Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. I come before you from Nepal, a distant country in the Himalayas, carrying a close warning for humanity.

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Nine months into my service as Prime Minister, I stand here mindful that Pacific leaders have come before me, raising the same warnings, making the same appeals. Today I'm compelled to make them again. The question before us is not whether the world has heard our message, but why has it still not acted? We live in a world more connected than ever, but greater connection has not brought greater unity. We meet amid deepening division, geopolitical conflict and competition. For Tonga, navigating such stormy currents is not new. As descendants of voyagers, we have been in the survival business much longer than most have appreciated.

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Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Your Excellencies, every generation believes the challenges they face are unmatched. Perhaps for us that is true. We are at a unique moment in history. The scale of knowledge and the speed of change are unprecedented. Every day brings another crisis, another tragedy, another emergency demanding our attention. One study shows that average screen attention has fallen from 2.5 minutes in 2004 to just 47 seconds today. Of course, a screen is not the world, but that says something about our world today that attention has become a scarce asset, and where we choose to direct it has never mattered more. And in this chamber, attention is more than a cognitive resource. It is a geopolitical one. It determines which conflicts receive sustained diplomacy and which fade from the agenda. Whether a cease fire holds after the cameras leave, whether humanitarian suffering remains intolerable or becomes familiar and whether the world steps up or scrolls and strolls away. History rarely catches us entirely by surprise. More often, it catches us focused elsewhere. Economic disparity, food insecurity, climate change disasters. None of these challenges emerged overnight. The warning signs have been there. The question is whether our attention lasts long enough to act, and what we neglect has a habit of shaping our future.

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Second, a state does not regain the trust of its citizens through reform alone, but also by reclaiming its national decision making. In that spirit, we did not merely affirm the principle that weapons must be exclusively in the hands of the state, and that decisions on war and peace rest solely with its constitutional institutions. We translate that commitment into decisions taken by the Council of Ministers, notably in August and September of last year and again in March of this year. That was after Lebanon found itself in a war that it did not choose. It was imposed upon us despite our repeated warnings. Again repeated warnings of the dangers of being drawn into it. As the war in the region widened and initiatives to end it multiplied, we held fast to a non-negotiable principle. No one speaks for Lebanon and no one negotiates on its behalf except the Lebanese state through its constitutional institutions. It is true that Lebanon is affected by developments in its surroundings. That does not mean, however, that we accept its becoming once again an arena for the conflicts of others or a burning bargaining chip in their hands. Lebanon's future. Will not be decided on its behalf, nor may its security and stability become the price of settlements concluded in its absence. Third our position on the war has been clear from the outset. We want it to end. We want the cease fire consolidated. We want Israel to withdraw from all Lebanese territory up to our internationally recognised borders, in accordance with the 1949 General Armistice Agreement and as affirmed by resolution 1701. We want the release of all our detainees, the safe and dignified return of our people to their villages and towns, and the reconstruction of what the war has destroyed. It was in that spirit that the Lebanese state entered into negotiations with Israel under the kind auspices of the United States of America and its president, for which we are grateful. With a view to reaching arrangements that ensure an end to the war and the restoration of Lebanon's full sovereignty. The sovereignty to which we are committed is indivisible. It requires Israel's withdrawal from all Lebanese territory. It equally requires the extension of the authority of the Lebanese state through its own forces, over the entirety of its territory, with weapons held by the state alone. It is on these two principles, and on the basis of reciprocity and phased implementation, that the tripartite framework reached in the negotiations rest. However, the success of any agreement is measured not by declared intentions but by fulfilment of commitments. What is required today, therefore, is to complete the translation of this framework into practical steps within a clear timetable and with a verification mechanism that ensures the implementation of all its provisions. Mr. president, in this context, I must pay tribute to the role played by the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, UNIFIL, and to the courage of its leadership, personnel and staff and their sacrifices in preserving stability, supporting the Lebanese Armed forces and implementing resolution 1701. To all the countries that have contributed troops to this force, Lebanon extends its profound thanks and appreciation. We have taken note of Security Council resolution 2790 of 2025, which decided to terminate UNIFIL's operations at the end of this year and to begin its gradual withdrawal, and requested the Secretary general to explore available options for the continued implementation of resolution 1701. What we wish to stress here and today is the need to avert the vacuum that UNIFIL's withdrawal could create, were it to take place without agreement on a new international force to replace it. Such a force should ensure the continuation of monitoring, reporting and liaison functions and its role should complement the requirements for implementing the tripartite framework.

