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Own country · at 2 min · 3 mentions in this passage
It starts at home. And Indonesia has long understood this for decades. In the 1960s, Indonesia developed the concept of national resilience to safeguard our identity, to protect our sovereignty and unity, and to sustain our development in the face of challenges and obstacles. At the heart of our resilience are our people. A nation is resilient when families can provide for their households, when farmers can produce, when workers can find decent jobs, and when children can learn, grow and dream about their future. For Indonesia, this means building greater self-sufficiency in food and strengthening our energy security. Most importantly, it also means investing in the future of our people, ensuring our children receive quality education and ensuring our people have access to essential health care. At the same time, we are building an economy that can withstand shocks and create opportunities more jobs, stronger industries, and greater productive capacity. Central to our resilience is our ability to manage differences and preserve our unity. As a nation of more than 280 million people, Indonesia has learned that diversity is not something to overcome. It is something to manage, respect and turn into strength through democratic participation, dialogue, and respect for differences. We preserve our unity from Aceh to Papua, from Miangas to Rote. Indonesia is one people. Indonesia is one nation. We also continue to strengthen the promotion and protection of human rights through our national mechanisms and our commitment to international human rights obligations. This goes hand in hand with building our national resilience, because human rights are not only the absence of violence. They are also about ensuring that people have food, education and healthcare. To our neighbors, friends and partners, let there be no doubt Indonesia stands strong today, grounded firmly in democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. And when nations are resilient at home, they have greater capacity to contribute beyond their borders. A food secure Indonesia can contribute more to regional and global food security. A more energy resilient Indonesia can contribute more to the global energy transition. A stronger economy opens greater opportunities for cooperation and shared prosperity. This is how national resilience becomes collective resilience.
You have brought us together to restore trust and manage transformation. To achieve this, we now require serenity, clarity, and unity— serenity because the international order is going through a profound transition, clarity because this organization faces an unprecedented financial situation and conflicts that are ongoing, and a technological revolution that is progressing quicker than our ability to govern it, and unity because none of these challenges can be addressed by one country acting alone. As a developing island country, the Dominican Republic is well aware of vulnerability. Situations that happen far away from our coasts can directly impact the dinner tables of our families.
COVID-19 and the subsequent disruptions in the supply chains of food and energy, as well as the conflicts and wars, demonstrated how the interests of states are interconnected along with their peace and security. Migration is at the core of such common challenges. People's mobility strives for a better future, better job opportunities, better, better development. However, the high influx of migration and their complexity reveals the reality that should be analyzed without any exaggeration, exaggerations, and it should also preserve the unity of societies. We need an effective response to this challenge through cooperation between the countries of origin transit and destination. We have to ensure a fair share of the responsibilities and burdens and address the root causes of irregular migration, while combating human trafficking and smuggling. To contain such influxes and ensure at the same time the dignity of migrants and their rights. The solution is in our common responsibility and solidarity.
Ladies and gentlemen, Your excellencies. In our Arab region, we reaffirm that comprehensive development and the establishment of state institutions are two fundamental pillars for realising the aspirations of peoples and achieving security and stability in the region. The vestiges of civil conflicts in some countries, and the presence of armed forces operating outside the control of the state must be eliminated. The state's monopoly over legitimate arms is among the most important foundations of the state, and it is what guarantees the ability to legislate and enforce the rule of law. Concerning brotherly Syria, we stand with its people during the phase of recovery and reconstruction. We support its state institutions, sovereignty independence and national and territorial integrity to fulfil the aspirations of the Syrian people to stability, development and dignity based on equal citizenship. In brotherly Sudan, we call for an inclusive dialogue that leads to sustainable peace and that maintains the unity and sovereignty of the state. In brotherly Libya, we support the political process, reconciliation efforts and the unification of state institutions. In brotherly Somalia, we reiterate our firm support for its sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. In brotherly Lebanon, we support its state institutions and its sovereignty over its entire territory. We condemn the Israeli attacks against Lebanon, and we stress the need to uphold the cease fire and to uphold Security Council Resolution 1701. In brotherly Yemen, we support United Nations efforts aimed at reaching a comprehensive political settlement based on the outcomes of the national dialogue facilitated by the United Nations in a manner that preserves Yemen's unity and sovereignty and achieve security and stability. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the State of Qatar goes beyond serving as a mediator and facilitating dialogue among parties in conflict, in pursuit of peaceful solutions.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security, demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb, in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests and settlement. We call for the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid, access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. We affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Kuwait reiterates that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4th, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. president, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the West Coast aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait. In this regard, the state of Kuwait reiterates its full support for UN led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable and Yemeni led settlement, in accordance with the three agreed references and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2216. The State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red sea and the Bab el Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC states. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian led, comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians, with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to the sisterly Lebanese Republic, the state of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon, and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the blue line to ensure the full implementation of UN resolution 1701, and we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia and the state of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law, so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. president, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles, namely moderation and balance, and a firm commitment to the charter of the United Nations and International law, and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The State of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security.
