israel's security would also be constantly under threat. Experts understand this full well. The UN and all its member states absolutely need to think outside the box so as to buck these unfavorable trends in the Middle East and nearby areas. I'm not just referring to Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Sudan, Somalia, South Sudan, and other countries in Africa where conflicts, rage, rage. We need urgent measures to be taken to address the terrible humanitarian situation in Cuba, which is under extreme, unprecedented pressure on the part of its northern neighbor. We stand in solidarity with the Cuban people and its government We insist that the U.S. lift its siege on the island of freedom and lift all restrictions on trade with Cuba striking it off the list of that vile list. List of state sponsors of terrorism. This is a stark example which requires the attention of the international community. But there are many other issues as well. The use of force and double standards espoused by the West are destabilizing the situation all over the map. In the Balkans, the EU is flagrantly ignoring U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, compelling Serbia to accept the fact that it has lost Kosovo. Part of its history, and Belgrade is basically being forced to impose sanctions against Russia in exchange for nebulous prospects of Euro integration. There are attempts for Bosnia and Herzegovina to be unitarist the Serbs to be unionized and forced to give up their constitutional powers, which were guaranteed by the Dayton Agreement. Together with the Security Council. In this spirit of running roughshod international law and security, there are reckless actions being taken in Ukraine in order to supposedly constrain Russia. The US has destroyed the European security system and created a russophobic regime in Kiev. Understanding how vain this is, Europe is doing everything it can to thwart peace talks in which the tramp the tramp administration is interested. The West is pumping the Ukrainian regime full of weapons, helping Kiev to target drones and missiles to target them at civilians and civilian infrastructure. The West aspires to inflict strategic defeat on Russia, but these aspirations will result in the warmongers being led into a strategic dead end. Colleagues. A year ago, we marked the 80th anniversary of the victory over German Nazism and Japanese Japanese militarism. Next week, on the 1st of October, we'll be marking the 80th anniversary of the completion of the work of the Nuremberg Tribunal.
While the world focuses on headline grabbing events like monster hurricanes, melting glaciers, and tidal waves, climate change is affecting Saint Lucia daily in small but significant ways, such as the unusual bouts of drought in the rainy season, unprecedented floods in the dry season and stifling of our beaches and coastlines by Sargassum. Our people contribute little to this global emissions. Yet these events constantly set back our people's development and livelihoods and demand that we find the resources to reverse the damage. Saint Lucia calls for climate finance that matches the scale of the crisis: expanded grants and concessional funding, fast and simple access, full support for loss and damage, meaningful debt relief and financing that reaches vulnerable people directly. Climate finance is not charity. It's about justice, responsibility and survival. We must stop confusing loans with solidarity. A loan is not justice when a small, vulnerable nation is forced to borrow to repair damage it did not cause. A United Nations that delivers for all must deliver for those on the front lines of climate change through accessible finance, concrete support and measurable results, not merely through declarations. Saint Lucia laments the continued conflicts and human sufferings across the globe, including Ukraine, Sudan and the wider Middle East, including Gaza, and calls for renewed efforts towards peace, stability and respect for international law. In accordance to the right to self determination and UN resolutions, in particular resolution 3236 of 1974,
International law must not change with geography or bend according to the identity of the accused. In the Middle East the UN charter and international law must guide us. Civilians must be protected, humanitarian access ensured, aggression and occupation ended and freedom of navigation safeguarded. The inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination must be realized through a viable state of Palestine, living alongside the state of Israel in peace and in security. That same commitment to peace requires progress on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation through diplomacy. In Sudan, civilians continue to endure atrocities and displacement, underscoring the cost of delayed action. Sierra Leone calls for their protection, unhindered humanitarian access, accountability, and a Sudanese led political process that safeguards the country's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. In the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, agreements have not yet silenced the guns or allowed millions to return home. Across West Africa and the Sahel, terrorism feeds on poverty, exclusion, unemployment and weak institutions. These conflicts differ in origin and circumstance, but they carry a common warning. Military action may contain a threat, but it cannot by itself build lasting peace. When hunger, exclusion and despair deepen, insecurity takes root. The connection between peace and development must therefore move from our resolutions into our budgets. In 2025, global military expenditure reached about 2.9 trillion USD, the 11th consecutive annual increase.