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Mr. president, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security, one of the foremost purposes for which this organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge. At that critical moment, the preventive diplomacy of the United Nations working in partnership with African Union and ECOWAS, helped uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with The Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displaced populations and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest costs, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crisis remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of a shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate, timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peace building that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore not only be how to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human political and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and preventive diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. president, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence, societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The Gambia has experienced the value of peace building firsthand. Since our democratic transition, the Peace Building Commission and the Secretary-General's Peace Building Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally led efforts to strengthen institutions, advance transitional justice and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peace Building Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the Peacebuilding Architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peacekeeping operations, and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including Gambian military and police personnel who have contributed with distinction, international peace and security. Their safety and security must remain a priority, alongside performance, accountability and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organisations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. president, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to The Gambia. Together with continued instability across part of the Sahel, it reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards de-escalation, dialogue and a durable political settlement. In the Sahel and other conflict zones, our response must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance, institution building, education job creation, development and climate resilience. Mr. president, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, etc. continue to pose greater insecurity.

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Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.

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We renew our call for an immediate end to all hostilities, unhindered humanitarian access and full respect for international humanitarian law. Prevention must be at the heart of international peace and security. Investing in preventive diplomacy, mediation and early warning is not only morally imperative but also fiscally prudent. The cost of preventing war pales in comparison to the cost of rebuilding broken society.

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Mr. President, there is another challenge that no country can face alone: natural phenomena. Today we are weathering a severe drought, and we are taking tangible decisions to support our most vulnerable citizens. The hurricanes that have beset us in the past, and today's drought, have the same root cause: that is a climate which is operating at increasing extremes, and that will affect the entire world for decades. Our response is not simply to react to these disasters. Rather, we are taking action by preparing as best we can to mitigate the effects of climate change. We are investing our own resources in protecting lives, harvests, and access to drinking water. However, we want to go further. Honduras is opening its doors to anyone developing new solutions for water, agriculture, early warning, and the infrastructure that our country requires.

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Ladies and gentlemen, attacks on information integrity pose an especially troubling challenge to every society. Disinformation, foreign information manipulation and interference and the falsification of history, erode trust, restrict civic space and target journalists and human rights defenders. As a result, human rights, democracy and security suffer. This risk is further enhanced by the development of artificial intelligence. As we all know, AI has a huge potential for transformation, especially in the field of economy. Whole sectors, including those related to defence and security might get radically changed or destroyed almost overnight. As any instrument, AI is also increasingly used by those seeking to cause harm and destruction. My country, Lithuania strongly believes that the future of AI must not be determined by authoritarian control, technological coercion or the malicious use of data. We are therefore investing in trusted AI capabilities, promoting responsible AI deployment and advancing the Vilnius Convention, the world's first legally binding international treaty on artificial intelligence. By demonstrating how shared principles can be translated into concrete legal commitments, we hope to contribute significantly to the United Nations Global Dialogue on AI Governance. Lithuania invites the international community to unite in addressing significant legal, ethical and strategic challenges posed by artificial intelligence. With even major technology companies sending warning signals that control of AI might slip out of humanity's hands, the time is ripe for collective action. Together, we must ensure that AI serves human dignity, sustainable development, and international security rather than becoming a new instrument of inequality, manipulation or conflict. At any cost, human accountability, international law and the peace and security must be safeguarded. Ladies and gentlemen, the credibility of the United Nations depends on its ability to respond firmly to aggression, unlawful conquest, forced deportations and crimes against humanity, and also to coordinate the global response to the growth of AI.

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Mr. President, even as we work to restore trust, our world is transforming. Climate change is no longer tomorrow's warning; it is today's drought in Africa, floods in Asia, rising seas in the Pacific, and wildfires in Europe and the Americas. For Botswana, custodian of the Okavango Delta, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, and the Kgalagadi ecosystem, climate change directly affects livelihoods, water security, and biodiversity. Botswana remains committed to the 30-by-30 target and the sustainable management of our natural capital.