The test of the United Nation's credibility is not only confined to our waters. The Palestinian cause remains at the heart of our concerns. The Kingdom reaffirms its steadfast position in support of the establishment of an independent and geographically contiguous state of Palestine, living side by side with the State of Israel in peace and security. The Kingdom has also joined the Board of Peace as a founding member, pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2803. This reaffirms our unwavering support for the rights of the brotherly Palestinian people. The Kingdom also reaffirms its support for the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, as well as for efforts to lift sanctions in a manner that enables the brotherly Syrian people to rebuild their country. In Sudan, we call for an immediate cease fire, the protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, and a political solution that preserves Sudan's unity and the institutions of the state. Turning to Yemen, we renew our support for a political solution under United Nations auspices led by the legitimate government. We appreciate the efforts of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in this vein. Our position on other conflicts, including the conflict in Ukraine, is guided by the same principles, regardless of the parties involved. That is adherence to the charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Mr. president, the Kingdom of Bahrain, where mosques, churches and temples have stood side by side for generations, believes that tolerance and coexistence are not simply policies to be adopted.
What the Palestinian people have endured and continue to endure in terms of suffering, repression and violations, must not become a normalized reality or a protracted crisis managed from one cycle to the other. Securing the ceasefire in the Gaza Strip in accordance with President Trump's and the Sharm el-Sheikh summit peace plan, ensuring full compliance with it, ending daily Israeli violations, completing the withdrawal, guaranteeing the safe and sustainable delivery of humanitarian aid, enabling the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza to carry out its duties and then moving immediately toward early recovery and reconstruction. These are not merely humanitarian steps, they are also the essential gateway to a serious political process that addresses the root causes of the conflict and resolves them. In this context, Egypt reaffirms its categorical rejection of any attempt to displace the Palestinian people from their land, whether from the Gaza Strip or from the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. The international community as a whole bears a clear responsibility to stop systematic Israeli violations of international law. Peace cannot be built on uprooting people from their land, believing that stability can be achieved in the region while ignoring the suffering of the Palestinian people and merely managing the occupation rather than ending it is nothing but illusion. The goal remains unequivocally clear the establishment of an independent, sovereign and territorially contiguous Palestinian state on the lines of the 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital within the framework of the two state solution and in accordance with international legitimacy resolutions. This requires preserving the unity of the Palestinian territory and the Palestinian political system, enabling the Palestinian people to manage their own affairs and build their state, and ensuring that the international community fulfils its responsibility to protect civilians, reject collective punishment and guarantee respect for international humanitarian law. It also requires recognising Palestinian rights as inalienable rights, not as bargaining chips to be granted or withheld according to power balances, political posturing or electoral calculations. Egypt has shouldered its responsibility alongside its partners to secure the ceasefire. It has been the largest provider of humanitarian assistance reaching the Gaza Strip. Egypt will continue to work toward reconstruction and opening a viable political horizon. However, the success of these efforts hinges on an international will capable of transforming legitimacy into decisive international action that moves from managing the tragedy to ending its causes. Mr. president, the experience of our region confirms that managing crises rather than resolving them, does not create stability. Rather, it postpones the explosion and increases its costs accordingly. Egypt remains committed to a clear vision for regional security based on state sovereignty, territorial integrity, respect for national institutions, rejection of the dismantling of states or the creation of parallel entities, and prioritizing political solutions and inclusive national settlements over the logic of force and the imposition of a fait accompli. In every crisis across the broader Middle East, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf, circumstances and details may differ, but the capable national state that embraces all its citizens and legitimate institutions remain the only true foundation for stability. Security is indivisible. The security of one state cannot be built upon the insecurity of its neighbours, or upon threats to shipping, trade and energy routes, or violations of state sovereignty through attacks carried out in violation of international law. Likewise, any regional actor that believes that its political or economic interests can be achieved by undermining national state institutions, supporting militias or promoting separatist agendas and civil conflict clearly becomes part of the problem. Confronting such actors and their practices becomes the responsibility of the international community as a whole. Therefore, regional crises cannot be treated as isolated cases. They must be viewed within an interconnected regional security environment that supports the state's institutions unity and sovereignty, that encourages political settlements and peace building based on the principle of national and regional ownership of solutions ending external interferences and preventing crises from turning into arenas for regional and international competition over the resources and capabilities of the peoples of the region. The protection of states and their sovereignty is inseparable from protecting the resources upon which people's livelihoods depend.