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South Africa09/24 · first at about 12 min1 mention
In our view, restoring trust in multilateralism will not happen without meaningful reform of global governance, principally the UN Security Council. African citizens are growing weary of their continent's being consigned to the periphery of global governance. Africa is home to nearly one fifth of the world's population and African countries together account for more than a quarter of the UN member states. Yet over the past decade, 70% of UN Security Council resolutions have concerned conflicts on the African continent. If the future belongs to the young, then surely a continent that will be home to 1 in 4 of the world's youth by 2030 deserve a bigger seat at the table. South Africa therefore reaffirms its support for the Ezulwini Consensus and its call to end Africa's relegation to the margins of global decision making. A permanent seat for Africa in the Security Council, with all the prerogatives of the permanent memberships, is long overdue. Nowhere is the need to uphold our shared humanity more urgent than in Palestine. The rights and dignity and humanity of the Palestinians cannot be treated as conditional. The state of Israel continued violation of international and humanitarian law constitute genocide, and we remain steadfast in our view that international community must act decisively to end this impunity.
And if there is one word that sums up much of our vocation as a country, that word would be peace. We do not view peace simply as an absence of war. We understand it as something that has to be constantly built. The possibility for people to live, to work, to educate their children, pursue their aspirations, and to look to the future without fear. Uruguay, with its virtues, but also, like every country with its darker times, has been a country that has sought to resolve its differences through institutions, through dialogue and through the quest for agreement. In this assembly, we reaffirm our enduring willingness to contribute to peacekeeping missions with a deep sense of responsibility and solidarity. Uruguayan men and women can bear witness to the value of this instrument in easing suffering and guaranteeing respect for the human lives of the most defenseless populations. You can continue to count on Uruguay here. We are not a country given to grand gestures. We are a country of deeply held beliefs. And one of these beliefs is that peace building is never finished. We can't take it for granted. Every generation has the responsibility to build it anew. There can't be peace for some and another peace for others. No suffering matters more because it happens closer to home, and no lives are worth less because they were born in another country. When people suffer, humanity as a whole bears a responsibility. When a people is displaced, when a family loses its home, when young people can see no way out and their mental health is under threat. When a child grows up under the sound of gunfire, when millions of people live in poverty or without any opportunities, we can't stand indifferent to that, nor can we stand indifferent to the pain caused by a state of endless war, the fear and pain generated by organized crime, or the constant threat of terrorism, the repression born out of tyranny, or the suffering triggered by a rigid economic blockade such as that endured by the Cuban people. We don't believe that taking one side or another in a war, confrontation or dispute necessarily contributes to resolving it. Indeed, very often it only serves to further the divisions. We have a different commitment, that is, to seek paths towards understanding, to open spaces for dialogue, and to help to ensure that conflicts find a peaceful resolution. This doesn't mean indifference. It doesn't mean downplaying suffering. It doesn't mean overlooking responsibilities. It means understanding that peace demands something more difficult than merely taking sides. It means that we need to work so that that confrontation can be brought to an end as soon as possible. And to do that, we also have to recover something that at times seems to have been lost in international debate. Humility.
The test of the United Nation's credibility is not only confined to our waters. The Palestinian cause remains at the heart of our concerns. The Kingdom reaffirms its steadfast position in support of the establishment of an independent and geographically contiguous state of Palestine, living side by side with the State of Israel in peace and security. The Kingdom has also joined the Board of Peace as a founding member, pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2803. This reaffirms our unwavering support for the rights of the brotherly Palestinian people. The Kingdom also reaffirms its support for the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, as well as for efforts to lift sanctions in a manner that enables the brotherly Syrian people to rebuild their country. In Sudan, we call for an immediate cease fire, the protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, and a political solution that preserves Sudan's unity and the institutions of the state. Turning to Yemen, we renew our support for a political solution under United Nations auspices led by the legitimate government. We appreciate the efforts of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in this vein. Our position on other conflicts, including the conflict in Ukraine, is guided by the same principles, regardless of the parties involved. That is adherence to the charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Mr. president, the Kingdom of Bahrain, where mosques, churches and temples have stood side by side for generations, believes that tolerance and coexistence are not simply policies to be adopted.
