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That is peace, security and the well-being of all peoples. This is the whole point of the topic that brings us together this year. Mr. president, I congratulate you on your election as president of the General Assembly. I also wish to hail the Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to peace. I still remember fondly his visit to Port-au-Prince on the 16th of June 2026, which bore witness to his solidarity toward the Haitian people. In these difficult times that our country is undergoing, Haiti wishes to extend its gratitude to all of its partners and friends that have continued to stand by its side. In this regard, I would like to hail the commitment of the United Nations system, and especially the commitment of the Security Council and that of the Organization of American States, Caricom and the European Union, whose support remains essential. More than ever, I want to pay a particular tribute to the kindred peoples who, by contributing to the gang suppression force and supporting its full rollout, have chosen to share with us the burden of fighting for peace and security. Haiti will never forget the solidarity nor their sacrifices. I also want to underscore the privileged partnership with the United States of America and the steadfast support of Canada and the invaluable assistance of our partners such as France, Chile and Mexico in the modernization of our national security capacity. Also, the opening of the Dominican Republic to dialogue and its advocacy for a sustainable resolution to the Haitian crisis. I express my gratitude for that. Finally, we wish to recognize the Integrated Office in Haiti, the funds and programs present on the ground, as well as all of our multilateral partners.
Today the world needs not only more dialogue, but also more trust, more accountability, and greater capacity to act together. Humans must be at the heart of this collective response: human life, dignity, rights, and opportunities. This requires an international order based upon the UN Charter and international law, as well as the United Nations that not only formulates principles but also has the power and capacity to uphold them. This means a global order of rules by and for all, for countries small and large, without double standards. Bulgaria will continue to be a staunch defender of this order and of a strong, effective, and active UN. Ladies and gentlemen, today the UN must prove not only its capacity to bring states together but also its capacity to act. Thanks to collective efforts, it is our duty to transform a world in disorder into a world of international law and lasting peace. The Pact for the Future provides an important guideline, but it must be supported by real reform. The Security Council ought to reflect the world of today, with more equitable regional representation and greater legitimacy and effectiveness. Bulgaria is in favor of an enlargement of the Council's two membership categories, including with at least one additional non-permanent seat for the group of Eastern European states. The upcoming election of a new Secretary-General will also be a choice for the UN's leadership. We thank Mr. António Guterres for his dedication to serving the UN.
The true test of international cooperation is whether a child in a conflict-affected community can live without fear. A young person can find decent employment, a family can afford food, and a developing nation can access the finance required to build its future. Trust among nations has eroded on multiple fronts. Multilateral commitments have too often gone unmet, financing pledges have not yet been fulfilled, and developing countries face trillions of dollars in annual investment gaps to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, billions of people reside in countries where governments are forced to spend more on debt servicing than on healthcare or education. Restoring trust cannot be achieved through declarations alone. It requires that promises already made be honored, and that our institutions demonstrate the capacity and will have to respond to changing global realities. Since the Eswilwini Consensus was adopted in 2005, sadly, Africa still has no permanent seat on the UN Security Council.
We are moving our relationship with our strategic partners to a new phase moving from military cooperation to economic and development cooperation in service of our common interests In this manner, we add to Iraqis victory over terrorism, a redoubled determination and momentum to finish building our military and security capacities in order to protect our country, our people, and our sovereignty. In order to sustain integration with our international friends, we call on all partners to exercise border control, address gaps and remain constantly vigilant in order to prevent the formation of an environment conducive to extremism. Ladies and gentlemen In the context of institutional reform, our government is fighting a battle against corruption and for the protection of public funds. We are moving forward with sustainable core solutions in order to increase performance efficiency and improve providing services.
Lesotho is increasingly experiencing severe floods and droughts, resulting in unparalleled land degradation and extensive damage to critical infrastructure. Despite contributing minimally to global greenhouse gas emissions least developed countries like Lesotho bear a heavy brunt of climate impact. Global warming and rising sea levels pose terrible threats, particularly to small island developing states. We stand in solidarity with these nations and call for greater global action. To cope with these climate related challenges, we call upon developed countries to honour their commitments by providing new, adequate, predictable and accessible climate finance. Further, we urge developed countries to transfer environmentally sound technology and to strengthen capacity of developing countries to effectively mitigate and adapt to the adverse effects of climate change. Climate justice demands nothing less. Just energy transition is therefore an imperative if one is to be spared from the terrible threat of climate change. Under the visionary leadership of His Majesty King Letsie III, Lesotho has launched the His Majesty King Letsie III Just Energy Transition Fund, designed not only to decarbonise our economy, but to transform it from one historically reliant on migrant labour to one rooted in renewable energy exports. The fund seeks to attract investment to build new energy generation capacity, unlock energy independence and lay a new foundation for national prosperity that benefits every Mosotho. We therefore call for partnerships to mobilise the requisite resources for clean energy projects, which can create significant employment opportunities for our youth and women. As the first Member state to pilot the UN blueprint for national AI and data strategies from design into national implementation, Lesotho stands ready to share the lessons of that journey with fellow developing countries, particularly across Africa and among least developed and landlocked developing countries, charting similar paths towards digital sovereignty.
Mr. president and excellencies, the theme of this session, and I quote, restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. It speaks directly to our realities of our small islands in Micronesia. We need the benefits of digital innovation, artificial intelligence, energy transition and institutional reforms. At the same time, we recognize the continuing and growing challenges of climate change, ocean degradation, pollution, and growing inequality. Mr. president and excellencies, today's security landscape is not only by conflict, but by climate driven fragility. Extreme weather events, sea level rise and resource degradation are eroding stability across vulnerable regions, especially the Pacific. These pressures intensify humanitarian needs, disrupt food and water systems, and strain governance capacities.
And I thought it's a good idea to share with you my thoughts. Gunpowder changed the battlefield. Nuclear fission changed the meaning of human survival. Artificial intelligence is changing something even more intimate: who can enter the minds of a citizen, imitate a trusted voice, manufacture a reality calibrated to one person's fears, and do so millions and millions of times at once. Albania is not a developer of frontier models, but we are a nation that has already lived the future others are still debating, and I think a simple message is what we owe to all of you. The greatest immediate danger is not that artificial intelligence will stop obeying humanity. The greatest danger is that it will obey the wrong human beings perfectly. The challenge comes in three layers. What artificial intelligence does instead of us, what it does to us. And who gains the power to reach us? First, what it does instead of us. The public debate imagines machines that awaken, acquire ambitions and turn against their creators. But the systems confronting us today do not wake up with hatred in their hearts. They multiply ours. They have no ambition of their own. They serve the ambition of others. They carry no flag. But they can be deployed by a state. They tell no lie for their own benefit. But they can tell a billion lies on others behalf. The machine has no conscience. But it can borrow the reach of a government, the precision of a weapon and the intimacy of a friend. At the same time, the economic incentives surrounding artificial intelligence increasingly reward the replacement of human effort, rather than the enlargement of human capacity. Write the code so that I do not have to understand it. Draft the report so that I do not have to think through it. Make the judgment so that I do not have to assume responsibility for it. When success is measured only by how much work the machine removes from the human being, we may create more efficient institutions, but will have less capable people. A civilization that outsources effort may eventually outsource knowledge. A civilization that outsources knowledge may eventually outsource judgment, and the civilization that outsources judgment may discover that it also outsources responsibility. This is not inevitable. It is a choice. We can build artificial intelligence that teaches rather than merely answers, guides rather than commands, and strengthens the human being instead of making the human being dependent upon it. The question cannot be only how quickly did the machine complete the task? We must also ask, what did the human being learn? Who understood the decision? Who can challenge the decision and who answers for the decision when it is wrong? Albania became the first country to bring an artificial intelligence instrument into the architecture of government through Diella, our worldwide known artificial intelligence minister. We did not do this to transfer sovereignty from people to a machine. We did it to make public services more accessible, procedures more transparent, and the state more accountable. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. Behind every consequential public decision, there must remain a legal mandate, a human institution, and a name that can be called to give answers. The second layer is what artificial intelligence can do to us. Artificial intelligence inside an accountable state can reduce the distance between citizens and public services. Artificial intelligence outside accountability can eliminate the distance between a lie and the human mind. Albania experienced this directly. I am sure you must have followed or just known the so-called Flamingo Revolution, a fabricated narrative of an Israeli invasion of the Albanian coast, an invasion that never occurred, was manufactured, was personalized and delivered through voices, pages and channels citizens already trusted. One citizen received a story of national betrayal. Another received a story of religious provocation. Another received a conspiracy of foreign occupation. Different fabrications entered different emotional worlds, all serving the same strategic lie. The consequences were real. Citizens had their own reasons to protest. Don't take me wrong. But suddenly they started to protest also against a phantom enemy. Antisemitic tropes entered our public discourse for the first time ever. Don't forget, Albania is the only country in Europe that ended World War Two with more Jews than it started it. Fear became anger. Anger became mobilization and fabrication became political reality. And this is not and was not a laboratory experiment. I'm not talking to you about a science fiction movie. It was a Tuesday in Tirana, our capital city. The algorithm did not invent the objective. A human actor did.
Within the framework of the National Development Plan 2025-2044, Mozambique is committed to transforming its potential into shared prosperity for the people through the valorization of resources and investing in human capital, especially in the youth and women, which are the majority. We also want to increase value to natural resources. We also want to modernize our agriculture, promote industrialization, develop tourism, expand access to energy, invest in infrastructures, education, health, science and technology, digitalization, and in the economy in general. Natural resources should contribute to the economic diversification of our economy, the mobilization of income, and investment in our biggest asset, which is the talent of the Mozambican people and the talent of the African people. Our location in the Indian Ocean, our logistic corridors, and our agricultural potential, energy, and minerals make Mozambique a strategic platform for investment and regional integration. We therefore seek partnerships that build national capacity, promote local content, respect the environment, and generate employment, especially for the young people and women. Mozambique will continue to diversify its partnership in a sovereign way, transparent, and mutually beneficial manner, working with all the parties in light of the national priorities. This is also Africa's ambition: to be the architect of their own destiny, to participate in setting the rules, and to fully benefit from the wealth it helps to create.
Mr. President, Africa has the youngest population on Earth. That is an extraordinary asset if we invest in it. But what is a demographic dividend today can become a demographic crisis tomorrow if opportunity does not keep pace with aspiration. Youth unemployment remains one of the most urgent challenges of our time. Managing it is a shared responsibility. Botswana calls upon the United Nations Development Programme, the International Labour Organization, and all relevant multilateral institutions to make technology transfer, skills development, and capacity building funded priorities. As we will all agree, the credibility of our multilateral commitments will be properly tested in development finance. When countries have the means to invest in their people, and when international institutions respond effectively to shared threats, trust is strengthened. But when commitments remain out of reach for those who need them most, confidence in the system weakens. Getting these fundamentals right is central to restoring trust, managing transformation, and building a United Nations that delivers for all. The global financial architecture must therefore evolve to reflect the economic realities of the 21st century, including financing demands created by climate change, technological transformation, and the imperative for sustainable development. Developing countries frequently face borrowing costs several times higher than those of wealthier nations because the system was not designed with the circumstances of the Global South in mind. That sustainability is a question of development and fairness. When nations spend more to service debt than invest in education, job creation, or provision of healthcare, trust in the system erodes. Botswana calls upon this assembly and the international financial institutions to pursue reform of global financial governance. This would give developing countries a meaningful voice and provide fair and predictable access to concessional finance. We call upon the United Nations and its financial partners to mobilize private capital through innovative and blended financing agreements that de-risk productive investment in developing economies. This is enlightened fairness and sound economics. Capital should help create opportunity where its impact can be felt. Mr. President, health is where the promise of international solidarity is tested most directly, and Botswana speaks from hard-earned experience.
Fiji supports the UN reform agenda to make the organisation more coherent, efficient and effective. But reform must be judged by a single test. What improves for people and for member states? For Pacific small island developing states, efficiency must not mean distance. The Multicountry officers serving our regional, our region are essential bridges between global commitments and island realities. Reform must strengthen and not thin. Our capacity to deliver. To deliver where needed is the greatest. This assembly will also select the next Secretary General. Fiji asks for a process that is transparent and merit based, and for the Secretary General who understands the realities of small island states and more importantly, will act on them. For too long, our circumstances have been well diagnosed and poorly addressed. The promise to deliver for all must also be measured in development within. With 2030 approaching, too many sustainable development goals remain off track. National income alone cannot capture remoteness, disaster exposure and the repeated burden of rebuilding the Multidimensional Vulnerability Vulnerability Index must move from adoption to application. There is one measure of delivery that reaches Fijians households directly. Remittances.
We are paying particular attention to the situation in the Great Lakes region, in Sudan, in the Sahel, in Somalia, and in all regions facing violence and instability. We reaffirm our commitment to seeking African solutions to African problems in accordance with international law and the United Nations Charter. We, therefore, called for a strengthened partnership between the African Union and the United Nations in the prevention, mediation, and peaceful settlement of conflicts. Burundi, drawing on its experience, will continue to contribute to peace efforts on the continent. But we must go even further. As decided in Luanda at the 21st extraordinary session of the African Union Assembly of Heads of State and Government, Africa must not only learn to manage conflicts; it must strengthen its capacity to prevent them. We also call on the international community to lend greater support to African peace and security mechanisms, in particular through predictable and sustainable financing for African-led peace operations. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I would be remiss if I were to address this August Assembly without raising the issue of water.
The global economic environment remains particularly difficult for developing countries. We decline official development assistance, high borrowing costs, disruptions to international trade, inflationary pressures and food and energy insecurity. Narrowing fiscal space and threatening development gains. With only a few years remaining to achieve the 2030 agenda. The time for implementation is now. Following the fourth International Conference on Financing for development, we must translate the severe commitments to tangible action. Developing countries need greater access to affordable long term finance. Meaningful reform of the multilateral development system. Sustainable solutions to debt. Stronger international tax cooperation and decisive action against illicit financial flows. We also need stronger and more resilient supply chains, greater investment in productive capacity, and a global economic system that gives developing countries a fair opportunity to transform their economies. Trade must remain an engine of development and developing countries must be enabled to participate more effectively in regional and global value chains.
Dear friends. Since this morning, we've heard a number of speeches from this rostrum about the state of the world, and I fear I will not be very original in my description. Every speaker has described the return of imperialism, of arrogance, the return of unrestrained force which knows no rules, a world in which we see power concentrated in the hands of the few, a world in which some believe that they can undermine the international order so as to push their borders outwards. Those that believe that people's sovereignty can be toppled over that they could use that sovereignty. People who believe that they can decide the fate of the planet, whether that be as regards the climate or AI. The question we must answer is very simple. The question is, do we want to live under this state of affairs with a return to the law of the jungle? Or do we want to live in a civilised international society? Our duty today, more than ever, is to hold firm here at the United Nations in order to make decisions to further our common interests so that people can choose their fate freely, their development model choose their future. To refuse their sovereignty being taken hostage by unjust forces, by fear. Therefore, the very raison d'etre of this organisation is to bring together free people on an equal footing. It is our charter that prevents the power wielded by some from making decisions for others. This is what compels us to work together to demonstrate our commitment and our capacity to act, and usefully so. You know just how committed France is to the United Nations and its ability to shoulder the responsibilities conferred upon it by the charter. I wish to reassert our commitment to take action hand in hand with each and every one of you, so as to revive multilateralism and to demonstrate that we are stronger, more effective, more capable of tackling common challenges if we do this together. Today's challenges, future challenges, ones we do not know about yet, challenges we haven't yet tackled. I talked about the climate. It also applies to war and peace, new technologies and development. Across all of these areas, wherever might is right is being imposed, we must defend justice and our common interests, and it is in the interests of each and every one of us as well, because our charter affords us the protection, the right to live together. Given the sorry state of the world, given what we're seeing today, and that is a growing number of wars we haven't solved, multiplying myriad crises and contemporary challenges which are weighing on new generations in new ways, I believe we are duty bound not to yield. And at the end of the day, the message I wish to convey to you today, as I've been doing over the last nine years, is a message of determination. Optimism through action. What I'm trying to tell you is that we will not yield to fatalism, to defeatism, which is very much in vogue according to this rhetoric. There's not much point coming here to deliver speeches. They say might is right. We can impose a different kind of peace. That is what they say.