And how can we make cooperation a genuine partnership among nations, rather than a carving-up of spheres of influence? We, in the Arab and Islamic world, and on our African continent, do not approach this question as observers, for we live its consequences every day. That reality unfolds before us at every moment in Palestine, whose delegation, we regret, has not been able to participate with us in this session. There, the plight of the Palestinian people continues to worsen after decades of occupation, repression, and alteration of their identity, yet they remain steadfast in their adherence to their right to life and to self-determination. These are rights guaranteed without discrimination by international law and international humanitarian law. All of humanity yearns for international instruments and resolutions to move from texts and promises to a reality, and for the right of the Palestinian people to their state to be realized in accordance with international law. The continued undermining of these prospects for its establishment not only squanders opportunities for peace; it also drives the region toward a widening cycle of conflict, the spread of extremism, and a search for alternatives amid major expansionist projects that extend beyond occupied Palestine to Syria and Lebanon. Neither the Islamic and Christian holy sites, nor civilians, nor civilian infrastructure in Palestine have been spared the ravages of this conflict. Its repercussions have extended to the Arabian Gulf, most recently in the attack against the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We affirm our full solidarity with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in safeguarding its security, its territorial integrity, its citizens, and its holy sites. We reject any targeting that threatens it or endangers Islamic holy sites. The security of the Kingdom and the Gulf, given their Arab and Islamic weight, is not a national matter, but it is a pillar of the security and stability of our region. The ongoing armed conflict in the Sudan, our brotherly neighbor, has made its people the victims of a devastating war for which they are paying a hefty price. In that war, interests and interventions collide, and its effects extend beyond the borders of Sudan, endangering the security and stability of the region and the unity of its states. The instability in the Sahel region represents an existential threat to the integrity of its states. That threat stems from the nexus of terrorism, organized crime, poverty, climate change, displacement, and migration, and from the widening of the cycle of armed conflict in the region.
Peace and security are indivisible, and everyone has a right to them. In Ukraine, for almost five years now, Russia has been waging a cruel war on civilians. It's been occupying the territory of a sovereign state. France will continue providing unstinting support for the legitimate aspirations of the Ukrainian people to peace, security and to a future. At the same time, we will spare no effort to ensure that useful negotiations between Russia and Ukraine begin as swiftly as possible. We must defend Ukrainians more than ever as winter is coming. We must defend them on the energy front. We must give them more interceptors. We must protect the civilian population. And this is why we'd like to express our support. A double moratorium, a moratorium on strikes, on energy and civilian infrastructure. That's first, and a Black Sea moratorium, which would allow us to release grain shipments. Addressing food security concerns, food security being so important for many emerging economies, for many developing nations. This double moratorium is a necessity. Let's put it on the table. And let's confront Russia with this reality. In the Middle East, we are also seeking peace and security for all. This is what we defend. Respect for sovereignty in Lebanon, displaced Lebanese people. Their villages are being razed in the south. Only a fully sovereign Lebanon will be able to disarm Hezbollah and restore security for all Lebanese and their neighbors. Sovereignty for Lebanon and its people, sovereignty for Palestinians, their most basic rights are once again being violated. One year ago in this very chamber, several dozen states recognized Palestine. I understand that some are very cynical. You recognized it on paper. Look at the reality of the situation. But what is our credibility worth if we remain inactive on Gaza? Some claim that peace has been achieved, but this has not opened up humanitarian deliveries. The spectacle. It is shameful. Shame on all of us. Look at what's happening in the West Bank where day in, day out we are seeing violations. And in the name of what? Hamas was never very active in the West Bank. What we need is respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, their legitimate right to exist. This is a prerequisite for security today and tomorrow for the people of Israel. Their security, their very existence to which we're very committed. But all those who claim that Israel's security requires the violation of the sovereignty of all of its neighboring states and making very fateful error, they are weakening Israel's security today. And going forward, they are threatening Israel's security, in fact. Sovereignty for Syria as well. The revolution should not turn into a disappointment. A few months ago in Damascus, I lent France's support to building a free Syria, and we must continue these efforts, allowing Syria to fully reassert its sovereignty and unity. France is committed across all of these fronts, just like we're committed with Italy. With the help of Jordan and other friends of Lebanon. We've been committed for 50 years to UNIFIL, to all Lebanese. So no double standards.