And I would like to begin by talking not about the government, but rather the people, the Bolivian people, the homeland people that has gone through difficult times, a people that knows poverty, but also that knows the meaning of work, that knows division, but also knows how to recognize one another in unity. That has been through economic and political crises, social conflicts, and times of uncertainty, but which has never lost sight of something fundamental. And that is the hope of building a better life. I come from a country that today is facing a reality that we cannot hide. But first of all, allow me to say one thing. A part of those 20 years of the reality of a country that has been dragged along, is due to the consequences of a time of ideological construction on our continent. In the case of part of South America, where one leader came here and said, this smells of sulfur. It was part of a political and ideological line, which was, uh, being built upon by another leader who brought a coca leaf here. And he turned a traditional leaf into a historic leaf, a leaf that is part of our culture. He turned it into a betrayal. So that construction and development and the vision of a the development of a nation would be betrayed. Today the Bolivian economy. In 2026 had inflation of more than 20%. But it was a country that was an energy power in gas and hydrocarbons and mining. Nevertheless, we were reduced to a country that now has to be negotiating with multilateral institutions and with various different nations, and that is not right. They said that they were socialists. However, we carried out a campaign a ten months ago, in the ten months since I've been president, with the concept of capitalism for all of resources financial capacities, being able to invest and develop socialism and ideology does not put food on the table. What does is employment and the development of our economies and our production. When I took on the challenge of government, there were $51 million in our reserves because the reserves of the central bank had been entirely liquidated. Now, ten months on, we have nearly 1.2 billion and we, by the end of the year, are heading towards nearly 4 billion. And in the following 18 months, nearly $10 billion. For many nations, that might not be much, but for Bolivia it is a record, a milestone, a challenge, and a process of construction to build, strengthen our democracy and to strengthen our productive model within the country. I say this clearly, being able to look at the reality in my country, which decided to engage in a change and a transformation and to not turn back to the past. We are indeed doing this. We are ordering our economy. We are putting our house in order. We are facing up to the shortage of fuel. We are rebuilding our reserves. We are reforming our institutions. We are trying to restore internal and external trust in the country. We are doing something that we thought was even more important. We are trying to restore that trust in Bolivians so that we can move forward, because a nation that does not rebuild its trust cannot move ahead with money alone, with clear rules, with labor, with institutions that work, education, security and justice. It's one thing to have a government which we do have. It's quite another thing to have governability, which we do now have, because the Parliament is now drafting and approving laws and governance is yet another thing. Governance, governability and governance are not the same things. And in governance there was a deep rooted danger that we should denounce in this space of the United Nations, 53 days.
Technology is changing how we work, communicate, and understand the world. Climate change is reshaping economies, communities, and entire ecosystems. Conflicts are destroying lives and displacing families. Economic uncertainty is deepening inequality while progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals has stalled. These challenges are not unfolding in isolation. They are interconnected, global in scale and beyond the capacity of any one nation to address alone. They demand stronger cooperation and renewed confidence in multilateralism. Yet, excellencies, at the very moment when collective action is most urgently needed, this organization stands at a crossroads. The question before us, therefore, is whether we possess the courage, solidarity and political will to shape that change and guide our world towards peace, justice and shared prosperity. I strongly believe that most right thinking individuals would agree that the UN system has substantially delivered for all countries over the several decades of its existence. For more than 80 years, this organization has embodied humanity's highest collective aspiration that countries large and small, rich and poor can work together to prevent conflict, protect human dignity and improve the lives of their people. The United Nations provides shelter and protection to people enduring conflict, displacement, and natural disaster. It supports education healthcare, peacekeeping, elections and development in communities that might otherwise be forgotten. These achievements matter and must never be dismissed or diminished. What the United Nations does not currently do enough is deliver at the transformative level. Too often humanity and the institutions we have created to serve us have had to concentrate on managing one crisis after another, without giving enough attention to the conditions that allow them to persist. Excellencies, there is no question that managing crises is necessary. It brings relief, restores hope, and saves lives. But we cannot stop there. Our responsibility must also be to address the root causes of these problems and build systems that are fairer, stronger and better able to serve our people. The true test of this organization, therefore is not only how well we respond after people have suffered, it is also whether we can work together to prevent that suffering in the first place. This is not to dismiss what has already been achieved. It is a call for us to build on that progress, strengthen our cooperation and deliver the meaningful change that our people expect from us. A fundamental question that one must ask is, can the international system still deliver?