Mr. president, excellencies, my friends, we meet at a time when the obstacles confronting human progress are multiplying, obstacles to peace, obstacles to food and clean water, obstacles to finance, medicine and education, obstacles to movement and opportunity. Obstacles to technology, to the knowledge and infrastructure needed to use it, and increasingly, obstacles between nations, between communities, and between people who no longer agree on the same facts or trust the same institutions. War continues to destroy lives and communities. Even though the international community possesses more tools than ever, ever before to prevent conflict and to facilitate dialogue. The climate crisis is accelerating. Even though the science is clear enough for us to act, and many of the solutions are already known. And despite unprecedented global wealth, millions remain without reliable access to food, water, health or shelter. These challenges, my friends, are creating the crises of which we constantly speak, and at the same time, new challenges are emerging. Artificial intelligence is opening extraordinary possibilities in health, education, science, and productivity while also creating new risk of exclusion, exploitation, surveillance and the distortion of truth. And yet, the cooperation needed to confront these challenges is under strain. It is why I believe the theme this year is so apt. Restoring trust. Managing transformation. A united nation that delivers for all. The theme reminds us that we have institutions created to preserve peace, to advance development, and yes, to protect human dignity. The institutions are these very United Nations. We have shared principles grounded in sovereign equality, and in the recognition that our responsibilities extend beyond borders. The reality is that we understand that there is, regrettably enough, for us to be able to invest in prevention rather than waiting to finance reconstruction. We understand enough about the climate crisis to reduce the emissions that are warming our planet, and take the necessary steps for our populations to adapt. We equally now understand enough about the rapid development of AI to know that as we welcome its promise, we must anchor its development in a universal, humanizing framework that does not imperil our existence as human beings. The failure, my friends, to address these challenges, therefore, is not one simply of knowledge or capacity. It is a repeated failure to convert what we know into what we do. To turn principle into practice and global capacity into solidarity So beneath our many crises lies yet another one. And yes, it is a crisis of responsibility. Mr. president, that responsibility begins here in these halls.
This purpose binds our national advancement to our continent's progress, and to our responsibility to contribute to a peaceful, equitable and prosperous world. We understand that governments and multilateral institutions and trusts, when their decisions improve lives. Yet none of these gains will matter if we turn a deaf ear to the trace gathering around our borders and further appeal, we inhabit the only planet known to sustain human life. And as long as that scientific park holds, we cannot pretend that we are insulated from complex as well geography or personal exemption from the consequences of a fractured world. Mr. president, we reject the false choice between development and climate action. Developing countries, most industrialised, eradicate poverty and expand energy access through low carbon pathways supported by technology transfer, capacity building and climate finance. Africa Contributes less than 4% of the greenhouse gas emissions yet via disproportionate consequences. Nigeria remains committed to the Paris Agreement and an equitable energy transition that reflects historical responsibility and capacity. While protecting people's right to development under our Energy transition Plan, we are working towards net zero emissions by 2060 while expanding access to affordable, reliable and sustainable energy. This approach combines renewable energy, clean cooking and gas as a transitional fuel with climate, smart agriculture and nature based solutions. Finance must be governed by equity and shared responsibility rather than charity. With international commitments translated into accessible, predictable and adequately funded mechanisms that enable developing countries to pursue climate action without compromising development objectives.
Thirty-seven years ago, the Maldives asked this Assembly to face a simple truth: that “Small States can be highly vulnerable to external threats and acts of influence.” In response, this Assembly adopted resolution 44/51, an initiative led by the Maldives, affirming the importance of protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of small States. That was true then, and it is true even today. But the threats have evolved. Insecurity now travels through sea lanes, supply chains, financial markets, digital networks and new technologies. Today, sovereignty can be weakened without a single border being crossed. It can be undermined when external powers limit a State’s freedom to choose. This is why the Maldives comes before this Assembly with a clear message: “Every State, large or small, must have the freedom and capacity to shape its own future.” A sovereign future. And that future begins with peace.
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Mr. president, excellencies, I am appearing addressing this assembly representing the first female president of my country, doctor Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo whose government places people at the heart of the actions of the state and works on a daily basis to achieve freedom, democracy, social justice and substantive equality. Mexico conducts its public life according to a conviction that I'm bringing to you today, from this rostrum, to make shared prosperity a reality for all people. This conviction coincides with the commitments that we all made in the United Nations Charter, whose first article establishes as goals to maintain international peace and security, to engage in friendly relations between nations, and to cooperate to resolve economic, social and cultural problems and humanitarian problems. Promoting respect for human rights without any type of distinction. Mexico, a culture with more than 3000 years of history, is experiencing a profound transformation that is a continuation of the journey that, uh, was started with the independence movement, the reform, and then the revolution the three defining moments when my country expanded the rights of its people. My country today aspires to achieve a prosperous society with rights and a decent life for all. This is a transformation with clear goals to bring about shared well-being, to strengthen our competitivity, to develop our own capacities, and to determine our own destiny. It's for this reason that my country has come to share the experience of a nation that decided to show, through concrete actions, that it is possible to improve the quality of life of our people by expanding their rights and their capacity to exercise these rights. Please allow me to underscore some of the progress made. The first is the reduction of poverty. Between 2018 and 2024, more than 13 million people were lifted out of poverty in Mexico, the most significant reduction in the history of our country. It's also important to underscore that in 2025, we had the lowest in white poverty rate in our history. This effort continues with a national social policy. In 2026, the well-being programs of our countries reached 42.8 million people. In addition to this, we have sustained investment in infrastructure, healthcare, trains, highways, schools and water infrastructure. Looking towards 2030, the investment in infrastructure for development with Well-Being plan plans to make investments in energy, transport, water, health, education and emerging technology. The second concrete action is security that the government of President Sheinbaum understands from a comprehensive perspective, addressing the causes that push youth towards crime and also zero impunity. And the results speak for themselves. In just 22 months, the 22 months to July 2026, intentional homicides declined by around 51%. This is the result of a national security strategy that is being strengthened thanks to international cooperation on shared challenges. And that, respectfully, um, I'd like to respectfully recall, is grounded in four principles one respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Two, shared but differentiated responsibility, three mutual respect and trust, and four, cooperation without subordination. This milestone was not achieved through war, nor by renouncing human rights or through reliance on force as the sole response. Mexico combines education and employment for youth with intelligence investigation, strengthening institutions and boosting the presence of the state where before it was absent. Today we can say proudly that our progress in security really make Mexico stand out on the international stage. That's why we wish to, um, put forward a truth to this assembly, um, a truth that is valid for all peoples, that peace cannot be decreed or imposed. It's built with social justice. The third action is focused on employment. Since 2018, the minimum wage has increased in real terms by 154% And today we have the highest purchasing power in more than four decades. And we achieved this with dialogue between the government workers and employers. With inflation under control and one of the lowest unemployment rates of any OECD economy. We've demonstrated in practice something that was denied for decades in theory, and that is that, um, paying workers better does not make economies poorer. It actually strengthens them. The fourth, fourth action that we've engaged in has transformed the history of our country. For the first time in two centuries of independent life, Mexico is being governed by a woman. And this did not happen alone. Um, and she's not governing alone either. She, uh, has a cabinet with gender parity, a Congress with gender parity, and a reform that made substantive equality a constitutional mandate.
Global progress must uphold the spirit of humanity in relations among nations, safeguard their legitimate interests and respect differences in history, culture and development conditions. Third, we must proactively shape technology governance so that progress serves humanity and our common development. Science, technology, digital transformation and artificial intelligence are opening up unprecedented opportunities, but they are also presenting new challenges. The future of technology does not automatically guarantee equitability, and technological progress must help narrow divides and expand development opportunities, rather than creating new forms of dependency or new sources of conflict. We need to develop inclusive, safe, transparent and accountable principles and governance frameworks to ensure that technologies will be in service of the people while respecting national sovereignty digital sovereignty and the right to development. Developing countries must be able to participate substantively in rulemaking, receive support for infrastructure and digital capacity, and enjoy equitable access to the benefits of scientific and technological progress. Vietnam's hosting of the signing ceremony for the UN Convention Against Cybercrime in Hanoi last year reflects our desire to make substantive contributions to global digital cooperation. Vietnam stands ready to work with partners to strengthen cooperation and build capacity in preventing and combating cyber crime so that people may live safely and benefit from technological progress. We also stand ready to support international initiatives on green and digital transformation, and the development of effective governance frameworks, so that science and technology can truly become drivers of shared development.
It can endure only when it is technologically realistic, socially fair, compatible with secure and affordable energy, and supportive of overall development. For Europe, which imports most of the energy it consumes the case for producing more renewable energy at home now reaches far beyond climate policy. It is a strategic necessity. It strengthens Europe's sovereignty and capacity to act, reduces external dependence, creates economic opportunity, and makes our societies more resilient.
Cooperation is therefore the only answer. This is the purpose of Cyprus's regional initiative on climate change: to bring together countries of the region, thus strengthening our collective capacity for adaptation, mitigation, and resilience. Another manifestation of this is the Cyprus Regional Aerial Firefighting Station, hosted at Paphos Air Base and supported by the European Union. It offers an operational hub for aerial firefighting and rapid response, and a center of excellence for training, interoperability, and capacity building.
And I would like to begin by talking not about the government, but rather the people, the Bolivian people, the homeland people that has gone through difficult times, a people that knows poverty, but also that knows the meaning of work, that knows division, but also knows how to recognize one another in unity. That has been through economic and political crises, social conflicts, and times of uncertainty, but which has never lost sight of something fundamental. And that is the hope of building a better life. I come from a country that today is facing a reality that we cannot hide. But first of all, allow me to say one thing. A part of those 20 years of the reality of a country that has been dragged along, is due to the consequences of a time of ideological construction on our continent. In the case of part of South America, where one leader came here and said, this smells of sulfur. It was part of a political and ideological line, which was, uh, being built upon by another leader who brought a coca leaf here. And he turned a traditional leaf into a historic leaf, a leaf that is part of our culture. He turned it into a betrayal. So that construction and development and the vision of a the development of a nation would be betrayed. Today the Bolivian economy. In 2026 had inflation of more than 20%. But it was a country that was an energy power in gas and hydrocarbons and mining. Nevertheless, we were reduced to a country that now has to be negotiating with multilateral institutions and with various different nations, and that is not right. They said that they were socialists. However, we carried out a campaign a ten months ago, in the ten months since I've been president, with the concept of capitalism for all of resources financial capacities, being able to invest and develop socialism and ideology does not put food on the table. What does is employment and the development of our economies and our production. When I took on the challenge of government, there were $51 million in our reserves because the reserves of the central bank had been entirely liquidated. Now, ten months on, we have nearly 1.2 billion and we, by the end of the year, are heading towards nearly 4 billion. And in the following 18 months, nearly $10 billion. For many nations, that might not be much, but for Bolivia it is a record, a milestone, a challenge, and a process of construction to build, strengthen our democracy and to strengthen our productive model within the country. I say this clearly, being able to look at the reality in my country, which decided to engage in a change and a transformation and to not turn back to the past. We are indeed doing this. We are ordering our economy. We are putting our house in order. We are facing up to the shortage of fuel. We are rebuilding our reserves. We are reforming our institutions. We are trying to restore internal and external trust in the country. We are doing something that we thought was even more important. We are trying to restore that trust in Bolivians so that we can move forward, because a nation that does not rebuild its trust cannot move ahead with money alone, with clear rules, with labor, with institutions that work, education, security and justice. It's one thing to have a government which we do have. It's quite another thing to have governability, which we do now have, because the Parliament is now drafting and approving laws and governance is yet another thing. Governance, governability and governance are not the same things. And in governance there was a deep rooted danger that we should denounce in this space of the United Nations, 53 days.
In this context Egypt continues to advocate genuine and comprehensive reform of the Security Council in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, particularly to mend the historical injustice suffered by Africa. The imbalance in political representation is matched by another imbalance in the global economy. Developing countries are required to accelerate development, create jobs, finance green transitions and adapt to crises while simultaneously facing growing debt burdens, higher financing costs and a shrinking fiscal space. Therefore, reforming international financial architecture is no longer a luxury but a necessity. We need financial institutions that are more representative and responsive. We need expanded concessional financing, greater mobilisation and lending capacities for multilateral development banks and accelerated debt workout in a fair and effective manner. We need innovative financing tools and a fairer system for assessing countries needs and investment risks, thus enabling the mobilisation of private capital without shifting risks onto the most vulnerable countries. Countries should not be forced to choose between debt servicing and financing, education, health care, food security and essential infrastructure. Development is not charity. It is a right and a shared interest. Investing in development is an investment in global stability and in the ability of states to prevent crises before they become cross-border, humanitarian and security crises.
It is precisely a state that is confident in its democratic and strategic choices that can engage and cooperate with greater confidence, with countries that have different histories, different interests, and different political perspectives. The world does not need yet another division into permanent camps. It needs competition with limits and rules that all must respect, alliances that take responsibility, and international institutions that remain a space for a dialogue precisely when dialogue is most difficult. That is why the United Nations matters, not because they can resolve every conflict. Clearly they cannot. Not because every resolution is given effect. Clearly, that is not always the case, and that should not discourage us. It should strengthen our determination to protect these United Nations and the rules upon which they are founded, and to stand for multilateralism grounded in values, mutual respect and rules. Because a world without a place where all states, regardless of their size, can sit under the same roof and invoke the same principles, would be even more dangerous than the world we see today. In 1954, Dag Hammarskjöld reminded us of a thought: the United Nations were not created to take us to heaven, but to save us from hell. Seven decades later, it is worth understanding the essence of that statement. We should not demand perfection from United Nations. We should demand relevance, the capacity to prevent and to mediate the capacity to protect human dignity and ultimately, the capacity to uphold principles, even when applying them is politically inconvenient. Today trust in the international system is being jeopardized precisely because too many people have a justified sense that the rules do not apply equally, that power sometimes take precedence over principle, that commitments are conditional, that agreements last only as long as interests remain unchanged. For small sized states, this is an especially dangerous world. Our own history has taught us that international compromises are very difficult and that peace, stability and integration require political courage and hard sacrifices.
It has immense potential, but also poses the risk of new fractures. Its governance should not be the sole remit of certain powers or corporations. Developing countries ought to be able to participate in defining its rules and to access the capacities that determine its use. The DRC supports the UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance, as well as the creation of a global capacity-building fund. The digital divide must not become an intelligence divide. This need for inclusion ought, first and foremost, to be reflected in global governance. Africa has proven itself, over time, to be a demographic, diplomatic, and geopolitical power, a vital one, but it still remains inadequately represented where decisions are being made about the world's future. How can we fail to mention the historic anomaly that is the absence of Africa among the permanent members of the Security Council?
The principles of respect and cooperation are also at the heart of effective multilateralism at a time of growing global uncertainty. The United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue and collective action. In this regard, the UN 80 initiative provides a valuable opportunity to strengthen the effectiveness and capacity of the United Nations, while further enhancing its transparency and accountability Georgia stands ready to work constructively with international partners and contribute actively to this process. We firmly support reforms that will strengthen the organization's capacity to deliver better and become more results oriented. The choice we make today will shape the world we leave to future generations. Let's ensure that we leave them a world that is more peaceful, secure, and united than the one we know today. Thank you very much.
Mr. President, the sustainability of our oceans and fisheries is closely linked to the changing climate, and the pressures we face on our marine resources are increasingly compounded by its impacts. Climate change remains one of the most pressing challenges to our development and way of life. Sea-level rise, coastal erosion, saltwater intrusion and extreme weather events continue to place pressure on our communities, infrastructure, water security and livelihoods. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Sixth Assessment Report reinforces the urgency of these challenges and particularly the risks faced by small island States. Through our long-term national development vision, the Kiribati Vision for 20 years, and our national priorities under Te Motinnano policies, we continue to invest in resilient infrastructure, water security, coastal protection, disaster preparedness, renewable energy and community-based adaptation. Our objective is clear: to continue building a wealthy, healthy and peaceful Kiribati, where our people can live with dignity, in peace and with opportunities. Renewable energy is increasingly important to Kiribati’s development and energy access. We therefore see greater investment in renewable energy as an important opportunity to reduce our reliance on imported fossil fuels and strengthen the resilience and sustainability of our energy sector. But national action must be matched by international action. We call for greater ambition, stronger support for adaptation and climate finance that is adequate, predictable and accessible, particularly for Small Island Developing States. Kiribati recognises the importance of international law in addressing climate change. The International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion on climate change advances climate justice by affirming that all States have binding duties to protect the climate system and achieve deep, rapid, and sustained greenhouse gas reductions consistent with limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. We welcome growing recognition that climate resilience must be locally owned and driven. The Pacific Resilience Facility is a Pacific-led, Pacific-owned mechanism that strengthens the region’s capacity to finance climate and disaster resilience. The Pacific’s co-hosting of COP31 with Türkiye later this year further demonstrates the value of local action.