We should keep development at the center of the international agenda and jointly forge a global development partnership based on unity and equality, and that is balanced and inclusive. It is important to give priority to key areas including poverty reduction, food security and energy transition, step up resource input and increase support for countries in the global South. Developed countries should honor their commitment to development financing and climate financing. The international community should also build consensus and pool strength to formulate the post 2030 global development agenda. Facing a new scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, especially the dynamic development of artificial intelligence, we should take a people centered approach and develop AI for the positive and for good, narrow the digital divide and promote development that is universally beneficial. Both history and reality prove that countries can hardly achieve development without an open and cooperative international environment.
Last year at this rostrum, I noted that Suriname is diversity. And at a time when diversity is too often manipulated as a source of division, Suriname has chosen the path to recognize the distinct histories of its people, while strengthening their unity and their shared responsibility for the future. Our experience affirms that diversity, when grounded in equality, mutual respect, and meaningful participation, is not an adversity. It is a source of national resilience and prosperity. Last month, the Republic of Suriname observed its first heritage month under the theme "Hoe wij hier ook samen kwamen, hoe wij samen verder gaan", meaning as much as "However we came here, united we move forward". This initiative was conceived not merely to celebrate our culture and the diversity in it, but as a deliberate national undertaking centered on growing inclusion, mutual respect, and unity. And this process is also relevant for the global community. Mr. president, the development of Suriname's offshore natural resources, including oil and gas, will present significant, significant opportunities to accelerate national development and improve the well-being of our people. Yet, we are equally conscious that oil and gas cannot and should not become the only foundation of our economy. Our approach is therefore clear. We must transform temporary resource wealth into lasting national prosperity, using resource revenues strategically to strengthen our economy and make it more resilient through diversification. Additionally, we will need to improve our energy security. And although we are preparing for gas to shore and gas to energy, renewable energy will be part of our national energy mix.
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No. 12
Saudi Arabia09/26 · first at about 7 min2 mentions
Crises arise not so much from an absence of resources and opportunities, but rather from a lack of commitment to the principles agreed upon by the international community. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the countries of the region have been subjected to flagrant Iranian attacks, targeting their security resources and civilian and economic facilities. The Kingdom reiterates its full right to protect its security and sovereignty, its citizens and residents, and its national resources. We call upon the international community to shoulder its responsibilities in confronting all threats to international peace and security. The security of the Gulf region is part and parcel of the security of the region and the world at large. The stability of this vital region is directly linked to global energy security, the steadiness of international trade, and the resilience of global supply chains. Mr. President, safeguarding international navigation and the resilience of global supply chains is a shared responsibility that requires serious international cooperation to prevent risks that could affect the global economy. In this regard, the Kingdom stresses the importance of ensuring freedom of navigation in all international waterways, foremost among them the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. We must restore the situation in the Strait of Hormuz to its pre 28th of February status, without the imposition of any fees or restrictions. The Kingdom rejects the use by any party of these vital waterways as an instrument of pressure, threat or harm to the interests of states in accordance with international law and relevant UN resolutions. Mr. President, efforts to restore security and stability in the region and to build sustainable relations among its countries cannot be based on domination, influence or exploitation of crises. Rather, they must be founded on mutual respect, common interests, good neighbourliness respect for the sovereignty of states, and full compliance with international law and international humanitarian law. In this vein, the Kingdom supports efforts and initiatives that contribute to de-escalation, foremost among them the efforts of Qatar, Pakistan and other sisterly and friendly countries. This would contribute to restoring stability to the region and creating conditions conducive to dialogue and diplomacy. We stress the importance of ensuring that any arrangements on the regional security must be comprehensive, effective and sustainable. They must clearly address the root causes of threatened instability. We stress the need to ensure that the entire region is free of weapons of mass destruction, and that peaceful nuclear programs are subject to international oversight, verification and safeguards. As such, we would enhance confidence and safeguard regional and international security. The continued suffering of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and the targeting of civilians by Israeli occupation, the obstruction of humanitarian assistance, attempts at forced displacement and the continued expansion of illegal settlements all constitute serious violations of international law and international humanitarian law. The Kingdom rejects any attempts at forced displacement or changing the status quo of the Palestinian territories. We stress that a just and lasting peace can only be achieved through the implementation of the two state solution and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. The Kingdom stresses the need