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Rising sea levels pose a direct and growing threat to our populations and ecosystems. Djibouti, like many developing countries, makes only a marginal contribution to global emissions, yet remains particularly exposed to the consequences of climate disruption. This situation highlights a profound injustice. Those countries that have contributed least to climate change are often those that suffer its most severe consequences. We must therefore accelerate the implementation of the Paris Agreement and strengthen our adaptation and resilience efforts, including through resilient coastal infrastructure, better protection for marine and coastal ecosystems, early warning systems, and simplified predictable and equitable access to climate finance. For Djibouti, climate action must not be separated from development. On the contrary, it must help to transform our economies, develop renewable energy, create jobs and open up new opportunities for investment and innovation. And it's in this spirit that the government is working to operationalize the mechanisms provided for under article six of the Paris Agreement through a robust, transparent and credible national framework for carbon markets with a view to mobilising new resources, attracting investment, promoting technology transfer and strengthening national capacities. This transformation however, requires resources.

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We acknowledge that these technologies can support conflict prevention, early warning, peacekeeping and protection of civilians. Trinidad and Tobago will advocate for an approach that safeguards international security without closing off innovation, development and opportunity, and that ensures developing countries have a meaningful role in shaping the rules for this new technological era. Mr. President, the situation in Haiti remains a particular concern, not just for us in the region, but I think, across the world. Trinidad and Tobago stands in full support of international efforts to help restore security and stability in Haiti, whilst maintaining that the country's political future must ultimately be Haitian-led and Haitian-owned. Security assistance is necessary, but lasting stability will also require functioning institutions, economic opportunities and a credible political process. So therefore, as Trinidad and Tobago prepares to serve on the Security Council, we will continue to bring attention to Haiti and to the wider security concerns of the Caribbean, whilst working with CARICOM and other international partners towards practical and sustainable solutions. Mr. President, managing transformation must also mean ensuring that developing countries are not simply expected to adjust to changes decided or developed elsewhere, whether in technology and SI, superintelligence, the global economy or energy. Developing countries must have the opportunity and the capacity to help in shaping those changes.

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That is why in Guatemala, we are restoring the state's capacity to reach those who have been excluded from opportunities for far too long. The intersectional mano a mano strategy brings together health education, housing, nutrition and community development to address poverty at the local level following crop losses caused by climate related events. More than 450,000 families have received food assistance, while small scale producers have gained access to seeds, tools, inputs and insurance mechanisms. Public education is central to this effort. More than 1 million students have participated in initiatives to strengthen reading comprehension. We have expanded educational opportunities, promoted scholarships, strengthened instruction in national languages, and accelerated the digital transformation of the school system. In healthcare, we have expanded and refurbished facilities, strengthened regional services, and made progress in the comprehensive treatment of chronic diseases and cancer. Alongside the revival of road projects and public works in historically underserved communities, the National Digital Connectivity Plan now provides internet service to 383 public entities. We have also strengthened early warning systems for earthquakes, tsunamis, floods and volcano hazards, restoring the legitimate presence of the state also means providing security in accordance with the law, strengthening prevention, protecting communities, and pursuing criminal networks rather than only their visible manifestations. It means improving investigations, institutional coordination, and the tracing of the financial flows that sustain illicit economies. Guatemala maintains that the charter of the United Nations and international law must remain our common point of reference. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of states must be respected.

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Mr. President, last year from this very podium, Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni recalled that 56 armed conflicts were raging across the world, the highest number since World War II. Today, those same sources put that figure at 61. It's the stark truth of the numbers. Pope Leo XIV issued a warning that Italy has made its own: we must never grow accustomed to war, because first we'll become accustomed to the words, then to images, and finally to the victims. When war becomes something we grow accustomed to, peace itself risks becoming a mirage. We will not give up. Against the law of the strongest, we choose the strength of the law; against the politics of force, we choose the force of politics. This is the message Italy brings today to the United Nations. This is the mission of Italian diplomacy: to build bridges, open new paths, and keep dialogue alive even when it seems impossible. To work for peace, prosperity, and growth, because growth creates prosperity, and prosperity in turn consolidates peace. Ukraine, the Middle East, the Gulf, Sudan, and the Sahel are not separate crises, nor are trade wars, AI competition, hybrid attacks, and their economic and social repercussions, nor is terrorism in all of its many forms, which we continue to fight in every corner of the world.