Geneva is one such space. It is home to the UN, the WTO and numerous other international organizations, as well as scientific ones, humanitarian actors, representatives of civil society and permanent missions of almost every country in the world. Every day, people from different backgrounds representing interests that are sometimes at odds with one another come together here. They do not need to agree in order to talk to one another. That is exactly what gives such a place its value. Switzerland will therefore continue as the host state to ensure that Geneva remains open, accessible and inclusive for large states and small for the North and the South. But inclusion is not merely about having a seat at the table. It also means being able to make a real contribution to decisions that will affect one's own future. This is the case with international cooperation. Every society must be able to shape its future in accordance with its history, needs and priorities. Cooperation is not about imposing one's own values or a single model. It is valuable when it creates partnerships, facilitates the sharing of expertise, and strengthens everyone's capacity to act independently.
That is why in Guatemala, we are restoring the state's capacity to reach those who have been excluded from opportunities for far too long. The intersectional mano a mano strategy brings together health education, housing, nutrition and community development to address poverty at the local level following crop losses caused by climate related events. More than 450,000 families have received food assistance, while small scale producers have gained access to seeds, tools, inputs and insurance mechanisms. Public education is central to this effort. More than 1 million students have participated in initiatives to strengthen reading comprehension. We have expanded educational opportunities, promoted scholarships, strengthened instruction in national languages, and accelerated the digital transformation of the school system. In healthcare, we have expanded and refurbished facilities, strengthened regional services, and made progress in the comprehensive treatment of chronic diseases and cancer. Alongside the revival of road projects and public works in historically underserved communities, the National Digital Connectivity Plan now provides internet service to 383 public entities. We have also strengthened early warning systems for earthquakes, tsunamis, floods and volcano hazards, restoring the legitimate presence of the state also means providing security in accordance with the law, strengthening prevention, protecting communities, and pursuing criminal networks rather than only their visible manifestations. It means improving investigations, institutional coordination, and the tracing of the financial flows that sustain illicit economies. Guatemala maintains that the charter of the United Nations and international law must remain our common point of reference. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of states must be respected.
Mr. President, confidence in the international system is increasingly declining; international organizations are grappling with reduced capacity; political and economic impunity is being entrenched. The UN Charter underscores resolving international disputes through peaceful means, and the obligation of states to pursue diplomatic solutions before resorting to escalation or the use of force. Notwithstanding, we continue to be intended with the image of suffering of innocent civilians, such as in Sudan and Eastern DRC, large-scale internal displacement, cross-border migration, and humanitarian crises across the world. Those conflicts continue to undermine international mechanisms and the structures established to maintain international peace and security. Hence, we commend you, Mr. President, for the timely and befitting theme of the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly, namely "Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nation That Delivers for All." Namibia's independence was born out of international solidarity and is renowned as a UN success story. This is a testimony to the effectiveness of the UN. Therefore, we shall not be passive observers to the efforts aimed at dismantling or weakening the international system that had served us over 80 years, a bit with some shortcomings. In this regard, we shall continue to call for peace over conflict, dialogue over confrontation, and peaceful coexistence over tension. In restoring trust, we need to manage transformation of the United Nations Security Council based on equitable representation in its decision-making process to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. The common African position, as articulated in the Azulwina Consensus and the CERT Declaration, has also been reaffirmed in the Pact for the Future, which recognizes Africa as a special case. The time has come for us to recognize that we have been negotiating for too long, and that it is because of those problems that aroose trust in the United Nations.
With less than four years to implement the 2030 agenda, only 36% of the Sustainable Development Goals are on track or or showing moderate progress. While developing countries face an annual financing gap exceeding US $4 trillion. The civil commitment must now be implemented through greater affordable, long term and concessional finance. Timely development oriented debt treatment and a more effective channelling of special drawing rights development cannot flourish when its financing is prohibitively expensive. Reform must decisively address Africa's excessive risk premiums and borrowing costs. The need to strengthen the voice of developing countries in global financing institutions cap illicit financial flows and tax abuse, as well as secure fair returns from natural resources cannot be over emphasized. Zimbabwe is continuously strengthening its capacity to mobilise domestic resources, enhance public financial management and foster a favourable environment for productive investment and our National Vision 2030. We are strengthening the important linkage between mining and agriculture, which is driving growth in Zimbabwe's manufacturing sector.
Excellencies. While remaining firmly commitment to our climate goals. We must also recognise that in the immediate term, development cannot realistically proceed without traditional energy sources. Energy security, moreover, is closely intertwined with peace, regional connectivity and sustainable economic development. As a reliable natural gas supplier to 16 countries, Azerbaijan ranks among the leading pipeline gas suppliers globally and plays a strategic role in strengthening energy security and diversifying supply routes across Europe and beyond. Azerbaijan's contribution to global energy security is increasingly complemented by its growing role in the clean energy transition. We are investing in renewable energy, commissioning major solar and wind projects, expanding hydro power capacity and developing new clean energy initiatives together with leading international partners. Agreements already signed envisage around six gigawatts of additional solar and wind capacity by 2030. By 2030, renewables are expected to generate almost 40% of Azerbaijan's electricity. Expansion of renewable power generation will create new opportunities for Azerbaijan to export green electricity to European markets. This way, our role as a reliable energy partner is evolving alongside the global energy transition. Energy connectivity is part of Azerbaijan's broader vision of connecting regions, markets and economies.
I hope the next Secretary-General, elected, will possess the same capacity and ambition to strengthen the organization and to address, with determination, the challenges facing humanity. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time that I will have the honor of addressing this General Assembly as Head of Government of the Principality of Andorra. It will be my eighth intervention before this Assembly: six times in person, and unfortunately twice virtually, because of the COVID-19 pandemic. On eight occasions, I have had the honor of bringing the voice of my country to this forum, sharing its convictions, and defending its interests with the certainty that the greatness of a nation is not measured by its size, nor by its economic or military power, but by the strength of its values and by its willingness to contribute to the common good. And I continue to believe, as I did on the first day, that the UN is indispensable, not because it is perfect, but because it remains the finest expression of an extraordinary idea: that despite our differences, dialogue will always be more powerful than force. It has been one of the greatest honors of my tenure as Head of Government of Andorra to represent and serve my country from this podium. The recently deceased Franco-Iranian artist Marjan Satrapi once wondered whether we may have misunderstood the very purpose of education." Perhaps," she said," before teaching our children how to achieve economic or professional success, we should teach them that true success lies in humanism."
Although Bangladesh has contributed little to global carbon emissions, it is bearing the adverse consequences of climate change. In these circumstances, Bangladesh has chosen the path of building resilience and developing the capacity to survive and adapt. Therefore, Bangladesh expects stronger global cooperation at Cop 31 on climate justice. Climate finance and adaptation support. The Government of Bangladesh has strengthened its programmes for environmental protection. As part of these efforts, the government has launched a programme to plant 250 million trees across the country over the next five years. Emphasis has been placed on the use of clean energy and solar energy, with the aim of freeing the country from the scourge of floods and droughts. The government has also launched a programme to excavate 20,000km of canal across the country.
We call for the full operationalisation of this advisory opinion, including through the follow up action requested by this Assembly in accordance with the UN General Assembly Landmark resolution of the 20th of May 2026, welcoming the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the obligations of States in respect of climate change. We also support the legal principle affirmed by the ICJ that states are under no obligation to update their maritime baselines or zones to account for climate induced sea level rise. Mauritius calls for the principle that statehood and sovereignty are not impacted by sea level rise to be formally codified. Mr. president, water stands at the frontline of the climate crisis. Water is a major concern globally, and Mauritius welcomes the holding of the UN Water Conference in December this year. We look forward to this crucial global issue being addressed by the international community as a matter of urgency. We also call for enhanced, accessible and predictable climate finance, accompanied by comprehensive capacity building and disaster risk management for the most vulnerable. I also wish to highlight that Mauritius is currently conducting a constitutional review exercise, which will include giving constitutional protection to the rights of nature. Mr. president, the crisis in development financing is deepening. Concessional financing for developing countries is declining precisely when the need is greatest. The graduation of countries, including small island developing states, should be encouraged and supported and not prejudice access to affordable finance. Mauritius calls for a review of the criteria for access to concessional financing that reflect vulnerability, rather than income per capita alone.
This has led to a blurring of standards and concepts. Alliances have become open to question. International law is frequently violated. And its capacity to regulate international relations faces numerous challenges. End of quote from His Majesty the King We are therefore facing a world whose fundamental features are the following. First, the escalation of acute and diverse international crises military, economic, energy related and environmental. Second, the spread of confrontational tendencies as a key determinant of relations between states. Third, the difficulty of predicting the outcome of crises. We know when they begin but not when they will end. Fourth, the diminishing capacity of existing regulatory structures to play the role in preventing and managing crises in this complex international context. Mr. president, I wish to focus on three areas to which the international community must accord priority. First, confronting non-state armed groups as a threat to international security and stability.
By the end of May, rainfall was 44% below the long-term average. We are investing in resilient infrastructure. But no small island developing state can adapt indefinitely to a crisis the world continues to intensify. Adaptation cannot excuse inaction elsewhere. Distinguished colleagues, the science is unequivocal. The years 2015 to 2025 were the warmest on record, and in 2025, global average temperature remained about 1.43 degrees Celsius above the pre-industrial baseline, while global mean sea level stood approximately 11 centimeters higher than in 1993. For island nations, this is a question of sovereignty and statehood. If our coastlines retreat, our sovereignty must not. Mr. President, climate-induced sea level rise must never erase a state's international legal personality. Extinguish its UN membership, deprive its people of nationality, or diminish lawfully established maritime zones of sovereign rights. The International Law Commission has laid foundations for continuity of statehood, sovereignty, and maritime entitlements. This Assembly must turn them into firm guarantees. International law has spoken with increasing clarity. Saint Kitts and Nevis welcomed the International Court of Justice's advisory opinion on states' climate obligations. Clarification must now become compliance. Compliments must become conduct. And promises must become performance. States must reduce emissions, strengthen adaptation on climate finance responsibilities, and cooperate with countries bearing consequences vastly disproportionate to their contribution to this crisis. Mr. President, those contributions least must not pay the greatest price. Our oceans must also move from promises to protection. Saint Kitts and Nevis ratified a BBNJ agreement in 2025. Implementation now matters. Large ocean states need access to capacity building, marine technology, scientific knowledge, and financing, while benefits from marine genetics resources must be shared fairly. For island nations, the ocean is not the space between us and the world; it is our highway, heritage, livelihood, and lifeline.
restoring trust, managing transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all, resonates well with the moment of time we find ourselves in right now. There is no denying that the architecture of multilateralism and international law founded on the UN charter is under enormous stress, and restoring that trust in that architecture is critical, particularly for small island developing states like Tuvalu, whose sovereignty and future are anchored in that very architecture. Tuvalu, therefore, stands in solidarity with fellow member states in contributing to the restoration of that trust and advancing the necessary reforms and transformation that will enable the United Nations to deliver for all. Mr. president, Tuvalu, like other countries, is being challenged by various enforced transformations that threaten our land, values, knowledge and cultures. Climate change is transforming our physical environment. Technology is transforming how we communicate, govern and preserve knowledge. Artificial intelligence is changing the way economies and society function. The challenge is not to stop transformation. Rather, the challenge is to manage transformation in a manner that protect people, preserve what is valuable, and give every country the capacity to determine its own future.
In Yemen, we're not confronting a purely local terrorist militia. Rather, we face an extension of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps with which uses. Which is also using terrorist groups to threaten international peace and security. The Houthi militias use of the safety of navigation as a tool for blackmail threaten not only Yemen. It is taking hostage the entire global economy. Recent years have clearly demonstrated a truth that the international community must not dismiss, namely, that ensuring security at sea begins with eliminating the source of the threat on land. Protecting ships is important, but it only addresses the consequences and does not remove the threat. Therefore, we warn the world do not be reassured by false promises from a terrorist militia that has repeatedly made endless commitments, just as it failed to honor them. Its abstention from targeting ships today does not mean at all. It will not do so tomorrow. It is a strategic mistake. It is a strategic mistake to assume that maritime security can be sustained through assurances that can be walked back. A lasting maritime security in the Red sea, Bab el Mandeb and the Gulf of Aden cannot be built, while a non-state armed militia remains on the shores. Nor is the threat confined to Yemen and the Red sea. International reports have exposed growing cooperation between the terrorist Houthi militias and terrorist organizations, including in the Horn of Africa, through networks linking militias, terrorist groups, smugglers and organized crime networks, thereby undermining states and threatening security and stability. Ladies and gentlemen We say with full confidence, and we firmly believe that restoring the Yemeni state and restoring the security of Bab el Mandeb are inseparable. They are not two separate issues, but one and the same. Supporting the Yemeni government and strengthening its economic, security and military capacities is an investment in international peace and security. Protecting this strategic waterway is a shared regional and international responsibility which Yemen cannot shoulder alone. It is the responsibility of every economy that depends on secure supply chains, energy security, and freedom of navigation. In this regard, we commend the initiative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to establish a multinational maritime defense coalition. This initiative reflects a deep appreciation and understanding of collective responsibility to protect navigation, deter threats and combat smuggling. The path to a secure at sea requires a stable Yemen. There is no stability in Yemen without restoring the state, sustainable peace cannot be achieved while an armed militia remains above the law and outside state authority, restoring the Yemeni state is restoring. The Yemeni state is not just a national interest, it is a direct contribution to regional security and stability and to the protection of one of the world's most vital maritime corridors. Ladies and gentlemen our Yemeni people aspires to peace, but our people will not abandon their state. Our government is committed to peace, but it cannot accept that the armed coup becomes a fait accompli. There is no peace with arms outside state authority.
In addition to terrorism, which remains active in some countries, particularly in Africa, the situation of global peace and security has been worsening year after year, bringing us to the present moment in which we note with deep concern that the world has taken a course that brings it alarmingly close to a global conflict. Over the years Angola has sought to make its contribution to building and consolidation of peace in Africa and the world, but the current situation in no way reflects the aspirations of peoples for harmony and understanding amongst nations. Among these contributions to peace are several initiatives undertaken in Africa, of which I highlight the 21st Extraordinary summit of Heads of State of the African Union on the strengthening of conflict prevention and resolution Mechanism in Africa recently held in Luanda, which opened serious and sound prospects for resolving the problems affecting peace and stability on the African continent. Also worthy of particular attention is the holding in July of this year in Luanda, in partnership with the United Nations Alliance of Civilisation, the third edition of the Initiative Call for Peace, an End to Wars and Respect for International Law. In these same contexts, Angola will host next October the Pan-African forum for the Culture of Peace and Non-Violence, the so-called Luanda Biennale. My country takes seriously the issues relating to peace and resolution of conflict through dialogue, respect for norms governing international relations and defence of international law, sparing no efforts to bringing the conflicting parties closer and build consensus in Africa. We remain available to render our attention and contribution to resolving the conflicts that persist on the continent. Our paradigm for peacebuilding initiatives is based on the search for realistic and sustainable solutions within the principle of African solutions to conflicts in Africa. We call for effective implementation of the Security Council Resolution 2719, which must ensure a predictable, adequate and sustainable financing for African Union led peace support operation authorized by the United Nations Security Council, because investing in Africa's capacity to prevent and resolve conflicts is also an investment in international peace and security. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this session of the General Assembly is of particular significance to my country as it takes place in the year in which we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Republic of Angola's admission as full member of the United Nations organization, which took place in December 1976.
In Montenegro we have an old and simple saying:" A person's word carries weight." This implies that a promise creates responsibility, and what is true between people should also be true between nations. In the opening words of the UN Charter, the nations of the world made perhaps the most important promise of all: to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. And eight decades later, as conflicts take lives and displace millions, geopolitical rivalries place the international system under growing pressure, and new challenges test our collective capacity to respond. So how well have we kept our pledge?