to support efforts aimed at reaching a comprehensive political solution that will ensure the stability of Yemen and alleviate the suffering of those brotherly people. We have provided humanitarian and development assistance to the Republic of Yemen, amounting to more than 29 billion USD. We were the first among humanitarian donors to the Republic of Yemen in 2025. The Kingdom in this regard welcomes the statement issued by the members of the Security Council including the condemnation of the missile and drone attacks carried out by the Houthi terrorist militia against the Kingdom and against commercial vessels. The Kingdom calls upon the international community to reject and condemn all the Houthi terrorist militia's aggressions and criminal acts that threaten the security of navigation in the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb Strait. With regard to Sudan, the Kingdom stresses the importance of Sudan's stability, territorial integrity and unity while maintaining its natural resources and institutions. The solution to the crisis must be an intra Sudanese political solution that respects the sovereignty and unity of Sudan. It must be based on supporting Sudanese state institutions, thus fulfilling the aspirations of the Sudanese people, alleviating their humanitarian suffering and enhancing their security and stability. The Kingdom supports all efforts aimed at strengthening Syria's security and stability and preserving its territorial integrity. The Kingdom welcomes the USA's announcement of removing Syria from the list of states sponsoring of terrorism, in view of its contribution to strengthening stability and reconstruction and development. And we have to condemn and reject any effort at undermining efforts to restore security and stability within Syria. In Lebanon, the Kingdom reiterated support for the Lebanese state and its legitimate institutions, the implementation of the Taif Agreement, the restriction of arms to the state and preservation of its sovereignty security and stability. We also attach importance to Iraq's role in promoting cooperation and stability in the region, and support all efforts to contribute to achieving security and stability and prosperity. And we have to ensure that weapons will only be restricted to the state to ensure security and stability in Iraq.
We also advocate for mutual beneficial economic cooperation based on respect for sovereignty for each state, for the equality between the states, and the freedom of choice for the people during the electoral process. In the area of development, we are still far from fulfilling the promise of the 2030 Agenda. With less than four years until the deadline, millions of people remain deprived of basic opportunities: water, energy, infrastructure, and others. Thus, it is important to accelerate the implementation of the commitment made under the SDGs, which requires predictable, accessible, and sustainable financing. It also requires a fair international financial architecture, more fair, sustainable debt relief, greater transfer of technology, international trade that is more balanced, and investments that can transform potential into prosperity, as well as adherence to the principle of common responsibility but differentiated responsibilities. Similarly, in the field of human rights, it is also important to promote a balanced, impartial, and coherent approach based on the principles of universality and equal treatment between the states. Promoting these rights should prioritize constructive dialogue, cooperation, and the strengthening of our institutions. Mr. President, in Mozambique, we are committed to consolidating peace, strengthening democratic institutions, and conducting an inclusive national dialogue led by the Mozambican initiatives that are genuinely Mozambican to deepen reconciliation, national unity, peace, and the reforms that are necessary, with the support of our international partners, while respecting national ownership.
We reject terrorism and extremism in all their forms. We combat anti-Semitism, racism, and hatred. And we believe in a culture of peace, dialogue and coexistence. We seek a democratic Palestinian state that respects the rule of law and human rights. A non-militarized state that lives in security and peace alongside the state of Israel. Is this possible? Ladies and gentlemen, our commitment to peace did not begin today. In 1988, our people and its leadership made a historic and difficult decision, and we accepted a historic settlement founded on the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy. Today we say to the world, saving the solution begins with preserving the land on which the Palestinian state is to be established and protecting the people who live on it. The Palestinian people will remain on its land. The Palestinian people will not accept displacement and will not disappear. Neither military occupation nor settlement expansion and annexation, nor settler terrorism can be a solution or create lasting security. At the same time, we will not remain in waiting, nor will we accept whatever the governments of the Israeli occupying state decide for us. They have no right to decide for us. No lasting security can be built upon the occupation of another people, and the denial of its legitimate rights. We have our own national project. Protecting our people from displacement, preserving our land and its unity, democratically renewing our institutions and building our state, while remaining committed to international law and exercising our right to self-determination, leading to the realization of an independent, sovereign Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, along with the return of refugees in accordance with UN resolution 194. We do not want a new process for managing the conflict while the face of the land changes every day. We want a process that puts an end to occupation and guarantees freedom and self-determination for Palestinians, a process that guarantees also security and peace for Israelis and the countries of the region. Our vision for peace is clear a Palestinian people remaining on its own land, determining its future for itself and the Palestinian state alongside the state of Israel, and a Palestinian-Israeli peace that paves the way to regional integration, cooperation, prosperity and security for everyone.