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The second opportunity is strengthening climate action resilience. Mr. president, Malawi contributes negligibly to global greenhouse gas emissions, yet we remain on the front line of the climate crisis. In recent years, devastating cyclones, prolonged droughts and increasingly erratic weather patterns have destroyed infrastructure, devastated crops, displaced thousands of our citizens and inflicted severe damage on our economy. This year, we face the added threat of El Nino related extreme weather, which risks further undermining livelihoods food security and economic stability. As such, we are fighting back by embedding climate resilience into our national development planning and strengthening locally driven adaptation measures. However, our efforts are continually outpaced by the scale and speed of climate change. Climate shocks repeatedly destroy infrastructure, decimate agricultural production and make worse food insecurity and erode hard-won development gains. Mr. president, the global community must therefore move beyond rhetoric and translate commitments into meaningful action. We call for the full and effective operationalisation and capitalisation of the Loss and Damage Fund. Major historical and current emitters must honour their climate finance commitments by providing accessible, predictable, grant based and highly concessional financing rather than relying on debt-creating instruments that further burden countries already struggling to cope with the consequences of a crisis they did little to cause. Mr. president, Malawi, therefore, calls for enhanced, predictable and easily accessible climate finance, with greater emphasis on adaptation and disaster risk reduction. We need sustainable investment in early warning systems, climate-resilient infrastructure, sustainable land management, climate smart agriculture and locally led adaptation. Climate change is an existential threat to Malawi's development and to the hard won gains we have made. Mr. president, the third opportunity is to reform global governance and strengthening multilateralism. The current global challenges underscore a fundamental truth.

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International law must not change with geography or bend according to the identity of the accused. In the Middle East the UN charter and international law must guide us. Civilians must be protected, humanitarian access ensured, aggression and occupation ended and freedom of navigation safeguarded. The inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination must be realized through a viable state of Palestine, living alongside the state of Israel in peace and in security. That same commitment to peace requires progress on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation through diplomacy. In Sudan, civilians continue to endure atrocities and displacement, underscoring the cost of delayed action. Sierra Leone calls for their protection, unhindered humanitarian access, accountability, and a Sudanese led political process that safeguards the country's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. In the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, agreements have not yet silenced the guns or allowed millions to return home. Across West Africa and the Sahel, terrorism feeds on poverty, exclusion, unemployment and weak institutions. These conflicts differ in origin and circumstance, but they carry a common warning. Military action may contain a threat, but it cannot by itself build lasting peace. When hunger, exclusion and despair deepen, insecurity takes root. The connection between peace and development must therefore move from our resolutions into our budgets. In 2025, global military expenditure reached about 2.9 trillion USD, the 11th consecutive annual increase.

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God forbid. It seeks to defend society against an industry of lies. Albania, therefore, calls for an international compact for sovereign and democratic artificial intelligence. First, citizens must know when politically consequential content has been artificially generated or materially manipulated. Second, the architecture of reach should become transparent. Citizens and states must be able to know who created, who financed, who targeted, and who artificially amplified consequential political content. Third, every consequential use of artificial intelligence by a public institution must preserve a clear chain of human and legal accountability. Fourth, democracies must create a shared early warning system so that evidence of artificial intelligence driven manipulation can travel between all like minded nations as quickly as the manipulation itself, and smaller nations and smaller languages must not be abandoned outside this protective architecture. Digital sovereignty cannot become a privilege, again, reserved for the richest states. Lies travel without visas. Lies do not care about walls, about border controls. Algorithms cross borders without need of any passport, and without fear of any type of government. Those attacking our countries already cooperate across jurisdictions. Our countries, our democracies, first and foremost, must learn to do the same. This is not ultimately a contest between humanity and machines. It is a contest between different human purposes, each amplified by machines, between those who use artificial intelligence to enlighten and those who use it to obscure, between those who use it to empower their own people and those who use it to manipulate them.