The UN80 Initiative is a constructive start. But it is only a start. Moving positions on a budget sheet may deliver savings. Merging or renaming bodies may reduce duplication. Streamlining structures may improve efficiency. These steps are important and often necessary for good housekeeping, but they are not enough; we need to dig deeper to address the problems beneath the superstructure, because the United Nations’ reform challenges are chronic and fundamental. On 24 November 1949, four years after the founding of the United Nations, this Assembly adopted resolution 310 (IV), entitled “Problem of the Proliferation and Overlapping of the Programmes of the United Nations and of the Specialized Agencies”. It urged Member States “to refrain from initiating new projects other than those which are urgently required and which can be effectively carried out”. Yet we have not paid sufficient attention to our own decision. We have since created thousands of mandates, of which 4,000 are still active, irrespective of whether they were required or could be effectively carried out. We cannot continue treating a chronic ailment with temporary painkillers when what we need is a deeper diagnosis and a more profound plan for transformation, even if that plan proves painful. And here I must be equally candid: this will happen only if Member States take charge. Time and again, we say that United Nations reforms must be Member State-led. But too often, Member States fail to take the wheel. Passive ownership is not enough. If we do not claim proactive ownership of this place, we cannot expect it to heal. So let us engage. Let us take charge, fix our own house, respect sovereignty of Member States, and together deliver the transformation we need. (BRIEF PAUSE) As we decide what must change, we must also recognize what already works. Again and again, Member States tell us that the United Nations works well at the country level, emergency situations, and in keeping and building peace. We should build on that success. We should strengthen the United Nations’ country-level work and draw increasingly on local capacity, including qualified national institutions and individuals. We should ensure that all activities at country level, from development support to peacekeeping, are properly integrated and produce the highest synergy. We should ensure avoidance of turf battles among different parts of the UN, and exercise care to select resident coordinators that are fit to lead the teams. We want to have full value for money. The Organization’s financial viability is also a chronic concern. We must ensure that it receives sufficient resources on a sustained basis and that all countries pay their dues on time and without conditions. We must also recognize that dues to the United Nations come from hardworking people around the world. Every penny must therefore be properly accounted for. Every penny must be invested to achieve impact on the ground for the people we serve. (BRIEF PAUSE) The role of the Member States, supported by the Secretariat is essential to delivering our work, but not sufficient. This brings me to my third point: building a more open and inclusive United Nations. We know that the United Nations of today, and the world it serves, are profoundly different from those of 1945. Nowhere is the pace of change more evident today than in artificial intelligence.
Without sufficient transformation in their daily lives. New declarations and targets have value, but they cannot substitute for effective implementation. This is why this year's theme is both timely and necessary. Trust in the UN will not be restored through declarations alone. It will be restored when institutions act consistently, uphold international law, and produce results that people can see and experience. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Charter is found on sovereign equality, territorial integrity peaceful coexistence, human rights and dignity of every person. The most important word in this year's theme is all not some. Not a selected group of nations, not only those with the greatest economy and military might. The promise of the charter belongs equally to every human being and every Member state. Yet the United Nations has increasingly become associated with political gridlocks in the Security Council, prolonged negotiations without tangible outcomes and a weakening capacity to mobilize collective action in response to the threats to international peace and security. This should concern all of us, not because the United Nations is not important, but precisely because it is indispensable and appears absent from the global solutions for peace and stability in this dangerous and unpredictable time. The Security Council must become more representative, transparent, and effective. Africa remains unrepresented in the permanent category and not represented enough in the permanent, in the in the in the permanent category as well. This historical injustice against the 54 sovereign states cannot be postponed indefinitely. Somalia supports the common African position and a meaningful African representation in both categories of the Council. Given that many of the discussions directly concerned Africa's African states, they have the right to full representation on equal par with all other permanent Security Council members. Reform is not an attack on the United Nations. Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia currently broadly serves as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council. We carry these responsibilities with great seriousness, humility and determination in both institutions. Somalia works to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and Constitutive Act of the African Union, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, prevent conflict and support peaceful African led solution with global benefits, respect for national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity is not an abstract principle for Somalia only. It is a foundation for peace and stability in our country, our region and the wider international community. Therefore, Somalia firmly rejects unilateral actions that undermine its sovereignty, unity and internationally recognized borders. This agreement is between nations must be resolved through dialogue and in accordance with international law, and not through actions that create new tensions or threaten regional stability.
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No. 43
Timor-Leste09/23 · first at about 17 min2 mentions
They are what we allowed, what we still allow, and what we will answer for. There is a painful cry for a better world order as we witness the weakening into irrelevance of multilateral institutions. No country, regardless of size or power, can address today's interconnected challenges alone. Excellencies, leadership is not merely discovering the angriest instinct of the electorate and amplifying it. Leadership is sometimes telling our own supporters that they are wrong. It is explaining complexity when a slogan would be easier. It is asking people to consider tomorrow when they are angry about today. It is persuading citizens that humanity of others who may worship differently, speak another language, or vote for another party does not diminish their own freedoms. Statementship requires patience, persuasion, courage to compromise. And above all, it requires an understanding that power belongs brings responsibility, not exemption. The Charter of the United Nations was not written to make the strong weak. It was written to prevent the strong from making the world unlivable. Soon we will elect a new Secretary-General. The regional rotation precedent must be preserved. Africa had an unprecedented continuous rhetoric: Butrus Butrus-Gali, 1992-1996, Kofi Annan, 1997-2006. Now the Security Council will elect a Latin American as our Secretary-General for 2027-2032. And after more than 80 years of men at the helm of our organization, needless to say, we ought to have enough wisdom and elect a woman with unquestionable integrity, unblemished record, and in defense of human rights, a strong advocacy of gender equality and inclusion, rule of law, democracy, solid experience in senior management in national and multilateral institutions. Mr. President, Excellencies, for developing countries, particularly small island developing states and least developed countries, efficiency must translate into stronger delivery on the ground, not reduced essential support. Timor-Leste urges comprehensive reform, expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, so that developing countries and historically underrepresented regions have a stronger voice in decisions concerning international peace and security. The veto is inconsistent with the sovereign equality of member states. President, Timor-Leste reaffirms the principles of climate justice, common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in the light of different national circumstances. Greater climate ambition must be accompanied by accessible, predictable finance: adaptation support, technology transfer, and capacity building. Artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies reshape our societies. Developing countries must actively participate in their governance and development.
This year, under a new call to restore trust and deliver for all, we must be honest with ourselves: we are still far behind. The United Nations has yet to demonstrate that it can adapt to a changing and uncertain world, and it is up to member states to make this a reality. That gap is not abstract to Rwanda. Three decades ago, our country's future was also deeply uncertain. Our survival depended on our capacity to rebuild against all odds, and what made that possible was a simple principle and conviction that institutions earn legitimacy not by what they promise, but by what they deliver, year after year. We believe this principle holds true for the multilateral system as a whole, and for the United Nations in particular. It is the standard against which reform must be judged. Optimism, however important it can be, must be matched by willingness to change how we act.
We live in an interdependent world marked by growing uncertainty and by challenges that transcend borders climate change, transnational organized crime, terrorism, structural inequalities, the burden of debt, and insufficient financing for development continue to undermine our efforts towards sustainable development. Devastating conflicts also persist in several regions of the world, as do security challenges, particularly in the Sahel. In this context, Guinea-Bissau considers it essential to strengthen the international community's support to the most affected countries in the region. Ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations remains an essential pillar of multilateralism and a privileged forum for dialogue, cooperation and the search for collective solutions to the challenges facing humanity. It must be acknowledged, however, that in certain circumstances, the expectations that people have placed in it have not always been met with a response commensurate with their aspirations. This reality should not lead us to question the foundations of the multilateral system, but rather to strengthen the effectiveness representativeness and capacity for action of international institutions. It is incumbent upon Member States to renew their commitment to multilateralism that is more effective, more inclusive and more responsive to the aspirations of peoples. We also consider it urgent to reform the architecture of global governance, so that it reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century. It is essential that Africa have more adequate and effective representation in the international institutions that play a central role in shaping responses to the challenges of peace, security and development The reform of United Nations Security Council Council must reflect the legitimate aspirations of the African continent and ensure fairer, permanent and effective representation. In keeping with the principle of a more inclusive, equitable and representative international order, Guinea-Bissau welcomes the efforts of the United Nations to achieve achieve a lasting political solution to the question of Western Sahara. We welcome the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2797 of 2025 and view favourably the Autonomy Initiative presented by the Kingdom of Morocco as a basis for resolving this dispute. Ladies and gentlemen, on November 26th, 2025, during the electoral process, the constitutional order in Guinea-Bissau was interrupted and transitional bodies were established.
We choose young people who are determined to pursue education, acquire a profession, and define their own future, because we do not measure the true strength of a statehood by its military or economic capacity. The country's might is determined first and foremost by the extent to which it can protect human dignity, rights, and interests. Therefore, we view peace, development, and human dignity not as three separate goals, but as a single, unified task. Esteemed delegates, today no nation, however powerful, can address all global problems alone.
Excellencies, learning also means embracing change. The world of today is not the world of 1945. The institutions we created to respond to the challenges of that time, need to learn in the world that has changed. Cabo Verde, therefore, supports a United Nations that is more effective, more transparent, and more representative. The UN80 Initiative presents an opportunity to modernize this organization and strengthen its response capacity. In this spirit, we also support the reform of the Security Council. Africa is home to nearly one quarter of the member states of this organization and represents approximately one-fifth of the world's population, and yet it still lacks the representation it deserves on this council. Therefore, we support a more equitable African representation in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. A fairer international order also requires fairer and more inclusive institutions. The election of the next Secretary-General should reflect the same principles: transparency, inclusion, merit, and equal opportunities. Ladies and gentlemen, but the United Nations is not just a place where we discuss crises; it is also a space where we build common paths. The 2030 Agenda, the African Union's Agenda 2063, and the Pact for the Future point us in one clear direction: sustainable development centered on the people, capable of transforming global commitments into concrete changes in the lives of populations.
However, on this journey, we have learned something that I have come here to share with you: that is that no state can defeat an enemy that knows no borders by acting alone. The weapons that reach our streets, across several countries, the money that finances mafias is laundered far from where the crimes are committed, the routes of drug trafficking and people trafficking and illegal mining, across continents. Criminals have already globalized their cooperation. They share routes, logistics, finances, and technology without red tape, distrust, or delay. It's unacceptable that criminal organizations cooperate with one another more effectively than states do. This is the reality that the United Nations must recognize and rise to. For a long time, organized crime was dealt with as a law enforcement matter, but today we know that it's more than that. When it controls territories and infiltrates institutions, replaces legitimate authority, erodes the rule of law, and destabilizes an entire society. And when this happens in several countries at the same time, it's no longer just a domestic issue; it becomes a threat to international peace and security. I want to say this very clearly: we're not calling for other actors to act instead of states. We're calling for cooperation, with full respect for the sovereignty of each nation, and with results that we can measure. This is why Ecuador today is proposing three concrete actions. First of all, an international mechanism within the framework of the UN to trace and freeze the illicit financial flows from transnational organized crime. The money is the fuel of these networks, so let us stop it in its tracks. Second, a permanent platform of information exchange between police forces, prosecutors' offices, and financial intelligence units that enables states to anticipate rather than react once it's happened. And the third concrete action: that the UN80 initiative include transnational organized crime as a priority for conflict prevention, and provide the organization with the capacity to support states that request it. These are proposals that Ecuador is prepared to support and drive forward alongside all countries that wish to join us. Excellencies, security is not an end in itself; it's a condition for a country to be able to flourish. And today we are experiencing a crisis, a profound crisis. And recovering security means giving people back their future, for a young person to be able to choose university rather than being trapped by a criminal gang, for a family to open a business without fear, for a company to invest and create jobs, and for institutions to respond to the needs of citizens and not to illicit interests.
Founded on a common history and a shared language. Excellencies. Starting in January, Portugal will bring to the Security Council as a non-permanent member, a global perspective and a culture of dialogue and bridge building. We are deeply grateful for the trust placed in us by everyone, and fully aware of the responsibility that comes with it. We are well aware of the challenges faced by the least developed countries and small island developing states. In the Security Council, Portugal will be committed to three big priorities prevent, partner and protect preventing crises and conflicts with severe human impact, which are rampant across several continents. Because there are several and not only those that are on the news. Because for us, there are no first or second class conflicts. They are all. They all concern us. All of them cooperating and developing our partnerships within a more transparent, more representative and more democratic council and protecting, protecting human dignity by combating poverty and safeguarding fundamental rights, food security, and the future of the new generations. Mr. president, excellencies and friends, the magnitude of the challenges we face demands collective responses. The most effective response is a multilateral response, and the United Nations is at the heart and should be, and should continue to be at the heart of the multilateral system. That is why Portugal looks to the future with renewed commitment to the mission of the United Nations, with confidence in our collective capacity, and with hope that it is together that we can build and leave behind a better world, and we are going to do it and leave to future generations a better world than the one we are living in. Thank you very much.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, excellencies distinguished delegates. Good evening, Mr. President. I warmly congratulate you on your election to lead the 81st session of this General Assembly. You assume this high office at a defining moment for our organization and for humanity. Seychelles assures you of its full support and wish you every success in guiding our work. Mr. Secretary General, as this is the final General Assembly you will address in your current capacity, Seychelles extends its profound gratitude for your decade of dedicated stewardship. You have consistently championed a United Nations that is more effective, responsive and grounded in the needs of the people we serve.
We call upon development partners and multilateral institutions to bridge financing gaps, enhance pandemic preparedness, and ensure equitable access to diagnostic tools, medicines, and vaccines worldwide. As the Chair of NAM, Uganda continues to uphold the principles of unity, peace, and solidarity among developing nations. We remain dedicated to advancing the international covenant on the right to development, aiming to transform the 1986 Declaration into a binding operational instrument that tackles structural global inequalities. We look forward to hosting the ministers of NAM member states and observers at the Ministerial Meeting of the NAM Coordinating Bureau in Kampala from December 2 to 4, 2026. Mr. President, as the selection process for the next UN Secretary-General progresses, Uganda has presented a candidate in the name of Ambassador Olara Othunu. Ambassador Olara Othunu brings over four decades of distinguished service across the UN system, international diplomacy, and public administration. As the inaugural Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict 1998-2005, he placed the protection of war-affected children firmly on the Security Council agenda and established the monitoring and reporting mechanism under Resolution 1612 in 2005. His extensive experience, statements shipped, and proven capacity for consensus building make him exceptionally qualified to lead the Secretariat at this critical time. As I conclude, Mr. President, for eight decades the United Nations has stood as a central pillar of international peace, human rights, and development. While acknowledging its vital achievements and convening power, we must continue to reform the organization to ensure it becomes more transparent, cost-effective, efficient, and representative. Through renewed international cooperation, the UN can truly deliver on its founding promises for all humanity.
Then there is nature. Imagine GMC in the morning. Mist rising from its rivers, forest stretching towards the mountains, elephants moving through the landscape, tigers still roaming its forests. This is not empty land. It is a living carbon negative landscape, a biodiversity hotspot. We will not build over it. We will build within it and protect it. The forests, rivers and wildlife of GMC are not obstacles to development. They are part of its value. And then there's energy. Bhutan is expanding its renewable energy capacity towards 25GW by 2040. That electricity will power GMC and the industries of the future. Advanced manufacturing, scientific research, artificial intelligence and data centers.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This session is taking place against a deeply troubling international backdrop. Conflicts and hotspots of tension are multiplying, and geopolitical divisions are deepening. While the rise of terrorism and violent extremism threatens an ever growing number of regions. At the same time, climate upheavals are hitting our countries hard, not to mention the humanitarian crises and deep inequalities that are weakening our societies. Added to this are the very real risks to the survival of humanity posed by the uncontrolled development of artificial intelligence. The world is thus at a difficult turning point. It is looking on at the gradual fragmentation of its peace architecture and an alarming reconfiguration of the international landscape before our very eyes. Multilateralism is being sorely tested, weakened by an erosion of trust between nations and trust in the institutions that underpin the world order. In these times of multilateral fracture, it is imperative to find appropriate solutions to put an end to these dangerous escalations, prioritize dialogue and rebuild trust with regard to international institutions, this trust is measured by their ability to translate the universality of their principles into concrete actions, and to treat every state, large or small, with the same standard of fairness. The trust of peoples, for its part, is nourished by tangible results and by the certainty that the decisions taken on their behalf genuinely serve their security, their dignity, and protect their future. This year's theme, therefore, aptly captures the expectations of our time. It calls on us specifically to restore trust in our collective capacity to respond effectively to global challenges, and to support the current changes and reforms of the United Nations architecture so that our organization is once again able to deliver concrete solutions to the concerns of all peoples. For Cote d'Ivoire, this means reinvigorating multilateralism and consequently. Restoring Diplomacy's rightful place and credibility so that it can act effectively. In light of these challenges, a monumental task awaits the next Secretary General of the United Nations, whose selection process is now well underway.
But we must also understand why this disaster matters beyond Nepal. Nepal contributes less than 0.1 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions. We did not create this crisis, yet we are paying for it, yet we are paying a colossal price for it. Our glaciers are retreating, our mountain slopes are becoming unstable, our rivers are becoming less predictable, and every major disaster threatens to erase years of development. For Nepal, climate catastrophe is not just a humanitarian event, but a development emergency. It destroys roads, bridges, schools, homes, farms, and livelihoods. It destroys clean energy infrastructure that we need to fuel our future. And it forces a poor country to borrow money to repair damage it did not cause. But we are not here to blame any country or continent. We are here. We are not here to turn climate change into another geopolitical battlefield. We are here to ask everyone to recommit to shared responsibility and solidarity. Through the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the international community has already agreed to the principle of common differentiated responsibility and respective capabilities. Those who have historically contributed more to the problem, and those with greater capacity to respond, must do more. Climate justice cannot remain a beautiful phrase in a United Nations document. People of our country be allowed to build their future instead of constantly rebuilding their past.