It has only just started. A safer country is a country with more trust. And where there is trust there is more growth in employment and investment. We are also today a more competitive nation. Only a few weeks ago, Chile adopted the most significant economic reform of recent decades. We approved a reduction to business tax. It's now gone from 27 to 23%. This tax had only been on the increase since 1990. It had never decreased. We have also temporarily reduced housing purchase tax, and we have launched an initiative for capital repatriation. There's better tax stability too. We now have less red tape. We are also dismantling what we call this ideology of always having to issue permits. This is, if you like, a sort of hidden bureaucracy, which stops business projects from forging ahead. In the last six months, we've had requests to invest more than $44 billion in our economy. And these investment projects applications are being assessed by our environmental evaluation systems. More than $33,000 billion dollars, rather have been approved for projects that had been in the wings for years. We have unleashed $17 billion for environmental projects. We are taking tangible actions that are changing the very course of Chile and bringing us closer to development. The economy is not yet taking off, and unemployment is still plunging thousands of families into anguish. But unemployment is hard and high. But it will change. Change will come. Results are slow to materialize but structural reforms are underway. We know where we're going and we're not simply reacting without having any clear course in mind. After storms, the sun always comes out. After winter, spring always arrives and after years of deadlock, Chile is back. There are many reasons that can explain how we got to where we are, but there's only one path that we need to follow for Chile to once again take off, spread its wings and fly. That is the path of unity. Unity between all of those that defend freedom and want to see Chile's people thrive. There are many things that might separate the right and the left in Chile, but we are united by our desires to see Chile grow once more and become a safer nation. Delegates. People from the investment world are listening to us. And I say to you, choose Chile to invest. You will find clear rules that do not change day to day. You will find courts that function, contracts that are abided by, and a state ready to facilitate investment.
It will be restored when institutions act consistently, uphold international law, and produce results that people can see and experience. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Charter is founded on sovereign equality, territorial integrity peaceful coexistence, human rights and dignity of every person. The most important word in this year's theme is all. Not some. Not a selected group of nations, not only those with the greatest economy and military might. The promise of the charter belongs equally to every human being and every Member state. Yet the United Nations has increasingly become associated with political gridlocks in the Security Council, prolonged negotiations without tangible outcomes and a weakening capacity to mobilize collective action in response to the threats to international peace and security. This should concern all of us, not because the United Nations is not important, but precisely because it is indispensable and appears absent from the global solutions for peace and stability in this dangerous and unpredictable time. The Security Council must become more representative, transparent, and effective. Africa remains unrepresented in the permanent category and not represented enough in the non-permanent category as well. This historical injustice against the 54 sovereign states cannot be postponed indefinitely. Somalia supports the common African position and a meaningful African representation in both categories of the Council. Given that many of the discussions directly concerned African states, they have the right to full representation on equal par with all other permanent Security Council members. Reform is not an attack on the United Nations. Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia currently proudly serves as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council. We carry these responsibilities with great seriousness, humility and determination. In both institutions, Somalia works to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and Constitutive Act of the African Union, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, prevent conflict and support peaceful African led solution with global benefits. Respect for national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity is not an abstract principle for Somalia only. It is a foundation for peace and stability in our country, our region and the wider international community. Therefore, Somalia firmly rejects unilateral actions that undermine its sovereignty, unity and internationally recognized borders. Disagreements between nations must be resolved through dialogue and in accordance with international law, and not through actions that create new tensions or threaten regional stability.
This transition should ultimately lead to free and fair elections, in which all Sudanese participate under international and regional observation, allowing our people to determine who governs them at the conclusion of the democratic transition. Sudan has joined the borrowers Platform in recognition of the importance of development financing. We are actively participating in its foundational work in preparation for its first session next October. This is undertaken in support of efforts to implement a roadmap for debt relief. Sudan also seeks to improve relations with international financial institutions, secure the lifting of its temporary suspension from the International Monetary Fund, and establish development partnerships that will enable it to manage the recovery stage. We wish to express our sincere gratitude to the Least Developed Countries Group for the confidence it has placed in us, and for electing us as vice chair of the group's International Coordinating Bureau by consensus. We shall work to advance its development interests and economic recovery and ensure a smooth and secure graduation from this category. In the same spirit, Sudan has been among the first countries to join the Global Alliance for South, South and Triangular Cooperation. This reflects our belief in the importance of strengthening solidarity, mutual benefit and horizontal partnership as an alternative to traditional vertical aid based relations. We hope that our membership will help leverage the considerable influence of this alliance in preparing the country for the post war period, including economic recovery and reconstruction. Mr. president, we reaffirm Sudan's openness to any sincere and constructive effort aimed at ending the war imposed on its people, thereby securing peace, preserving the unity, territorial integrity and political independence of the state and preventing the outbreak of another armed rebellion.