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Fairness, Mr. President, must also govern international finance. A hurricane does not check GDP before destroying a school. Rising seas does not consult income classification before entering a home or village. That is why the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index matters. It provides a fairer measure of the structural vulnerabilities that small island states. And it's helps GDP because GDP alone cannot provide this measurement. Excellencies. Nowhere is the urgency greater than in the climate crisis. For small island developing states like mine, climate change is not a warning about tomorrow. We are experiencing it today. Warmer oceans fuel more destructive hurricanes. Coastlines are retreating.

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Mr. President, for Benin the issue of security has a very concrete, very tangible dimension. Terrorism has hit our subregion. It seeks to exploit our vulnerability, to take advantage of our borders, and to progressively extend its clutches to new areas. Benin understands full well just how grave this threat is. On this note, I would like to solemnly commend the bravery and commitment of our defence and security forces, as well as the resilience of the people of Benin. Our response is resolute. We are strengthening our defence and security capabilities. We are bolstering the surveillance of our territory and our borders. We are also stepping up our cooperation with our neighbours and our partners. However, our region's experience has taught us one very important lesson when faced with the fast evolving threat, we must act very quickly before that threat becomes a crisis. For that reason, prevention, early warning and upstream action should all be part and parcel of our security policy. This requires better intelligence sharing, strengthening cross-border cooperation, improving coordination between national, subregional and continent wide mechanisms. Inter-State solidarity, regional cooperation, the action of the African Union, the support of the United Nations, we need all of the above to be better coordinated.

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Small states must never become collateral damage in the competition among larger powers. The security of a small nation is no less important than the security of a large one. The credibility of multilateralism depends on fairness, but it also depends on delivery. The true test of multilateralism is not whether we can agree in this room. It is whether our agreements can transform lives outside of this room. That is why I welcome the central challenge of this 81st General Assembly, restoring trust. Excellencies. The world does not need another generation of promises that remain unfulfilled. It needs delivery. It needs institutions that respond faster. It needs financing that reaches vulnerable countries more efficiently. It needs partnerships that produce measurable results. And it needs a multilateral system that people can believe in again. For Dominica, restoring trust means closing the gap between international commitments and the lived experience of our people. It means ensuring that when the world says it supports climate resilience, resources actually reach the communities that need them. It means ensuring that when we call for sustainable development, financing mechanisms do not make sustainability harder to achieve. And it means recognizing that the challenges confronting small island states are not marginal issues. They are an early warning of the challenges that the wider world will increasingly face. The United Nations must remain a place where every country, large or small, can believe that its voice matters.

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The issue concerns the unique high altitude Lake Issyk-Kul, which is part of the UNESCO Biosphere Reserve and is included among wetlands of international importance under the Ramsar Framework. Today, this invaluable natural water reservoir is under severe climatic stress. Over the past 170 years, the water level has fallen by almost 14m, while over the past five years the rate of decline has reached approximately seven centimeters per year. 101 rivers historically flowed into the lake, but today only 30 flow throughout the entire year. The main source of water for Lake Issyk-Kul is the glacier of the Tien Shan Mountains. Over the past 70 years, more than 30% of the region's mountain glaciers have melted. Nearly 20% of this reduction has occurred within the just past 7 to 10 years. This process poses a direct threat to the biodiversity of the region and economic stability of hundreds of thousands of people. As part of our efforts to preserve Lake Issyk-Kul, Kyrgyzstan is mobilizing all available domestic resources, in particular the state concept for the sustainable Development of the Issyk-Kul ecological and economic system until 2030 is being implemented. Strict environmental restrictions have been introduced and pilot projects have been launched to monitor the depths of the lake using the underwater robotic technologies. Large scale efforts to clean the lake bed and its waters are continuing on a regular basis. The scale and speed of climate change exceed the capacity of any individual mountain country and require consolidated international action. The loss of Lake Issyk-Kul would not be merely a local tragedy. It would become an irreversible environmental loss for the entire region. In order to understand the potential scale of this environmental challenge and the costs associated with preventing, it is important to look at the fate of the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, both of which have suffered severely over recent decades. Please take a look at. Not so long ago the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, just like Issyk-Kul today, were full and reservoir was full of water. Today they have largely dried up. For us, this example must serve as a clear warning. Taking this opportunity, I officially call upon the United Nations, international financial institutions and donor countries to support our initiative to establish under the auspice of the organization the Special Joint Trust Fund for the Preservation of Lake Issyk-Kul. In order to demonstrate our commitments through concrete actions, we are prepared to contribute 10 million USD from the state budget to this fund. In our culture, there is a concept known as Amanat. It means the duty to carefully preserve what our ancestors have entrusted to us and to pass it on to future generations. In this sense, it would be fair to state that Lake Issyk-Kul is our shared climate Amanat. We are not asking for help. We are proposing a joint global partnership to preserve this unique natural resource for the earth. Before it is too late, let us unite our efforts and resources within the framework of this Trust fund. Distinguished participants.