In many of our Pacific countries, our water systems are highly vulnerable to disruptions, and these realities demand that the global water agenda fully recognise the special circumstances of Seats. Samoa's priorities are fourfold. First, climate resilient water systems must be scaled up urgently. Second, access to finance must be significantly improved, and third, capacity and partnerships must be strengthened.
Ours is a concerning financial situation. It's affecting the UN's operational capacity, and that is prompting questions about how effective the UN really is. Indeed, these questions are being asked about peace operations, just as they are about the SDGs. The implementation of these is lagging behind and significantly so. In view of this reality, it is true that some might be tempted to view multilateralism as a relic and might be tempted to move outside of that of multilateralism to take action in isolation. Senegal does not espouse that view. On the contrary, it is precisely because the world is beset by a whole host of unprecedented crises that we need a UN that is stronger, more representative and more effective. We will not settle crises by allowing the multilateral system to become ever more piecemeal. We will not achieve peace. If we simply stage power struggles. We will not guarantee a just international order. If we ensure that if we see might being right being replaced by might, doing all of that would imperil the very raison d'etre of our organisation that is dialogue, conflict prevention, the peaceful resolution of disputes, cooperation and respect for international law. In this vein, and with this in mind, the UN 80 initiative provides us with a historic opportunity to usher in the structural and normative transformations that we need to see. However, reforming the United Nations must not stymie its ambitions. On the contrary, it must make it less bureaucratic in how it functions. It must remove red tape, make it more agile, and make it more effective in its expenditure. And there must be better synergies between headquarters and the field, so we can better serve the people we represent. Senegal supports that very dynamic. That was the rationale behind our contribution to efforts to strengthen the UN system. We've used our own resources to build a UN house some 30km away from Dakar. This is a cutting edge institution and the site will house all UN system entities in the region, and that will foster greater coherence and effectiveness in the UN's work. However, a stronger organization and ensuring it is stronger also involves member states upholding their financial contribution pledges and making good on their assessed contributions. President, the years are ticking by, but our efforts to reform governance have yet to produce a significant impact. The status quo when it comes to reforming the Security Council bears witness to that fact. We all agree that the composition of the Security Council is out of step with the realities of our time. We agree that the expansion of the Council should not lead to further inertia, but given the fact the Council is lacking legitimacy and that is indeed the hallmark of the Council's current structure, we cannot simply issue observations. We are in at a juncture where there is an urgent need for action. It's a matter of justice, credibility and balance across the international system, and this is indeed the rationale which underpins the SL weenie consensus, which outlines the African position in connection with the so necessary reform of the UN Security Council. In that vein, Senegal is presenting its candidacy to a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for two 2032 2033. However, beyond reform, the organisation also needs experienced leadership to steer its work in these times of crisis and uncertainty. The UN needs a secretary general able to speak to one and all, able to listen and to build bridges between member states. That is the vision embraced and espoused by Macky Sall, former president of the Republic of Senegal. Here I wish once again to express my support for his candidacy. I wish to reiterate Senegal's request that you, as Member states, support his candidacy. Ladies and gentlemen at a time when our organisation is seeking to rebuild trust, Senegal continues to believe in the vision of a world based on peace, justice, the dignity of each and every human being and human brotherhood. The world does not need unilateral posturing. It needs a fairer, more inclusive and more effective multilateralism. Addressing our challenges requires bridges and not walls, dialogue and not confrontation. Cooperation and not isolation and not might. That is the very spirit in which Sen Senegal will host the Youth Olympic Games in Dakar 2026.
We also call for sustained international support for Haiti to restore security, constitutional order and democratic governance. Suriname supports solutions that place the Haitian people at the center. The UN80 process rightly emphasizes mandate rationalization, institutional coherence and efficiency. Reform must protect and improve the United Nations capacity to deliver and also make the system easier to navigate. It should not reduce support where it is most needed. Equally important is the overdue reform of the Security Council. Hence, Suriname reiterates its call for making it more representative, more accountable and more capable of acting. Africa, the Republic of Suriname supports your demand for just permanent representation.
So therefore, therefore, as Trinidad and Tobago prepares to serve on the Security Security Council, we will continue to bring attention to Haiti and to the wider security concerns of the Caribbean. Whilst working with Caricom and other international partners towards practical and sustainable solutions. Mr. president, managing transformation must also mean ensuring that developing countries are not simply expected to adjust to changes decided or developed elsewhere, whether in technology and C super intelligence, the global economy or energy. Developing countries must have the opportunity and the capacity to help in shaping those changes.
At home, we are investing a computing capacity, digital infrastructure and AI skills. We are forging new trusted partnership on AI governance and emerging technologies, and we have recently adopted law on artificial intelligence and new digital code. But without effective governance at all levels, it will also deepen inequality, create new security risks, as we have seen very recently, and widen the digital divide. We also should not let ethical norms fall behind this rapid evolution. AI must remain human centered, safe and subject to meaningful human oversight. These risks are particularly serious in the military domain, where the use of AI in warfare and cyber operations could have far reaching consequences for international stability. Kazakhstan supports stronger international rules and cooperation, including through the United Nations Global Mechanism on ICT security and UN Global Dialogue on AI governance. At the regional level, we invite partners to engage with the UNESCO Asia-Pacific Digital Solution Centre in Almaty city as a platform for sharing expertise and advancing regional digital cooperation.
President, this week has also seen an intense debate on harnessing the potential of artificial intelligence. But perhaps what we are discovering in these conversations are our own limits to understanding what the potential might be. Reporting from the most powerful and well capitalised AI companies tell us that we are on a precipice, either of a technology fuelled utopia or an apocalypse. Whether we achieve one or the other, unfortunately has been treated as a secondary priority to the AI race, one that has no clear finish line and, for that matter, a dubious prize. Liechtenstein supports the regulation of artificial intelligence. Unless we have a clear understanding of the methods, processes and purposes of the huge variety of AI systems, how can we risk the consequences to human rights, to our environment, to the long term capacities for our critical thinking, and ultimately, to the future of the human species? We are already seeing the impacts on civilians as armed forces increasingly integrate AI capabilities into their targeting systems in warfare. AI tools have to be made for humanity, lest we become the source material for AI systems to use, or merely the victims in its crosshairs.
Mr. President. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. We must acknowledge that the challenges that we have faced for decades, namely food insecurity, disease armed conflict, or natural disasters are still with us. Thus for Madagascar. As for many other nations, the new emerging challenges must not overshadow the priorities that still require our attention. The theme of this 81st session calls upon us to assume our shared responsibility for our destiny, and for that of future generations, with clear vision placing collective action, the common good, and the welfare of humanity at the center of our responses to the profound transformations shaping our world. In light of these intersecting transformations and challenges, the question of trust in our collective action arises with renewed urgency. Indeed, we must admit, taking into account. All the hopes and expectations that we, the peoples of the United Nations, have placed in our organization. That trust has gradually eroded over time. The most vulnerable populations affected repeatedly or continuously by health crises, food insecurity and hunger, the impacts of climate change and conflicts exacerbated by current geopolitical tensions sometimes come to feel a certain skepticism regarding our collective capacity within the United Nations system to respond to the scourges of our age. Mr. President.
Mr. president, the Marshall Islands faces complex challenges in tackling the SDGs but we are committed, with all of our efforts to ensure no one is left behind. Our national planning is now firmly linked to SDG goals and targets, and our actions prove our commitment. We have developed direct assistance to vulnerable groups, including mothers and early childhood development, and we are also reaching out to our entire in-country population with quarterly supplemental income and improved access to digital finance tools. Our aspirations must be better matched by partnership and island scale investment and policy innovation. I must underscore the direct need for data capacity support to measure progress and effectiveness for small island developing states. If we cannot assess the SDGs, we cannot correct course. Mr. president.
Nowhere on earth is a planet warming faster than in Western Europe. But in the Caribbean, part of our kingdom, including the countries of Aruba, Curacao and Sint Maarten the effects of climate change have already been felt for much longer. And the same is true for many of your countries. For too long, the consequences of climate change have been trivialized or simply denied. But after the horrors experienced by Nepal and a long series of forest fires, the truth should be clear to everyone the climate crisis will not just disappear if we pretend it doesn't exist. We are living on borrowed time, and the generations that come after us will pay the price. And if you want to prevail that prevent that, we must commit now to both mitigation and adaptation. And we all know what needs to be done. Countless reports are agreed on that. And we have all the technology we need. Unfortunately, we are making progress. Last year, the electrical vehicle market grew by 20%. Wind power capacity grew by 14% and solar power by more than 30%. And this growth in renewable energy has exceeded even the most optimistic projections from ten years ago. And the challenge now is to accelerate this transition in all sectors and all parts of the world. And at the same time, to reduce carbon emissions and phase out fossil fuels. That is why the Netherlands, jointly with Colombia, organized the world's first conference on transitioning away from fossil fuels. This event in Colombia was attended by 57 countries, and together these countries account for one third of global GDP, one third of energy demand and one fifth of supply. And together we worked to find concrete and practical solutions to take the transition forward. But climate action requires everyone to contribute. In November, we will gather at a cop in Turkey. And I know that many of you don't have high expectations. But in my view, this can only be explained by the pessimistic idea that we are somehow powerless. But that is not true We have the knowledge and we have the technology to combat climate change. And a better world is really within reach. Thanks to our joint efforts on the Sustainable Development Goals, 92% of the world's population now has access to electricity. And since 2015, we have doubled the amount of renewable energy we generate. Child mortality has dropped sharply to because of this axis So climate action can be a catalyst for everyone to work together on solutions that concern us all. And we don't need to reinvent the wheel. A lot of good things are happening already. For decades, the Netherlands has been working with partners around the world to develop climate smart agriculture and future proof water management solutions. And we are keen to share our knowledge and knowhow And we want to learn from what other countries are doing. There are so many great initiatives on the way. But I also know there's much more to be done. The need to accelerate and scale up our efforts is only to clear. And that demands our common commitment. The Netherlands wants to build practical partnerships with other countries, so we are once again making funding available for this purpose. And at the same time, we need to adapt to climate shocks that can no longer be avoided. These adaptations will require major investments, both public and private. Because here too, we cannot do it alone. Today, I call on all countries to stick to these ambitions because one way or another, a climate transition is coming. But we can decide how it unfolds. It can be chaotic, or it can be carefully planned with an inclusive approach and economic benefits for all. Ladies and gentlemen, as I come to the end of my remarks, I have an even stronger sense of what Anne Frank was telling us.
In this spirit, Doha is preparing to host the fourth Global Disability Summit in 2028, reaffirming our commitment to empowering persons with disabilities and building inclusive societies. Qatar will also host the 2027 FIBA Basketball World Cup in recognition of the role of sports in building bridges of communication and bringing peoples closer together. The expansion of the United Nations House in Doha marks a continuation of our long standing partnership with the international organization. It enhances its capacity to fulfill its mission of serving peace, development and human rights. Peaceful coexistence and dialogue are not merely one option among many. They are the only path that leaves neither a victor nor a vanquished. For this reason, we renew our commitment to the charter of the United Nations and its purposes. We affirm that the State of Qatar will always strive for peace and facilitate its achievement.
Saint Lucia believes that a better world is within our reach if we choose cooperation over coercion, and ensure that justice and fairness prevail for all. The 81st session of the UN General Assembly must be remembered for turning its laudable theme into actionable commitments and those commitments into meaningful change. As Mahatma Gandhi says, in a gentle way you can shape the world. The people of Saint Lucia remain confident in our collective capacity to shape that better world.
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No. 66
Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 13 min1 mention
Efficiency matters and reform must preserve the capacity to act. Mr. president, the choice of the next Secretary General offers another test of institutional effectiveness and equality. In 80 years, every Secretary General has been a man. The women put forward for this office have placed their competence beyond dispute. What remains is the will of the organisation to live by the equality it asks of others and entrust a woman with its highest office. Mr. president, our insistence on a capable United Nations comes from experience. For Sierra Leone, this organisation is part of our living history. It stood with us when our country was broken and helped us make peace durable. In this hall, a small state has the same vote as a great power. Imperfect as it is, that equality remains one of humanity's boldest promises. Sierra Leone will continue to contribute personnel to United Nations peace operations, uphold international law, support mediation and peace building, defend the right of women and girls, and serve as a bridge wherever member states seek one. We will also continue to support the institutions of international justice. In this regard, Sierra Leone has nominated Professor Charles Chernor Jalloh, a distinguished international jurist, endorsed by the African Union and ECOWAS for election as a judge of the International Court of Justice. We respectfully seek Member States support on the 3rd of November. Mr. President, the United Nations was created in a world of unequal power, yet it rests on a radical idea: nations differ in size and strength, but their people do not differ in human worth. United Nations that delivers for all makes that equality felt beyond this hall. Nearly 25 years ago, Sierra Leoneans placed their trust in peace because they believed tomorrow could be different. People around the world are asking something similar of us now. They need reason to believe that cooperation still works, that law still matters, and that promises made here will be honoured in their lives. Let this session give them that reason. The words for all should not remain at the end of this year's theme. They must become the measure of our work.
Every day. The UN has an increasing reason to exist, and it must inevitably evolve in step with the geopolitical changes unfolding at dizzying speed. Every nation within this organization must play an active role within it, each to the fullest extent of their capacities. It's clear that our efforts should focus on ensuring that this is an up to date organization, properly supported, taking fair decisions that are respected countries borders cannot be subject to human whims. They must be protected and respected as they represent the boundaries established to preserve identity, distinctive character, and a sense of belonging of their respective populations. We cannot continue to be held hostage to the will of a handful of countries that can be counted on the fingers of one hand, nor can we yield to the economic expediencies of the time. The aim here is clear to achieve lasting stability, to ensure that the efforts of our citizens and their governments are channeled towards generating prosperity. Far removed, of course, from the destruction and suffering caused by war. And we have made a commitment. Let us honor it. Right now. The history that ultimately prevails will be the history that we write every day through our action. For all of these reasons, Uruguay will continue to support dialogue, multilateralism, cooperation, international law, and the peaceful settlement of disputes and above all, for the dignity of every human being. Humanity continues to refuse to regard itself as definitively complete And perhaps that's our greatest hope. The hope that we can still change, that we can still learn, that we can still build, and that we can still choose peace. And this mere fact ultimately reminds us of the clear purity of the idea that together we stand and together we change.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths the horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal declaration of human rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability, sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence. There is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental, fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task, then we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that we understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029 2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful. Our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. president, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions. Listen to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the council's decisions. We will work to prevent crisis, resolve resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering. Protecting colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it.
The loss and damage fund exists. What is missing is the power shift to make them operational and real. Mr. president, the next contest for power will not only be fought over land and sea, it will be fought over data. Our citizens' data crosses the world without a visa and without a vote. It leaves our shores as raw material and returns as products we must buy. We have seen this pattern before. My islands once exported salt, sponge and sisal. Others set the price. Others kept the profit. The commodity has changed today, but the pattern has not. This is colonization by data it serves. It does not arrive with ships and flags. It arrives in a box, on a screen and a button that says I agree. I'm talking about the capacity of a people to govern their own digital lives. People whose daily lives and histories are being mined should decide where their data lives and who may use it, and on what terms. Those people should be able to share in the value which their data creates. It means building artificial intelligence that understands our languages and our lives, and not only the lives of those in the wealthy North, dominating languages and dominating cultures. And it means taking part in a digital age on our own terms, not as consumers of other people's systems, but as builders of our own. Data is the newest raw material in the global economy. My friends, the old empires took our lands, plundered them, and renamed them. The new ones seek to take our data and hand us back a picture of ourselves that we did not paint. In this modern age, are we expected to be simply the unquestioning suppliers of data, or can we not rightly expect to participate in processing our own data so as to refine it, govern it, and profit from it? We do not think it outrageous to demand that small states help the rules of this new age, not simply be shown where to sign. That is why the Bahamas ask you to support the nomination of Stephen Bereaux for deputy secretary general of the International Telecommunication Union, a person from small island developing states, who will assist us in ensuring that we have what I call data sovereignty. Mr. President. Mr. president, the Security Council was designed by the victors of a war that ended 81 years ago. The world has changed.