We choose the international law. We choose dialogue over coercion, human dignity over domination and cooperation over confrontation. Fiji calls for the peaceful settlement of conflicts wherever they occur. We urge all parties to protect civilians, respect international humanitarian law and return to the negotiating table. The charter does not apply differently according to who is involved or where. Fiji asks the same of every party in every theatre. Energy, food security and supply chains are inseparable from peace. The freedoms of navigation guaranteed under the international law, including the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea, must be respected. Fiji will continue to serve in the United Nations peacekeeping operations. We ask only that they be properly mandated, properly financed and properly supported, and we support renewed investment in prevention, mediation and the quiet diplomacy that stops wars before they begin. We carry a very simple conviction the life of a stranger is worth protecting. Dialogue is worth pursuing, and peace, however difficult, is always worth building. Mr. president, the Pacific knows the cost of militarization and nuclear testing. Our ocean carries the memory of decisions made elsewhere, but suffered by Pacific peoples. That memory strengthens our determination that the Blue Pacific remain a region of peace. The Ocean of Peace Declaration expresses a regional vision grounded in sovereignty, international law, and rejection of coercion. Our message to all partners is clear the Pacific world welcomes our friendship, investment and genuine cooperation. But our ocean must not become a theater in which others settle their rivalries.
Friends, the United Nations is entering its ninth decade at a moment of great uncertainty and challenge for the global community. Conflicts are having devastating effects on the most vulnerable. The impacts of the climate crisis are felt in every corner of our world. Hard won rights are being rolled back. Narrow self-interest is breaking the bonds of solidarity, which have so often lifted us to meaningful progress. The international legal order is under tremendous strain. New and emerging technologies that offer unlimited potential could also, without human intervention, create unprecedented dangers. In such moments of uncertainty, it can be easy to question our foundations, to retreat, to turn inward, to say that international cooperation is too difficult, that multilateralism does not work, that the problems of others are not our problems. But that would be the wrong conclusion, because the answer to a world under strain is not less international cooperation. It is more. The answer to the weakening of principles is not to abandon them. It is to defend them. And if our multilateral system is not working effectively, the answer is not to walk away from it. It is to make it stronger, fairer and fit for the world we live in. That is Ireland's position, and that is what all of us, as members of the United Nations need to deliver on. We should also remember what our collective commitment to the United Nations has achieved. The multilateral system anchored in the United Nations Charter has been the foundation of many of humanity's greatest achievements. It has driven advances in poverty alleviation health care, education, social protection, and food and nutrition security. It has championed human rights and dignity and insisted that accountability matters. It has given voice to the marginalised. Mr. President, the people of Ireland understand that we live in an interdependent world, that the challenges we face are interconnected, cross borders and require collective solutions. Ireland currently holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union. Our stewardship of the European Union's agenda is deeply rooted in the principle of strength with unity, and this principle is at the heart of our vision for the United Nations, as well as our unwavering commitment to the pillars which guide its work. Peace and security. Human rights and development. These pillars equally bear the weight of our shared ambition for a better, fairer and peaceful world. Collectively, however, we are not delivering on their ambition. We are not staying the course. At a time when global needs are increasing and becoming more complex, our responsibility to act does not diminish.
Mr. president, we are deeply concerned by the effects of regional conflicts and instability on development, economic growth, food security and the achievement of SDGs. The crisis in the Gulf and threats to freedom of navigation have sent shockwaves across the global economy. For small open economies such as Mauritius, which depends on maritime trade routes for over 90% of its primary energy imports and more than 70% of its food supply, these effects are felt acutely. We call for restraint, for dialogue, and for a durable diplomatic resolution. On Palestine, Mauritius reaffirms its long standing position in support of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to an independent sovereign state, with East Jerusalem as its capital, living in peace and security along its neighbours. The cycle of violence must end. Too many people have suffered for far too long.