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We also want to make sure that developed countries can fully fulfill their commitment to development and financial action. For Mozambique, as one of the countries that is more vulnerable in the world, climate change translates into losses in life, displaced families, destroyed crops, and damaged infrastructures cyclically. The cyclones demonstrate that resilience is now an environmental, economic, and food security, social, and development issue, and increasingly one of peace and security in all the world. We therefore reiterate the need to increase funding for adaptation, facilitate access to climate funds, operationalize the loss and damage mechanisms, and invest in early warning systems and resilient infrastructure. Mozambique remains highly vulnerable to extreme weather events— floods, inundations, cyclones— and we are concerned with the El Niño that might have potential severe impacts in the central and southern parts of the country, especially when it comes to drought, food insecurity, and livelihood. Their preparedness and international cooperation will be essential to mitigate these impacts in a context where humanitarian needs are already facing a severe funding shortfall in the whole world. Mr. President, digital transformation demands the same solidarity that we are talking about, because Africa must not limit itself to supplying the minerals that fuel the world's innovation hubs. We need to have investment in connectivity, computing capacity, scientific research, training of young people in Africa, technology transfer, governance, ethics for AI, in the spirit of partnership that builds capacity and promotes autonomy of our sovereign states.

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Mr. President, those who have declared climate change a hoax perpetrated by geopolitical opponents, the warnings of recent times cannot have been clearer. Melting glaciers, flash flooding, droughts, record breaking heat waves, brush fires, hurricanes and other extreme weather phenomena are unmistakable signs of an overburdened planet. Climate change is the ultimate test of global equity. We in Africa contribute less than 4% of global greenhouse gases, and yet we bear some of the heaviest burden of climate devastation. We face erratic rainfall, our coastal towns suffer relentless erosion, and our Sahelian region faces accelerating desertification. On 29th June this year, Ghana and coastal West Africa faced an unprecedented deluge. Torrential rain exceeding 160mm was dumped on coastal regions of Ghana within 24 hours, resulting in 39 deaths and one still unaccounted for. And so climate justice demands that developed nations must fulfill their long overdue financial commitments. Mitigation support must be operationalized with predictable non-debt-creating grants, not loans that further indebt fragile economies. Similarly, global health security demands true solidarity because pathogens do not respect national borders, they just walk across without visas. We must build an equitable global health architecture that guarantees regional manufacturing of vaccines and therapeutics, strengthen epidemic surveillance, and funds resilient public health infrastructure across the global South in accordance with the demands of the Accra Reset.

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Erdogan. Erdogan is a tyrant. He also hosts the Hamas terror chiefs. He has murdered thousands of Kurdish civilians. He denies the Armenian genocide. He jails journalists and opposition leaders. In fact, I think he holds the world's record on this. And that's a tough call. But I think he's number one. He illegally occupies northern Cyprus, an EU member, and irregularly transgresses against Greece, a NATO member. Now he wants to take over Syria. Well, that's not surprising because he calls for Israel's destruction almost every single day. He says he's going to be the ruler of Jerusalem. No, sir. You won't. This is our country our city, our eternal capital. Tyrants the world over seek to threaten us. They seek to undermine our resolve with their campaign of lies. But ultimately, as on the military battlefield, the Jewish people will prevail. It will take time. It will take time to vanquish the lies. It will take time for the world to acknowledge what is so plain, to see that Hamas used Palestinian civilians as human shields, that it used hospitals schools, mosques as terrorists command posts. That is so much of the food we let into Gaza. And while Hamas did everything possible to keep Palestinian civilians in harm's way, often at gunpoint, Israel did everything possible to get them out of harm's way. We sent millions of text messages warning civilians to leave combat areas. We made millions of phone calls. We dropped millions of leaflets. I want to ask you some questions. What genocidal regime gives a million polio vaccinations to the enemy's population? What genocidal regime enables the distribution of 2 million tons of food into Gaza? That's a ton for every person. Accusing Israel of genocide is the greatest lie of the century. If you want to know how big a lie, if you want to know how absurd it is, listen to Colonel John Spencer. He is head of urban warfare studies at West Point is considered one of the world's, or perhaps the world's foremost expert on urban warfare. I think he's with us today, Colonel Spencer. Colonel Spencer has studied every urban war from antiquity to modern times, from ancient Greece to Mosul to Gaza. And here's what Colonel Spencer says. Israel has done more to prevent civilian casualties in war than any other military in history. In history. We've taken innumerable steps to protect the civilian population. Is this genocide? Of course not.