It is what His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, King of the Kingdom of Bahrain, has consistently advocated for out of His Majesty's conviction that the security and prosperity of this region are two faces of a single truth, and that a just peace and lasting stability are the path towards a dignified life for all the peoples of the region, whatever their faiths or cultures. Thus, we reaffirm that what the United Nations needs today is not more resolutions, but greater capacity to implement them. A resolution adopted but not implemented has no value and a right that is recognized but not protected has no value or meaning. I conclude by stating that the Kingdom of Bahrain continues to be guided by His Majesty's vision for peace. As His Majesty sees, it is not declared but built. It can rest only on the respect for human beings, dignities and beliefs. It should be built on dialogue, not concession or strength. The Kingdom will remain faithful to its international commitments and covenants.
Technology is changing how we work, communicate, and understand the world. Climate change is reshaping economies, communities, and entire ecosystems. Conflicts are destroying lives and displacing families. Economic uncertainty is deepening inequality while progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals has stalled. These challenges are not unfolding in isolation. They are interconnected, global in scale and beyond the capacity of any one nation to address alone. They demand stronger cooperation and renewed confidence in multilateralism. Yet, excellencies, at the very moment when collective action is most urgently needed, this organization stands at a crossroads. The question before us, therefore, is whether we possess the courage, solidarity and political will to shape that change and guide our world towards peace, justice and shared prosperity. I strongly believe that most right thinking individuals would agree that the UN system has substantially delivered for all countries over the several decades of its existence. For more than 80 years, this organization has embodied humanity's highest collective aspiration that countries large and small, rich and poor can work together to prevent conflict, protect human dignity and improve the lives of their people. The United Nations provides shelter and protection to people enduring conflict, displacement, and natural disaster. It supports education healthcare, peacekeeping, elections and development in communities that might otherwise be forgotten. These achievements matter and must never be dismissed or diminished. What the United Nations does not currently do enough is deliver at the transformative level. Too often humanity and the institutions we have created to serve us have had to concentrate on managing one crisis after another, without giving enough attention to the conditions that allow them to persist. Excellencies, there is no question that managing crises is necessary. It brings relief, restores hope, and saves lives. But we cannot stop there. Our responsibility must also be to address the root causes of these problems and build systems that are fairer, stronger and better able to serve our people. The true test of this organization, therefore is not only how well we respond after people have suffered, it is also whether we can work together to prevent that suffering in the first place. This is not to dismiss what has already been achieved. It is a call for us to build on that progress, strengthen our cooperation and deliver the meaningful change that our people expect from us. A fundamental question that one must ask is, can the international system still deliver?
The world today has an unprecedented capacity to meet humanity's most pressing needs. Since the establishment of the United Nations, poverty has declined, access to basic education has expanded, literacy has increased and child mortality has fallen. Yet we are witnessing tyranny, disregard for the vulnerable and violence against civilians in many parts of the world. Poverty and distress are still widespread. For example, Sudan is devastated by war, millions have been displaced and many face famine. For example, Gaza continues to be one of the world's most acute humanitarian emergencies, marked by mass displacement, the destruction of infrastructure and the lack of essential services. For example, Haiti struggles with armed violence and extreme weather events, causing a displacement crisis, a hunger crisis and a health crisis. We must not grow indifferent to wars and human suffering, but instead channel our efforts into preventing conflicts, upholding human rights and strengthening sustainable economies. Our growing material prosperity should not come at the expense of our ethical responsibilities.
Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union that speeds in the Red sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south. We literally sit at the intersection of the shrinking space between the east and the West. My country is a pillar of stability, connectivity and peace across the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Gulf region Greece has developed strong strategic partnerships with key countries in the region, including Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Qatar. We are a bridge builder. We are not a troublemaker. Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple. At a time of tectonic geopolitical changes in the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world And it is precisely. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces with a unifil's mandate. Ending joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Get. Further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation calls urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward and understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions. The challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound. The unresolved Cyprus issue 52 years, 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day for the United Nations. Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary General Gutierrez to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere to today. Two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil, the Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability way beyond far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skill in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece has confidence abroad, rests on a profound transformation at home At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
The possibility before us are immense. We have the possibility of silencing the guns through dialogue and diplomacy. The world does not need more sophisticated instruments of destruction. It needs a more sophisticated capacity for peace. In this regard, I reiterate Guyana's call for a just and lasting solution to the crisis in the Middle East, one that brings an end to the suffering of innocent civilians and recognises the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and to secure a homeland of their own. Reiterate our support for a two state solution. We call as well for an end to the Russia-Ukraine war and the war in Sudan, and for peaceful resolution of all conflicts that continue to consume lives, uproot families and extinguish the hopes of millions in other parts of our world. We reiterate our call for a viable solution for Cuba, one that is peaceful, people centred, development focused and allows for a full aspiration of the Cuban people to be realized. Guyana reiterates Caricom's offer to play a meaningful role in achieving this objective in Haiti. Resolving the multidimensional challenges remains central to achieving democracy, stability, peace and prosperity for the Haitian people. The sustained support of the international community through the provision of key financial and material resources, is critical to realising these objectives. Ultimately, the future of Haiti must be Haitian led and Haitian owned. Mr. president, turning to my own country, Guyana has always advanced the peaceful settlement of the controversy in relation to our border with Venezuela. Despite the historical truth clearly outlined in the arbitral award of 1899 that determined the full, perfect and final settlement of our border with Venezuela, we endured long and repeated provocations and aggression. The matter was referred to the International Court of Justice by the Secretary General, acting pursuant to the Geneva Agreement, and the court twice pronounced on its jurisdiction to hear the matter. Recourse to the ICJ came after decades of efforts to resolve the controversy bilaterally, including through a mixed commission and the good offices of the UN Secretary General. In full respect for international law. Guyana participated and encouraged Venezuela to participate in the proceedings of the ICJ. Now that we have both participated in the hearings, which were completed in May 2026, we urge Venezuela to abide by the forthcoming ruling in accordance with their obligations under the UN charter. As Guyana will do, we look forward to a new era of neighborly relations in the interests of our peoples.
These are not the actions of a country interested in peace. Russia could halt its brutal attacks at any time, yet it refuses to do so. Russia's actions have already had direct global impact in increased food and energy costs. This time last year, a bushel of wheat was just over $5. This year, it's more than $7. The fact that a permanent member of the Security Council is seeking to change borders by force, in clear violation of the UN charter is utterly unacceptable Sovereignty and territorial integrity apply equally to all states. The international community must remain steadfast in our response. In support of the UN charter and of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Ireland stands in solidarity with Ukraine and will continue to do so. We will continue to support efforts to hold Russia accountable for its actions. There can be no impunity for war crimes, not in Ukraine, not anywhere. And that is why Ireland is a steadfast supporter of the International Criminal Court. Ireland strongly opposes efforts to undermine the court. All measures against it should be immediately withdrawn. The international legal order, founded on our agreements to make the world a safer and more secure place, is being challenged. International law represents the collective lessons drawn from conflict, suffering and atrocity. The rules and institutions that we have built over generations exist to protect the rights, security and sovereignty of all states and all peoples. When these principles are disregarded, the consequences extend far beyond any single conflict. We all become less secure. Mr. president, 20 years ago, the Commission on War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity in Darfur saw the international community come together to fulfil our collective responsibility to protect. Despite the extraordinary efforts of the Sudanese people, the cycle of violence has continued. The conflict has been inflamed and prolonged by harmful outside interference. All states and external actors must cease arming, financing and enabling the war in Sudan. 15 million Sudanese people are displaced from their homes. Over 19.5 million face crisis levels of hunger. 33 million need urgent humanitarian assistance. Violations of international law including targeting on the basis of ethnicity, deliberate destruction of the means of survival, killing, torture and sexual violence are again being used as weapons of war. We need to act decisively to support the people of Sudan to end this conflict. We must support their aspirations for democracy, justice and development. Sudan has become a forgotten war despite its devastating impacts We must not allow the absence of daily headlines to become a license for inaction. The people of Sudan deserve the same attention, urgency and solidarity that we rightly extend to crises elsewhere. Mr. president, despite its prevalence, we cannot ever allow ourselves to become indifferent to conflict and human suffering it brings. To do so would deny the shared humanity of its victims. The peace plan on Gaza agreed last October was welcome, but it has not fundamentally changed the reality on the ground. Israeli strikes continue, humanitarian aid remains blocked. Civilians continue to suffer. We, the collective international community, have failed Palestine. Ireland, like most gathered here, believe that the only viable solution to the decades of conflict, misery and wasted human lives is a situation where a state of Palestine and a state of Israel live side by side in peace, security, and dignity. There are modest signs of progress. More countries have recognised the state of Palestine, and overwhelming majority of UN member states has endorsed the New York Declaration. More of us have taken steps to push back against the illegal and violent settler occupation of Palestinian land in the West Bank. But time is running out. What we are witnessing on the ground is a deliberate attempt by some to make the prospect of a two state solution impossible This is not some mad conspiracy theory. It is the stated intent of the Prime Minister of Israel who said clearly that, and I quote, we are going to fulfil our promise that there will be no Palestinian state. This place belongs to us on court, as he permitted the E1. Illegal development in East Jerusalem and the situation in Gaza remains an affront to all that is decent. How can we tolerate a situation where civilians are so desperate for shelter that they have to make their homes in war damaged and unsafe buildings where eight children died because one of them collapsed? Where the most basic humanitarian aid, food and shelter is deliberately impeded When the full truth of what has happened, what is still happening in Gaza is finally known. When the evidence is gathered, when the testimonies are heard, when the true horrors are finally and fully revealed. It will shame the world. Nobody will be able to say that we did not know. Let it not be said that we did not act in the West Bank. In the West Bank. The relentless expansion of settlements have reached a scale without precedent, further eroding, eroding the prospects for a just and lasting peace. Violent settlers continue to act with near-total impunity, while Palestinian communities face a sustained campaign of displacement and destruction amounting to ethnic cleansing. Entire villages have been razed, homes and vital infrastructure demolished, and thousands of Palestinian families driven from the places they have called home for generations and exposed to intimidation and violence. The United Nations reports that this year there have been almost 200 attacks against Palestinians every month, a stark reminder of a reality that is deepening conflict, suffering and despair. The International Court of Justice has been clear. Settlements in occupied Palestinian territory are illegal. Ireland has acted alongside others to prohibit the import of settlement goods. It is never too late to uphold international law. Mr. president, the conflict in the Gulf remains deeply concerning and is having a serious impact around the world. We need to get back to meaningful, good faith negotiations by all sides Ireland has consistently stated that Iran must cease its attacks on its neighbours and also end its destabilizing activities across the region, including strikes on ships in the Strait of Hormuz. Vessels must be allowed to transit the strait safely and without tolls in line with international law. If we are to build greater stability, Iran must never have a nuclear weapon. Iran's destabilizing influence across the region must cease. We need dialogue to achieve a negotiated settlement. Mr. president, since 1978, Irish soldiers have served with distinction in Lebanon in the Unifil peacekeeping operation. Ireland will continue to work with Lebanon, European Union and international partners to support Lebanon's future peace and security. We have consistently condemned Hezbollah's attacks on Israel, which must cease immediately. Israel must withdraw its military presence from southern Lebanon and bring an end to its military operations there. Israel's response has been wholly disproportionate. We honor the courage, professionalism and dedication of all peacekeepers who have served under the United Nations We remember with particular respect, those who lost their lives in the cause of peace. We welcome the Secretary-General's report on the Future of Peacekeeping, and Ireland will work with others to ensure that this essential capacity adapts to the 21st century. Ireland also welcomes wider reforms in efforts in the United Nations system. These are necessary if we are to meet the challenges of our rapidly changing world.
There, I appealed that it is essential for countries to acquire the capabilities to freely determine their own futures and resilience across economic, social and security domains. Japan places particular emphasis on following three pillars that embody this idea. First, Japan is engaged in strengthening the resilience of supply chains for energy and critical minerals. For global energy security, it is crucial to ensure free and transparent energy trade, engage in international coordination on strengthening oil stockpiling and enhance collaboration between producing and consuming countries. Japan has also launched the Partnership on Wide Energy Resources Resilience Asia POWERR Asia to strengthen energy and resource supply resilience in Asia, and has been promoting cooperation in areas such as stockpiling, capacity development and credit provision. Furthermore, Japan is currently formulating a comprehensive cooperation plan aimed at strengthening the economic and energy resilience of Gulf countries in the Middle East. Through this initiative, we will work to further strengthen the collaboration between the Asia Pacific region including Japan and the Gulf countries, to ensure a stable global energy supply. Moreover, concerns about arbitrary export restrictions are growing throughout the international community.
The issue concerns the unique high altitude Lake Issyk-Kul, which is part of the UNESCO Biosphere Reserve and is included among wetlands of international importance under the Ramsar Framework. Today, this invaluable natural water reservoir is under severe climatic stress. Over the past 170 years, the water level has fallen by almost 14m, while over the past five years the rate of decline has reached approximately seven centimeters per year. 101 rivers historically flowed into the lake, but today only 30 flow throughout the entire year. The main source of water for Lake Issyk-Kul is the glacier of the Tien Shan Mountains. Over the past 70 years, more than 30% of the region's mountain glaciers have melted. Nearly 20% of this reduction has occurred within the just past 7 to 10 years. This process poses a direct threat to the biodiversity of the region and economic stability of hundreds of thousands of people. As part of our efforts to preserve Lake Issyk-Kul, Kyrgyzstan is mobilizing all available domestic resources, in particular the state concept for the sustainable Development of the Issyk-Kul ecological and economic system until 2030 is being implemented. Strict environmental restrictions have been introduced and pilot projects have been launched to monitor the depths of the lake using the underwater robotic technologies. Large scale efforts to clean the lake bed and its waters are continuing on a regular basis. The scale and speed of climate change exceed the capacity of any individual mountain country and require consolidated international action. The loss of Lake Issyk-Kul would not be merely a local tragedy. It would become an irreversible environmental loss for the entire region. In order to understand the potential scale of this environmental challenge and the costs associated with preventing, it is important to look at the fate of the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, both of which have suffered severely over recent decades. Please take a look at. Not so long ago the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, just like Issyk-Kul today, were full and reservoir was full of water. Today they have largely dried up. For us, this example must serve as a clear warning. Taking this opportunity, I officially call upon the United Nations, international financial institutions and donor countries to support our initiative to establish under the auspice of the organization the Special Joint Trust Fund for the Preservation of Lake Issyk-Kul. In order to demonstrate our commitments through concrete actions, we are prepared to contribute 10 million USD from the state budget to this fund. In our culture, there is a concept known as Amanat. It means the duty to carefully preserve what our ancestors have entrusted to us and to pass it on to future generations. In this sense, it would be fair to state that Lake Issyk-Kul is our shared climate Amanat. We are not asking for help. We are proposing a joint global partnership to preserve this unique natural resource for the earth. Before it is too late, let us unite our efforts and resources within the framework of this Trust fund. Distinguished participants. Ladies and gentlemen, the challenges before us are shared. Therefore, our response to them must be also collective. We stand at the threshold of a new era of change. Safe, just and sustainable future can be built only through collective action. The destiny of our planet and future generations is the responsibility of each and every one of us. This year, Kyrgyzstan celebrates the 35th anniversary of its independence. Throughout this period, our country has faced many different challenges. Since then, we chose cooperation over confrontation, creation over destruction and embark upon the path of sustainable development. There is one thing we must all remember. Peace does not come about by itself. Therefore, let us turn our words into action, concrete steps that improve people's lives and protect nature.
Ladies and gentlemen. We meet today as the world undergoes a profound transformation, not only in the balance of power but in the very concept of power, and the ethics of its use. This transformation is reshaping the meaning of security, the nature of alliances, and the capacity of the international order to uphold the foundations and principles upon which and for which it was established. At the heart of these transformations lies a question that transcends the borders of states and continents: how can we build an international order in which the rule of law is an equal right, not a privilege of the most powerful?
Third, the coalition for Global Energy Supply Chains. Recently, there have been repeated blockades of sea routes in the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea. This has underscored the stark reality that the weaponization of key energy and logistics supply routes can send severe shock waves to the lives of ordinary people around the world. Freedom of navigation and safe passage through international straits is a right grounded in international law and serves as a bedrock of the global economy. Attacks on merchant vessels and threats to the lives and safety of crew members cannot be justified under any circumstances. While making greater use of existing frameworks such as the International Energy Agency, the Republic of Korea will build a more robust framework of cooperation for energy supply chains to prevent the supply chain crisis from escalating into a broader threat to the global economy and people's livelihoods. By nature, these problems cannot be resolved by any one of us alone. At the same time, we cannot afford to sit idly by and wait for all nations to arrive at a single solution. The most urgent and realistic path is for countries with the capacity and willingness to supply global public goods, to join hands and broaden the scope of cooperation.