They are two sides of the same coin. Accordingly, Algeria promotes an approach that is based on supporting the security of states in the region and accompanying their development efforts, and encouraging reconciliation and dialogue, and addressing the underlying causes of instability while respecting state sovereignty, territorial integrity and the choices of their people. As a neighboring and brotherly country, and in keeping with its historic commitment to solidarity, Algeria will remain ready to support the countries of the Sahel in confronting security and development challenges. We will extend a hand and support political solutions that preserve the stability of the region and open before its peoples broader horizons for development and progress. As for sisterly Libya, now in the 16th year of its crisis, Libya remains another example that shows that protracted crises cannot be resolved by deepening divisions but rather through dialogue, reconciliation and the unification of institutions. Algeria renews its support for a peaceful and comprehensive and Libyan led political solution. Algeria renews its support for the efforts of the United Nations and our confidence in the United Nation's ability to accompany the Libyan people towards a settlement that preserves the unity of their country and its institutions. Only the Libyans can build the consensus needed to safeguard their nation. Only the Libyans are entitled to take decisions related to their destiny of their nation and their future. Algeria firmly believes that ending foreign interference in all its forms and manifestations, be they political, military or security ending this is an essential element in creating the conditions necessary to end division and build a Libyan state that is single and unified and stable, Libyan state that is able to determine its own future with the will of its people. Based on the same convictions and in response to the same imperatives, Algeria expresses its steadfast support for the legitimate authorities in brotherly Yemen and the Sudan as they both seek to respond to their people's aspirations for security, stability, unity and fraternity. This leads us to a truth that cannot be ignored.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, excellencies, distinguished delegates, I bring you warm greetings and best wishes from His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit, the president of the Republic of South Sudan. And I bring you greetings from the government and the people of South Sudan, together with a message of peace, unity, development and unwavering commitment to international cooperation. I wish to congratulate, Mr. President, on your election to preside over the 81st session of the esteemed Assembly of this General Assembly. I also express South Sudan's appreciation to the Secretary General. His Excellency Antonio Guterres has continued his service until the last speech he delivered here early this week, early last week. His commitment to the principle of the United Nations charter stands with us. Mr. President, the theme of this session Restoring Trust, managing Transformation, A United Nations that delivers for all, speaks directly to the experience and the aspiration of the people of South Sudan.
The will of peoples always finds its way and ultimately prevails. Such is the law of the universe and the course of history. Tunisia will remain steadfast in its support for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, which are not subject to prescription, foremost among them, their right to establish an independent and fully sovereign state on the entirety of Palestine, with Al-Quds al-Sharif as its capital. Mr. president, Tunisia follows with deep concern the continuing escalation in the Middle East and its dangerous repercussions at the security, political and economic levels. Tunisia believes that the continuation of this situation will further complicate matters and could lead to catastrophic consequences for all countries of the region and the world. Tunisia renews its call for an immediate cessation of military operations, for wisdom and reason to prevail, and for a return to dialogue and negotiations giving absolute priority to political and peaceful and diplomatic solutions as the only means of resolving existing disputes in a manner that strengthens the foundations of security and stability in the region and prevents further escalation. Tunisia also reaffirms its commitment to freedom of navigation and maritime security, in accordance with the principles and provisions of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and customary international law, while preserving global energy security, international supply chains and the economic rights of states. Mr. president, given the bonds of brotherhood and good neighbourliness that unite the Tunisian and Libyan peoples as well as their shared interests and common destiny, Tunisia supports every sincere Libyan effort and every serious UN initiative aimed at ending the crisis on the basis of a Libyan led and Libyan owned solution founded on dialogue and consensus among all parties preserving Libya's unity, sovereignty, territorial integrity and the aspirations of the brotherly Libyan people for security, stability and a unified state. Tunisia reiterates its full solidarity with the Lebanese Republic and stands by the Lebanese people. We are committed to Lebanon's sovereignty and independence, and we condemn the repeated violations of the cease fire agreement in this brotherly country in a flagrant violation of UN resolutions. Tunisia calls for the United Nations to be enabled to fully discharge its mandate in the brotherly country of Lebanon. Tunisia also condemns the repeated Zionist attacks targeting the Syrian territory and the resources of the brotherly Syrian people. We express our hope that the Syrian people will succeed in preserving the unity, independence and sovereignty of Syria over all its territory. Likewise, Tunisia follows with grave concern the continuing war in Sudan, and we renew our solidarity with the Sudanese people. Tunisia calls upon the United Nations to support all efforts aimed at achieving an immediate and permanent cessation of hostilities, in the hope that Sudan may restore stability and security, turn the page on conflict and focus on reconstruction and recovery. Tunisia also hopes that the Yemeni brothers will reach a comprehensive and lasting political settlement that restores security and stability to the Yemeni people and preserve the country's territorial integrity.