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In a divided world, we have the ability to bring people together and we will. We are going to step into that role, and we are going to start with one of the most significant challenges and opportunities of our age, frontier AI. AI brings together so many of the most pressing issues before us. It is already speeding up cancer diagnosis in the UK, but AI has the potential to go further, not just to help prevent and treat cancer, but to help cure it. AI will also be the key to economic growth, the route to transforming education, and it will be a vital tool to keep us safe. I am announcing today that we are developing a new AI defence partnership with the United States to protect our critical national infrastructure, but we know that AI will also be a source of disruption to the way we live and work, a multiplier of risk. We've all heard the warnings which we must heed. I know how worried people are, so we have to rise to this moment. Fundamental decisions on this technology are too important to be left to chance. They must be taken by elected governments who serve working people, and we need to give people the support they need through this change, ensuring that it becomes an engine for reindustrialisation and opportunity as well. There is a lesson from the first industrial revolution, which started in northern England two centuries ago. It was a time of incredible technological progress, but for workers, the disruption brought huge suffering and exploitation. Things got a lot worse before they got better. So this time we need to get it right. I believe we're more than equal to the task. The UK has some of the best tech and AI talent anywhere in the world. And when it comes to guarding against the risks, we have our world leading AI Security Institute working hand in glove with the US and the leading labs on AI safety. But we need to go further. Building on the meeting convened by His Majesty King Charles last week, I can announce today that I am going to put AI at the heart of the UK's G20 presidency next year. I look back at how we responded to the financial crisis back in 2008. We moved quickly in the G20 and smaller groups to deliver an urgent, practical response. We came together to agree principles which everyone implemented at home in a way that was right for them. And it worked. That is the kind of approach we need now. So we will bring the right people together on the key issues, delivering on the potential of AI for good and dealing with the risks. And we will work towards agreeing a single set of global principles and standards to ensure the transparency and access we need to increase our preparedness and to ensure that AI development is safe. This will bring together welcome initiatives from others like that proposed by Norway this week. As His Majesty said, the task before us is not merely to advance technology, but to ensure that it remains firmly in the service of humanity. And I want to reassure the British people that ultimately, we will do whatever is necessary to protect them, including bringing forward new laws, if that is what is needed. They need to know that we will protect their interests and we will.

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That partnership must include predictable and accessible finance for adaptation and for addressing loss and damage. Access to such finance must be made easier for the small island developing island state, and must respond to the needs of our communities. We invite partners to support our Pacific Resilience Facility in bringing the necessary resources to support resilience efforts in the Pacific. At the same time, keeping 1.5°C is vital for Pacific. In light of the international court's advisory opinion, we urge all members to give effect on their legal obligations through stronger climate actions and international cooperation. Mr. president, we are also deeply concerned by the developing strong El Nino event in the Pacific, which threatens to bring more extreme heat, disrupted rainfall, drought and flooding across the region. For Pacific Island countries, these are not simply meteorological events. They affect food and water security, agriculture, fisheries, health, livelihoods and the resilience of already vulnerable communities. The international community must act before disaster strikes. We call for stronger regional early warning system, pre-positioned humanitarian assistance, rapid access to climate and disaster financing, and greater investment in resilient infrastructure and food and water security. The Pacific does not ask the world to prevent El Nino.

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