We cannot continue to walk up the down escalator pretending it is development. Mr. president, we renew our call for the full operationalisation of the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index so that access to concessional financing is not constrained by per capita income, but reflects the real climate risks small island states face and their limited capacity to respond to such large events. We also call for the swift implementation of reforms set out in the Antigua and Barbuda agenda for SIDS. Further, we support the continuing work of the Bridgetown Initiative to reform the international financial architecture, including automatic debt service suspension clauses when disaster strikes, expanded and rechanneled Special Drawing Rights and multilateral development banks that lend like development partners rather than like commercial creditors. Mr. president, we must also accept that affordable, patient concessional capital is not charity to small states. It is justice for states that contribute the least to the climate crisis, yet bear the highest costs.
Today, however, these ideas are not only being called into question; they are being attacked by political actors and governments that want to take us back to a dark past. And I don't need to point them out; we all know who they are and what their modus operandi is. They start by questioning the rules, then they break them, knowing full well that nobody will dare to hold them accountable. They cut their contributions to multilateral bodies like this one. They point to their leaders and officials. They obstruct these organizations' ability to act, to then write them off as useless entities that we can do without. What they're doing, nevertheless, is a planned and coordinated demolition attempt that is presented as something that we can't stop and that's necessary. However, the reality is that it runs counter to the structural currents of history and is based on three misguided pillars. The first of these pillars is selfishness, the absurd belief that the world is a zero-sum game, where some winning must imply that others losing. The second pillar is ignorance, disregarding scientific evidence and assuming that there are countries that are so powerful that they can abuse all of the others and they don't need anyone else to prosper. And the third pillar, the worst in my opinion, is cruelty. Cruelty that isn't even moved when it sees the ribs of a starving child or a hospital reduced to rubble. Over these 8 years, I've seen these selfish, ignorant, and cruel forces grow. I've seen how they took off their masks and seized power in many places. And then I saw them start illegal wars, massacre innocent civilians. I've seen them treat millions of human beings like livestock and take away aid from those suffering the most, from poverty and disease. I've seen them pollute the atmosphere and also the ocean as if it's their own property, and conspire to destroy this organization and everything it represents. I'm saying this because bearing witness to these things has changed the way that I understand the world. However, it hasn't led me to lose hope. Because also, over these 8 years, I've seen wonderful things that allow me to still have confidence in humanity. For example, I've seen millions of people mobilized to defend nature, peace, and civil rights. I've seen thousands of activists and public servants confront these reactionary powers, knowing full well that they're putting their professional careers and even their own lives at risk. I've seen scientists make progress that we thought was impossible. And I've seen many governments do things right, opting for cooperation, social justice, and environmental sustainability. All of this has taught me something that I want to share with all of you, and that is that humanity is not intrinsically good or bad. Humanity can actually be both. And every day, every year, and in each and every crisis, we must decide how to act. The United Nations is one of these spaces where these decisions are made at the highest level. And the UN doesn't always do it well. Of course, I myself, on several occasions, have called out the contradictions and lackings of this body. However, with the same belief, I must call out the fact that the majority of the voices that today insist on criticizing the United Nations are not describing its failure; what they're doing is trying to cause its failure. And I must also say that multilateralism is the best tool that humanity has to manage its diversity and its interdependence, especially in a globalized and multipolar world like the world we're living in today. And this is why what we need to do is up- ramp up our trust in this organization. We must renew it and strengthen it so that this century it can play the same key role that it played last century. And doing this will not be easy. However, the good news is that all of the guidance we need is right here, in the United Nations Charter. In this charter, they wrote the best chapters. Our forefathers wrote it, the men and women who saw the world burn, and even then, they died to imagine a better future. These men and women laid down their wisdom and their hope in this charter. And they didn't ask us to keep it in a glass case. They asked us to fulfill it. They asked us to defend it, and for us to turn back to it in times of uncertainty and extraordinary difficulty. And today is one of those times. And therefore, it's our duty to rise to the courage and the ambition present in this text, in the United Nations Charter. And this is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to reform the Security Council so that all of the regions in the world have fair representation, and so that we can do away with the right of veto of the permanent members. Because as the UN Charter sets out, no country should be judged in its own case, no matter how powerful they are. We therefore need to strengthen all of the other main bodies and reorganize the agencies' funds and programs, and provide them with more resources and more executive capacity so that they can have a more decisive impact on the great challenges that beset humanity. We must strengthen bodies like the International Criminal Court so that they can investigate, prosecute, and punish those that break the rules.
Generations move on. But the institutions and powers created on the pretext of those alleged emergencies remain. And if for a moment we allow ourselves to believe that the lesson had been learned after so many failures, the arrival of artificial intelligence demonstrates quite something else. The printing press, the steam engine, electricity, the internet— every great technological revolution has been accompanied by fears about what it would destroy, particularly jobs. There is no doubt that this is one of the most effective ways of instilling fear in human beings, given the role of work as a means of subsistence. Take the Industrial Revolution as an example. When it began, the world was home to some 800 million human beings. If, in keeping with the Luddites and the perennial pessimists, employment had at best remained constant, then, given that the world's population has since increased more than tenfold, the global employment rate today would be at 90%. That is absurd, something that few of us few seem to have stopped to consider, perhaps except perhaps those of us with a passion for reading Borges, who love his approach for testing an idea by taking it to its logical extreme. Ultimately, these technological advances have not only failed to produce any of the catastrophes, but in addition, all of these ended up bringing an end to what human beings were able to do. Today, we have built machines that are able to carry out tasks that only a few months ago seemed out of our reach. Where we many see a threat, we see a new frontier: artificial intelligence, or superintelligence, as Donald Trump said, can double our productivity in a way that we do not yet comprehend. To invoke Adam Smith, artificial intelligence will be the pin factory of the 21st century, and much more besides. It can transform our economies, our medicine, our education, even the way we govern. That calls for prudence, yes. But prudence doesn't mean fear. Moreover, under no circumstances should fear automatically translate into obedience. Indeed, the dystopian scenarios commonly invoked to instill fear and justify state control make no sense from an economic standpoint. The answer lies with Adam Smith. Artificial intelligence, like the division of labor in the case of the pin factory, is an accelerator of productivity growth. Smith noted, however, that the division of labor is limited by the extent of the market. Growth will therefore be constrained by its counterpart in genuine demand, without fiscal deficits or spurious money creation. But that's not all. Those projects must also be financed, and that should be done with the resources of human beings. That is, their initial endowments and level of wealth, which correspond to the side of the market. Moreover, the purpose of producing more is to achieve a higher level of consumption. Yet the satisfaction generated by consumption increases at a decreasing rate, while the loss of satisfaction involved in surrendering leisure in order to produce more rises disproportionately. Consequently, the point at which the gain from greater consumption is equal to the loss of leisure brings the system to an equilibrium, leaving no room for dystopian terror. That is why, when we hear that the state should control artificial intelligence, we should remember something basic. The state is not an abstract creature. It is made up of people, officials, and bureaucrats. Granting it control over innovation means granting some people, in the best and most naive of cases, the power to limit what everyone else can create. History gives us reason to scrutinize such power carefully. For centuries, fear over tomorrow has been used as an argument for restricting freedoms today, always with the same promise: give us a part of your freedom and we will protect you from this new threat. We will apply a different principle. In the face of uncertainty, we propose determination. In the face of fear, courage. In the face of decline, ambition. And in the face of resignation, we propose optimism. That is why I tell you that when it comes to artificial intelligence, Argentina will stand at the forefront of freedom. We have the critical minerals, the energy, the talent, and the capacity to compete at every link in that value chain. And we want to become the most competitive place in the world in which to develop it, with a cutting-edge legal framework, a commitment not to regulate preemptively, a commitment not to regulate preemptively, limited liability for companies operating with AI agents, and tax incentives. Because artificial intelligence is not geopolitically neutral. The West must lead the development of this technology to ensure that it is consistent with our fundamental libertarian values, namely respect for life, liberty, private property, and the notion of human dignity.
That is the only way that we will manage to find paths to progress on the all too many, all true, all too intractable conflicts blighting our world today. In Malta, the smallest member state of the European Union, we have always been a bridge between Europe and the Middle East. So allow me to focus on two of those conflicts on our doorstep. Firstly, Ukraine. It is all too easy and all too great a mistake for us to fall in the trap that repelling the invasion of Ukraine becomes another never ending conflict, a grinding tragedy on the corner of our continent about which we can do nothing. Malta will never accept that despair. Europe must never accept that despair. The world must never turn its head away in despair. Malta remains as adamant in our condemnation of that invasion today as we were on day one in February 2022. And Malta is equally as adamant that a just and lasting peace must guarantee Ukraine's sovereignty within its internationally recognised borders. That will only come about through a diplomatic process that the Ukrainian people can have full trust in. They will only have such trust if the process follows a full and unconditional cease fire and the full participation of Ukraine and its people in the subsequent peace talks. Rightly the Ukrainian people will never have trust in any search for a settlement which involves their government being frogmarched to the table, one arm tied behind its back, whilst the guns still blaze. The issue of trust is clearly also central to the very worrying situation in Gaza The people of Israel need to have trust that Hamas will be disarmed, and that they will play no future role in the governance or security structures of Gaza. But the people of Gaza need to have trust that there is a path to a just peace. It is impossible to build that trust with a humanitarian situation as acute as that being experienced in Gaza right now. Malta's voice remains unwaveringly with the global calls for safe, sustained and unhindered humanitarian access throughout Gaza in accordance with international law. We firmly believe that the Gaza peace plan provides the best path towards ending the conflict and advancing credible political progress. To achieve that progress, all parties and I emphasize all parties must fully respect and implement the objectives and commitments set out in the plan. And naturally, no progress can be made. If there is any question of the forced displacement of any of the Palestinian population. Indeed, it is incumbent on each and every one of us in the international community to rebuild the trust needed to underpin the conditions where genuine progress can be made towards a negotiated and lasting two state solution. That is the only solution. Nobody, however, is under any illusion how out of reach? Unfortunately, that seems at the moment. But nor is this the moment to shy away or run away from the only goal that will guarantee the people of Israel and Palestine living side by side with the peace, prosperity and stability that they both deserve. Sadly, any progress towards a long term solution is being endangered by the situation in the West Bank settlement expansion, running directly counter to the resolutions of this General Assembly and designed to undermine the Palestinian territorial integrity, must stop and stop now. So too, must the violent settler attacks on Palestinian communities increasing at an alarming rate. Behold, they must be halted. These are all essential preconditions to a just and lasting peace, as is a credible and reformed Palestinian Authority that can demonstrate to citizens of both Palestine and Israel that it has the transparency, the accountability, the institutional effectiveness, and, above all, the democratic legitimacy to be a truly effective partner for peace. Malta stands ready to play its part in building the capacity of both a renewed Democratic Palestinian Authority and the robust civil society that must underpin it, not just in Ukraine, Gaza and Israel, but across the world. Be it the conflict in Sudan, the ongoing violence in Myanmar or the instability across the Sahel. It is evident that diminished trust means diminished chances of finding solutions. You could put it as starkly as no trust equals no peace. Of course, no matter the conflict, each with its own individual and particular circumstances, there is no easy way of building trust. But equally, there is no easy way of avoiding the need to build trust. We all know from our lives as much as from the experiences of our own countries, just how hard it is to rebuild trust when it has evaporated. Yet we also know the consequences if we give up trying, and the rewards that can come. If, however, slowly and however tentatively, we can start. If it is hard enough to build trust human to human face to face, it can be, of course, infinitely harder to build trust.
Choose dialogue and peaceful settlement wherever possible. Remember ordinary families when making major economic decisions. Balance commercial interests with the welfare of people. Use technology to advance human dignity and not diminish it. Protect our planet while pursuing development and place the interests of our children and future generations at the heart of decisions we make today. Leadership is not measured only by the power of a nation. I beg your pardon again. Leadership is not defined only by the power you possess as a leader of a powerful nation. Leadership is also measured by the responsibility that comes with how you exercise that power. Papua New Guinea does not claim to have all the answers. We still are developing nations. Just a few years ago, we became a middle income earning nation. We have our own challenges, but perhaps our position as a Pacific nation allows us to remind the larger powers of a simple reality. No nation is so powerful that it can live apart from the earth. No nation is so small that its people should be forgotten when decisions affecting humanity are made. Military strength of a nation does not make the rights of another nation less important. The size of an economy does not make the dignity of a poorer person less important. Technological advancement does not diminish our obligations to protect human freedom. The size of a religious majority does not reduce the rights of a minority. Power in all forms must be exercised with responsibility and care. Mr. president, in PNG we have many tribes. We have many languages. We have many churches. We have many cultures. But we are one nation. Perhaps this lesson can be taught to everyone. Papua New Guinea puts this to the assembly. You do not have to believe what I believe in for you to defend human rights of another person. Let governments govern for people. Let churches preach and preach love to each other. Let mosque pray faithfully. Let temples welcome the worshippers. Let people search their own conscience. Let the economy serve humanity. Let technology serve humanity. Let powerful nations exercise their power responsibly. Let nations resolve their differences peacefully, wherever possible. And I pause here, especially all Christian nations, all Christian nations, our Lord and Savior Jesus talks about peace and not war. Those who are promoting peace are sons of God. You don't promote peace, you are not sons of God. And may this be known to every Christian nation. Let no state compel the human soul. Mr. president, we may have different religions. We may have different political systems. We have different cultures and national interests. We may be. We may be big nations or small nations. We may be rich or poor. We may possess different levels of military, economic and technological power. But beneath those differences, we share something greater. We share our humanity. We share one earth. This is our home. We must protect it. We must protect each other. We must leave our children a better world than the one we are presently living in. Papua New Guinea will remain proudly, proudly Christian, but we will also remain committed to the freedom of conscience, thought and religion. For ultimately, faith cannot be governed or commanded by government. Faith must come from the heart. God has given humanity the capacity to choose that freedom, and that freedom must be respected. God has entrusted this earth to our generation for only a short time. Let us use it wisely and pass it to the next generation. Let us pursue peace. Let us uphold the charter of United Nations. Let us respect the rights and dignity of every human being. Let us work together. Big or small nations. Let us ensure that power, whether military, economic, technology, or religious, is never used to suppress the rights of others. Let us protect our common home.