They are asking whether it works. Yes, there have been wars and conflicts that we could not prevent, and issues we could not resolve. The Palestinian issue continues unresolved for decades. Wars and conflict and their aftermath are ravaging Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine, Myanmar, and the Middle East. But even as those wars raged, the United Nations stayed and served. I’ve seen this in my own country, where the United Nations country team in Cox’s Bazar is striving to do more with less to support Rohingya refugees in the camps. Just recently, a representative from a war-torn nation said to me: “Your peacekeepers from Bangladesh were not just blue helmets. They built roads and communities. They fed children. They helped rebuild societies and put us on the road to proper governance.” In Iraq, the United Nations system helped nearly five million people return home. It rehabilitated hundreds of schools, electricity stations and water-treatment plants. And right now, in Haiti, the entire United Nations family is delivering amid immense security and governance challenges. These stories rarely make the headlines, but we should never lose sight of what is working. (BRIEF PAUSE) At the same time, let us not turn a blind eye to where we have fallen short, particularly in a world where challenges seem to multiply by the day. The war in Gaza has left over 70,000 people dead, including thousands of children. Humanitarian support has been a fraction of what is needed. The ongoing wars across the Middle East and Europe have consequences far beyond the frontlines. And the heartbreaking disaster in Nepal and China, was not just an isolated event, but yet another horrible climax to our collectively insufficient response to climate change. The circumstances and politics of these crises differ. But our commitments under the Charter do not. The principles of multilateralism, international law, the protection of civilians and humanitarian access cannot be applied selectively, not if we want the world to trust us.
Mr. President, let us restore trust through the pursuit of peace and security. Trust in the international system begins with the conviction that everyone matters, and that the security of small states is as precious as that of great powers. International conflicts far from our shores in Ukraine and the Middle East continue to have devastating consequences for our daily lives, disrupting agricultural trade and global food stability, and driving up fuel prices and shipping premiums. We therefore join others here and call for an immediate end to the war in Ukraine, with full respect for state sovereignty and territorial integrity under the UN charter. And likewise, we call for a permanent ceasefire in the Middle East, the protection of civilians and the realization of a two state solution guaranteeing peace and security for Palestine and Israel. Mr. President, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines does not stand alone.
Indeed, his successor will have extremely large boots to fill going forward. For generations, the United Nations has represented humanity's shared determination to replace conflict with dialogue, domination with cooperation and despair with hope. Yet today, many of the ideals and values we once collectively defended are being questioned and challenged. Respect for international law is becoming increasingly selective. Multilateral cooperation is weakening. Conflict, geopolitical rivalry and mistrust are becoming defining features of our time. Uncertainty, unfortunately, has become the new norm. I remember the sense of optimism that accompanied the transition from the Millennium Development Goals to the Sustainable Development Goals in 2015. There was genuine hope that we were beginning a new chapter, one in which no person, no community, no country would be left behind. 11 years later, we must have the courage to admit that the world is not where we expected it to be. Progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030 stands at 36% only. This is far too low. Conflicts between and within the states are increasing.
Mr. President. Excellencies. Distinguished delegates. It is an honor once again to address this august Assembly on behalf of the government and people of Tuvalu. I congratulate His Excellency Khalilur Rahman of Bangladesh on assuming the role of the president of the 81st session. President Rahman, you can count on the full support of Tuvalu. I also congratulate the outgoing president, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock of Germany, for an exceptional and exemplary leadership. Mr. president, Tuvalu extends its deepest sympathy and condolences to all communities worldwide that are affected by ongoing armed conflicts and recent natural disasters, including the devastating floods in Nepal and Myanmar, the earthquake in Colombia and the tragic loss of lives at sea in Vanuatu. Tuvalu reiterates its hope for peace, stability and the unimpeded humanitarian relief, and reaffirms its solidarity with all those facing violence, insecurity and loss. Mr. president, in less than a week, Tuvalu will celebrate its 48th anniversary of independence, a significant milestone as Tuvalu approaches its Golden Jubilee of Independence.