Everyone is aware of it. Its name is Venezuela. Before coming to New York, I visited Caracas, despite the fact that the diplomatic relations between Paraguay and Venezuela have been suspended. My decision to visit the Caribbean country, therefore, surprised many, and many people have questioned, sometimes harshly, my decision. I therefore like to use this forum to say it loudly and clearly: I didn't go to Venezuela to legitimize a regime. I did not go there to legitimize or validate anything whatsoever. No, ladies and gentlemen, quite the opposite. Paraguay cherishes democracy, and we believe that the Venezuelan people also deserve democracy. The reason I went to Venezuela is because, for 25 years, South American leaders have issued fine, lyrical rhetoric, resounding statements, and countless slogans on Venezuela. For 25 years, we watched, we waited, and we condemned, from the comfort of this distance, without doing anything for the Venezuelan people. We watched. We talked. But we didn't act. We did nothing. In the meantime, our Venezuelan brothers and sisters suffered. That is why I went to Venezuela a few days ago, to take a second step following the first difficult but extremely important step that was represented by the fall of the dictator Maduro. Because Paraguay can play a useful role in the second step: Venezuela's transition towards a pluralistic democracy. Venezuela is now facing a new reality. Defending our values cannot mean standing indifferent to that reality. That is why Paraguay has opened a channel of dialogue with the Venezuelan authorities and is already taking action towards a Venezuela in which power resides with its one true sovereign, the Venezuelan people. Dialogue doesn't mean abandoning our principles or forgetting the past. It means having the courage to look ahead and to act. We cannot wait for the United States or some northern power to resolve our problems. We have to resolve them ourselves. Venezuela, what I want, is what my own country achieved after 35 years of dictatorship in 1989: a real, lasting democratic transition. I don't want a photo opportunity. I don't want a communiqué. I want, we want, a transition. With institutions, with security, with an economy, and with a people that are once again integrated into the international community and, in our region, integrated into Mercosur. Paraguayan leadership doesn't confuse dialogue with indifference. Dialogue, talking, is one way of standing with the Venezuelan people. It's also a way of jointly combating transnational crime, which knows no borders and which harms our entire region. Today I call on all my Latin American brothers and sisters, but also on these United Nations. Let us come together to help Venezuela, this beautiful country, to reintegrate into the world and achieve a democratic government that respects human rights. To borrow the words of the Latin poet Publius: I am human. Nothing human is alien to me. The suffering of the Venezuelan people is also the suffering of the Paraguayan people. It is the suffering of us all. And what applies to Venezuela applies, perhaps even more so, to Nicaragua, Cuba, and Haiti, countries that have lived for far too long in the darkness of authoritarianism, violence, and sorrow. Let us bring light to these sister nations. For where there are free elections, there is hope. But we mustn't stop at words. We must act. Let us do so. Let us do so together. Of course, problems are not confined to my region. There are problems all around the world. Paraguay is noting with deep concern what is happening in the Persian Gulf when the Strait of Hormuz is closed. It is not the great powers or the wealthiest who pay the price. It is the least protected who pay the price, the most vulnerable among our citizens. Food and energy security, the food and energy security of millions of people, depends on keeping that passage open. Therefore, today I make an urgent appeal for the immediate cessation of attacks, for the full reopening of and freedom of navigation through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb, and a return to negotiations. Human dignity, dear friends, does not change when we move from one continent to another. It is always the same. And it is that human dignity that must guide not only our words but also our actions. Hormuz is the problem we face today. But I wish to tell you here that tomorrow's problem could be far worse, infinitely worse. I'm referring to the ominous clouds gathering over the Indo-Pacific, particularly over the Taiwan Strait. What happens there is not merely a regional matter. No, ladies and gentlemen. It affects Japan, the whole of East and Southeast Asia, and above all, it affects the global economy. It affects the microchips that power industry, defense, and artificial intelligence. Anyone pretending that this is far off or too distant to matter simply has not understood the 21st century. If oil was the fuel of the 20th century, microchips are the fuel of the 21st. The stakes of this potential conflict could scarcely be higher. The very future of humanity is at stake. And I want to make one thing clear here: Paraguay is not neutral on this issue. Paraguay stands, and I say this loud and clear, with Taiwan. Not out of expediency, quite the opposite. We stand with Taiwan because of the profound values we share: democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and peace. Seventy years of uninterrupted diplomatic relations are not merely a number or the product of a mere calculation. They are a testament to the real friendship between our peoples. That is why today I reaffirm our support for the full and meaningful participation of the Republic of China, Taiwan, in the United Nations and its specialized agencies. Taiwan has concrete contributions to make to peace, development, and human rights. Excluding it doesn't serve to strengthen the system. It deprives the system of capacities that could benefit us all. And it is a stain on the United Nations. But let's make no mistake: the problem is not Taiwan alone. What's happening there, in that part of the world, is simply too dangerous for us all. Dear friends, let us not stop at words or slogans. Let us move to concrete action. I assure you that at this negotiating table, at the table for peace and concord, Paraguay will be on the front row, ready to help. But the world's problems do not end in a single region or place. They go to the very heart of the international system.
The responsibility for the world we will leave to future generations. It is our duty to future generations to leave them a clean, safe environment. Poland supports environmental protection efforts, recognizing their impact on security, including food security. Caring for the natural environment is undoubtedly our duty, but fulfilling this duty must not lead to the weakening of our economies or the shifting of problems beyond our borders. Pushing for ambitious environmental policies without considering their global consequences may result in deindustrialization, longer supply chains, and the relocation of production to countries that do not apply comparable standards. This path does not lead to genuine climate protection. It merely leads to the export of emissions to other parts of the same globe, accompanied by job losses in the country of origin and the erosion of production capacity. We need solutions that combine environmental responsibility with economic competitiveness and economic security. In this spirit, it is worth recalling the message of Saint Francis of Assisi, who saw nature not as a resource to be exploited, but as a gift entrusted to humankind, our common home, for which we are responsible as its guardians and stewards. To put it short, ladies and gentlemen, we cannot give away the protection of our environment to fanatics. Careful, nature is much older than the left-wing concepts. It stems from an ethic that took shape long before the emergence of post-Marxist ideologues.
No more exploitation. Excellencies, The fourth power test is technology, and above all artificial intelligence. For centuries, power came from territory. Then industry. Then finance. Today, power increasingly comes from data, computing capacity and algorithms. This new power is highly concentrated. It is advancing at extraordinary speed. And racing ahead of our ability to understand its full consequences. In 2017, AI was barely on the world’s radar. Yet in my first address to the opening of the General Assembly, I warned – and I quote: “Artificial intelligence is a game changer that can boost development and transform lives in spectacular fashion. But it may also have a dramatic impact on labour markets and, indeed, on global security and the very fabric of societies.” Unquote. Here we are, almost a decade later. AI is indeed a game changer – with enormous promise to advance medicine, accelerate scientific discovery, expand opportunity, and improve lives. Make no mistake. The danger is not technology. The danger is technology without accountability: Capability without oversight. Decision-making without transparency. And that danger cannot be minimized. The very developers building these systems are now pulling the alarm. Excellencies, The first duty of government is to protect its people. Governments must assume their responsibilities. And governments with the greatest AI capabilities have the greatest responsibilities to humanity. To establish channels for dialogue, transparency, trust and cooperation. Not despite geopolitical rivalry – but precisely because of it. At a pivotal moment during the Cold War, strategic rivals came to recognize the need to manage shared existential risks. They built mechanisms to reduce misunderstandings, manage escalation, and prevent catastrophe. Artificial intelligence demands the same clarity of purpose and sense of urgency. Those countries leading this technological revolution must share information on emerging safety risks. Cooperate on testing and evaluation. And work towards common safeguards that protect us all. But because this affects us all, global coordination is indispensable. And there is only one place where every country has a voice in shaping our common future: The United Nations. Through the Global Digital Compact, you agreed for the first time on universal principles for AI governance. Through the Global Dialogue on AI Governance, we created a platform for governments, scientists, industry leaders and civil society to work together. Through the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, we have brought together global expertise to ensure that policy is guided by evidence. Just yesterday, the AI Scientific Panel released a thematic brief on AI safety and risks from loss of human control. Building on these efforts, we must take the next steps. First, to advance the conditions for the responsible pacing of AI and the additional safeguards needed to address risks. Second, to work towards a multilateral AI Risk Management Framework, supported by credible and independent oversight. And in all our efforts, we must ensure no country is left behind. Artificial intelligence must be shaped by humanity, with humanity, and for all humanity. And as we confront the challenges ahead, let us not retreat from two fundamental principles. Let us say with one voice: Children must never become the test subjects for unregulated systems. And let us resolve that life-and-death decisions must never be surrendered to machines. Killer robots must have no place in our future. Excellencies, Peace and security. Inequality.
Transnational criminal networks are using our ocean as a highway for illicit drugs, undermining our sovereignty and national security, destroying young lives and tearing at the fabric of our communities. Behind every statistic stands a family, a community, a young life robbed of its promise. We will not allow criminal networks to profit from the vulnerability of our people. We are amending our Dangerous Drugs Act to introduce stiffer penalties as a deterrent, and we are strengthening law enforcement to prevent and detect these crimes and to hold perpetrators accountable. In August this year, Solomon Islands acceded to the UN Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime, a clear demonstration of our resolve to confront this threat. These are costly and demanding undertakings, and no Pacific country can win this fight alone. We call for stronger international cooperation, greater information sharing, sustained investment in the capacity of our law enforcement agencies, and the support for prevention and rehabilitation. Our vision of a peaceful and secure Pacific extends beyond transnational crime. As enshrined in the Ocean of Peace declaration, our region must remain free of nuclear weapons and free from destabilizing external influence.
As an integral part of Europe, our country plays a significant role in ensuring the welfare and security of the European continent. The NATO Ankara summit, which we successfully hosted in July, was a concrete manifestation of our commitment to our common security. A Europe that excludes Turkey from its security architecture cannot. And let me say this clearly it cannot possibly be stronger or safer. We are shaping our future with the European Union precisely through this strategic vision, and we expect the same vision from the European Union as well. The Balkans is a region with which we have strong historical cultural and human ties. Within the Balkans Peace Platform, we are taking joint steps to deepen our cooperation with them, and our position on the South Caucasus is also quite clear. Namely, we hope for the establishment of lasting peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia. We commend and support the commitment to a solution demonstrated by President Aliyev and Prime Minister Pashinyan. We are also advancing with determination the normalization process between our country and Armenia. I would also like to express with pleasure the following. The Organization of Turkic States has become an exemplary model of regional cooperation that is growing in strength year by year. The 13th Leader Summit, to be held in Ankara on the 30th of October, will, we hope, open new doors and new horizons for the organization. The fourth Turkey Africa Partnership Summit, which we will organize in Libya in December, symbolizes the institutional partnership we have been building for more than two decades now. In South Asia, it is important that all disputes, including the Kashmir issue, be addressed through dialogue within the framework of the United Nations Charter and of relevant resolutions. Provided that constructive action is taken, all issues can possibly be resolved, and the same Applies to tensions on the African continent also. We fully support efforts for a ceasefire and for lasting peace in Sudan, as well as efforts to strengthen security, development and institutional capacity in Somalia. Meanwhile, maintaining stability and tranquility in Libya is our priority. It is imperative that the ongoing reconciliation process is led and owned by Libyans themselves. As Turkey, we continue to support the success of this process. Now, also through our Asia Anew Initiative, we continue to strengthen our relations with our partners in the Asia Pacific region. We regard the elevation of our relations with ASEAN to the level of dialogue partnership as a concrete outcome of this approach. Likewise, we are developing our relations with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean on the basis of mutual respect, partnership and a win win approach.
Russia's bet on cruise missiles and Shaheds didn't work the way Putin planned. They still caused damage, but they didn't break us. We built our defense. What is truly difficult for us now is Russian ballistic missiles and their new jet-powered Shaheds. Iranian technologies. Just imagine this: since the beginning of this year, Russia has already used more than 2,100 missiles of different types against us, against Ukraine, our people, and our children. More than 950 of them were ballistic missiles. In 8 months of this year, Russia used 63,000 attack drones of different types against Ukraine, our people. And more than 7,700 of them were jet-powered Shaheds. Truly destructive and very dangerous weapons. Just think about it. The Russians launch jet-powered Shaheds every hour. Every hour. Against our cities, our economy, our infrastructure. Our combat aircraft are fighting them 24/7. And this is part of Russia's strategy: to create a near threat every hour, to make life harder for the economy, and to disrupt people's lives, and to stop children from being able to study, just to study at school. Would your country survive if, God forbid, you had to face something like this? Ukraine has. Our soldiers have already successfully tested four new jet-powered interceptor drones against Russian jet-powered Shaheds. So we are scaling up production, and we will build, of course we will build, protection against these threats too. We have also launched an anti-ballistic program, FREA, together with our partners. Ten countries are already part of it: Ukraine, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom, Spain, and the Netherlands. Last week, I invited Poland to join. And we are also in consultations with a couple of other allied governments who want to join FREA. And we remain open to every country that can contribute to building protection against ballistic missiles. Our FREA program does not replace proven and effective systems, like, for example, Patriot systems or upgraded anti-ballistic SAMP/T systems. We want to build a system that can be produced on a much larger scale and at a lower cost, a system that can become an integrated part of Ukraine's defense and Europe's defense. One that can help any freedom-loving nation. The global waiting list for anti-ballistic systems is very long. There are more and more ballistic threats, and the industrial capacity of those who choose war is very large. So we need to produce enough protection so that every person sitting in this hall can say," My people are truly protected." That is our approach to security. Today, even the richest countries in the world can't find enough missile interceptors. Current production is simply not enough. And even those who spend years building up interceptor stocks have already used a large part of them, unfortunately. This is the reality, even in the Gulf, where countries really worked to build strong anti-ballistic system, anti-ballistic defense. So we need a new program. We need FREA join these common efforts. And yes, sometimes it may seem that Ukraine is focused, focused only on war, because we speak about weapons, we speak about defense and sanctions against the aggressor. But Ukrainians did not choose this war. We choose not to die, not to lose our country, our families, not to lose our independence, our freedom. And we are defending ourselves. And this matters not only for us. I'm sure most of you here are like Ukraine was before this war. You are peaceful nations. And you do not think about war every second. But that does not mean you are weak. And those who may wish you harm should not make that mistake. Most of you do not have nuclear weapons. You do not have a habit of attacking your neighbors. And you may not have the money to finance years of war. But that does not mean you have no chance to stay safe, to detour those who may threaten you, to make anyone who may threaten you think twice, and to protect your life and, of course, protect your people. Ukraine has proven that even against a much bigger enemy, you can stand and survive. And we also have the drone deal format. This is not simply about selling drones. Not, of course. It is cooperation with other countries to build a modern, integrated defense system against drone threats in the air, at sea, and on land. And this is not only about protecting the sky. Drones help us control our borders. It's important. Mountain areas. And of course, roads. And without them, this would simply be impossible. And it is also about protecting infrastructure, critical infrastructure, about resilience, about organizing resources and defense forces so that critical infrastructure and transport can keep working even in the most difficult conditions. This is also part of the deals we offer. These are ready-made security formats that we adapt to each specific country and each specific region. We are already working with partners in the Gulf, the South Caucasus, and across Europe through drone deals. Today, I signed a drone deal, serious drone deal, with Finland, and this is significant. Also, today, I signed a security agreement with Australia, and drones are part of it too. And we are preparing drone deals with Canada and with other countries as well. When Russia started this war, it could never have imagined that Ukrainian long-range drones would one day reach its factories, its military factories, somewhere in Siberia and on the Yamal Peninsula, thousands of kilometers from our borders. Thousands. No Russian admiral expected that we would be able to sink Russia's pride cruisers that were supposed to dominate the sea but could not survive our naval drones. And along with different types of drones, we also produce a wide range of conventional weapons quickly, at lower cost than in many other countries, and tested in modern war. Ukraine is building its security so that we reinforce our role of a real provider of security and help others get the protection that has already worked for us and that can truly reduce the space for starting and spreading wars in the world. Peace through protection. Ladies and gentlemen, just think about it. No Russian official ever imagined that Army General Winter, which had fought on Russia's side for centuries, would one day switch sides and support those defending themselves from Russia. We will make that happen this winter if Russia continues to target our energy system and our heating. Ukrainians understand that this winter could be very harsh for us. But in response, we will have no choice but to make it painful for Russia too. And that's exactly why we say that de-escalation steps are important, are needed before winter. Now, we need diplomacy, and we need strength. And step by step, we are closing the gaps in both. Yesterday, we met with the President of the United States, and this is exactly what we discussed. Unfortunately, we have not had a chance to speak directly with the leader of China, who is in America today, but not here. And he is someone who can influence Russia too, more than many, many others can. And we would like him to want peace as much as we do in Ukraine. We believe the world has the power to make this happen. We are sure the world needs this. This is about energy, about critical infrastructure. This is about food security.
I know all of you very well, but they know that given only a short time to make this world better, safer, and more prosperous for our children, for the people on earth, we have to take advantage of it. As president of the most extraordinary nation in history, I have no interest in leaving dangers to grow for another day. I do not believe in letting problems fester. They only become harder to solve. So while others have talked, I have acted, while others have spoken of peace. I have made peace while others have ignored threats. I have confronted them while others have talked of courage. America has shown it, while others have promised strength. I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime wherever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation is Hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran. Until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve. Anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief of Morocco, Bahrain. These are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump had six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've they've had it 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I, I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago in January. At my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital. Caracas descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolas Maduro. Since that day, hundreds of Venezuelan political prisoners have been freed. They've let them out of jails, and we're working closely with the leaders of Venezuela to forge a much better future for the Venezuelan people. Last month, we signed the largest oil deal in history, covering 65 billion barrels of oil, which will benefit both Venezuela and the United States enormously and help drive down the cost of energy all over the world. And that is starting to perk right now. It's coming out. The biggest oil companies in the world are going in, and the numbers are absolutely incredible. When you add the United States and Venezuela together, we have more than 60% of the oil in the world. So it's perhaps the biggest deal. It was a war, but it's perhaps the biggest deal ever made. To the victor belong the spoils. You've all heard that our actions in Venezuela are proof that the United States will no longer permit threats to America to gain a foothold anywhere in the Western Hemisphere. And if necessary, we will use our unmatched military might to secure the vital national interests of the United States. As you know, Venezuela had the finest equipment in the world from other countries. And guess what It didn't work. Didn't even come close to working. For decades, other administrations allowed much of this region to be dominated by vicious gangs and bloodthirsty drug cartels, destabilized by uncontrolled migration and infiltrated by hostile foreign adversaries, foreign sick, demented adversaries. But not anymore. We are reasserting American power, including American military power, where necessary in our region and around the world, to create a safer future for all of us. It's happening, and it's happening quickly.