In that regard, I want to talk about three issues today. First, what this body should have done and failed to do. Second, what it should not have done but did anyway. And third, its position in the face of the advent of artificial intelligence. Seventy-eight years ago, this House declared that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights— noble words whose spirit I fully share. To that end, it undertook to uphold international law, defend the sovereignty of nations, and provide a forum in which conflicts could be resolved through cooperation rather than immediately through the force of arms. That was the original purpose, the contract that we all signed. But today, regrettably, it is time to acknowledge that, in practice, that sacred covenant has been broken. That's to say, it's become a useless organization whose only purpose is to sustain a caste of fatally arrogant parasites, masquerading as well-intentioned bureaucrats. I would remind them of what Mises said: good people do not think about controlling the lives of their fellow human beings. Those who were supposed to guarantee collective security and human rights failed in their task. Instead, they allowed chaos, violence, and international terrorism to flourish. The alleged defenders of human rights have sheltered bloodthirsty dictatorships and regimes that stone women in the streets. They have systematically voted against Israel while remaining silent in the face of Islamic terrorism and the genocide of Christians in Africa. And as if that were not enough, an organization established to defend the territorial sovereignty of its members decided to look the other way with regard to the situation of the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia Islands, South Sandwich Islands, and the surrounding maritime areas. For us, the Malvinas are a national cause.
And taking the floor at this General Assembly, I feel the weight of history. More than 80 years ago, in the wake of a war that plunged the world into chaos, Haiti, a founding member of the United Nations, joined the nations of the world to make a pledge for peace, for dialogue and respect for human dignity. Today, while deadly crises and conflicts have proliferated and the climate emergency is intensifying and new divisions are threatening stability in Haiti and throughout the world, this founding endeavor is being put to the test. It is imperative that, given the crises that Haiti is grappling with and given those that are causing so much upheaval throughout the world, it is imperative for nations to close ranks around what is essential.
Mr. president, over the past year, the international community has faced many challenges. Protracted armed conflicts, an energy crisis and disruptions to global trade have been compounded by destabilization orchestrated by those who pursue their own selfish ambitions. For small island economies, these are not distant events. Every rise in the price of fuel is felt in the cost of shipping, electricity, food and essential services, placing a heavy burden on communities that have no buffer against external shocks. These tensions confirm what Solomon Islands has long understood. Peace and security are inseparable from development. Neither can be secured without the other. There are no winners in war, only graves, orphans and the long labor of rebuilding what conflict has torn down. There is no substitute for dialogue, diplomacy and peaceful negotiation. Solomon Islands calls on all parties to armed conflict to protect civilians and return to the negotiating table and act in full respect of international law. And it is why the world needs a stronger, more agile United Nations, one equipped to respond to the realities of today. Mr. president, the Pacific faces a grave and growing threat.
I know all of you very well, but they know that given only a short time to make this world better, safer, and more prosperous for our children, for the people on earth, we have to take advantage of it. As president of the most extraordinary nation in history, I have no interest in leaving dangers to grow for another day. I do not believe in letting problems fester. They only become harder to solve. So while others have talked, I have acted. While others have spoken of peace, I have made peace. While others have ignored threats, I have confronted them. While others have talked of courage, America has shown it. While others have promised strength, I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake. Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region. They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity. The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime were ever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation in this hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran, until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve, anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief. Morocco, Bahrain, these are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump in six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The Prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've had it. 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago. In January, at my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolás Maduro. Since that day, hundreds of Venezuelan political prisoners have been freed. They've let them out of jails, and we're working closely with the leaders of Venezuela to forge a much better future for the Venezuelan people. Last month, we signed the largest oil deal in history, covering 65 billion barrels of oil, which will benefit both Venezuela and the United States enormously and help drive down the cost of energy all over the world. And that is starting to perk right now. It's coming out. The biggest oil companies in the world are going in, and the numbers are absolutely incredible. When you add the United States and Venezuela together, we have more than 60% of the oil in the world. So it's perhaps the biggest deal. It was a war, but it's perhaps the biggest deal ever made. To the victor belong the spoils. You've all heard that our actions in Venezuela are proof that the United States will no longer permit threats to America to gain a foothold anywhere in the Western Hemisphere. And if necessary, we will use our unmatched military might to secure the vital national interests of the United States. As you know, Venezuela had the finest equipment in the world from other countries. And guess what? It didn't work. Didn't even come close to working. For decades, other administrations allowed much of this region to be dominated by vicious gangs and bloodthirsty drug cartels, destabilized by uncontrolled migration and infiltrated by hostile foreign adversaries, foreign sick, demented adversaries. But not anymore. We are reasserting American power, including American military power, where necessary in our region and around the world, to create a safer future for all of us. It's happening, and it's happening quickly.