Against this overall backdrop, it must be recognized as the prime victims of the zero sum global order, whose hallmarks are plunder, domination, and deceit, are the African peoples who continue to seethe under subsistence economy. This disconcerting reality impels them to naturally stand at the forefront of the struggle for justice and fairness. In the event, it behoves on them to formulate appropriate strategies for accomplishing their mission, remove stale and obstructive frameworks and mechanisms, and move forward with greater unity and rigour.
Distinguished heads and members of the delegations, honourable delegates. At the beginning of this year, our region witnessed a war that could have been avoided. Subsequent events have shown that the escalation has extended to threaten the security of the countries of the region, and paralyze navigation and trade through the vital Strait of Hormuz, affecting energy security, price stability and confidence in the current international order. The Sultanate of Oman once again reaffirms its steadfast commitment to continuing its efforts aimed at safeguarding navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, in accordance with the principles of international law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. We also call upon all parties to cooperate with Oman in these efforts aimed at safeguarding the interests of all parties relying on transit through the Strait of Hormuz. The Sultanate of Oman renews its solidarity with all neighbouring countries including the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the legitimate measures they take to maintain their security and protect their sovereignty and territorial integrity. At the same time, we call upon all parties concerned to settle their outstanding disputes through pursuing a policy of self-restraint and foresight, and through engaging in dialogue to reach consensual political solutions and sustainable understandings for the benefit of all. The government of the Sultanate of Oman renews its support for reaching a political solution to the crisis in Yemen, one that preserves the unity, stability and territorial integrity of this great country one that meets the aspirations of all components of the brotherly Yemeni people. One that puts Yemen on the path of reconstruction, development and prosperity. In this context, we renew our call upon all parties to cooperate with one another, to engage positively with one another, to reach a just settlement to this crisis, one that preserves the rights and dignity of the Yemeni people, one that preserves the independence and territorial integrity of Yemen, and one that ensures stable relations with neighboring states in the region. The Sultanate of Oman reaffirms its firm rejection of the ongoing Israeli attacks against numerous Arab states. We also express our condemnation of the crimes of the Israeli occupation and its increasing violations against the Palestinian people, which have compounded the suffering of the Palestinian people in its struggle to obtain its legitimate rights and liberate its land within the borders of June 4th, 1967, based on the two state solution and relevant United Nations resolutions.
In September 2024, Cabo Verde launched a call for a global compact for climate mobility, and in June, in Berlin, 57 countries endorsed the global consensus on the principles to address climate mobility. And at the United Nations, Cabo Verde co-facilitated negotiations on the political declaration of the Third Conference on the Oceans and the Declaration on Sea Level Rise. Because a country made up of islands, protecting the ocean is not just an environmental policy; it's a question of protecting national territory, the economy, the culture, and the future. In January 2027, Cabo Verde will take over the presidency of the Alliance of Small Island States, AOSIS. We will take on this responsibility by working for the unity of small island states, the implementation of the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda, for fairer financing, for climate adaptation, and for ensuring that the oceans remain at the heart of the global agenda. In 2034, we will host the 5th International Conference on Small Island Developing States. This is an opportunity to share experiences, build common responses, and transform vulnerabilities into opportunities. Ladies and gentlemen, there is also pedagogy in the relations between nations, and it begins with the ability to listen, to listen to each other.
Under NDP 4, we are expanding health investments to ensure accessible, affordable, and equitable healthcare across the country. This includes modernizing health centers, upgrading regional referral hospitals, and integrating digital health solutions to improve service delivery and accountability. We are actively addressing the dual burden of communicable and non-communicable diseases, and our responses to HIV/AIDS combine strong political leadership with sustained community involvement, keeping Uganda on track to achieve the UNAIDS 95-95-95 targets and contribute to ending AIDS as a public health threat by 2030. Having successfully contained outbreaks such as the Bundibugyo Ebola virus, Uganda has built a resilient public health framework. We call upon development partners and multilateral institutions to bridge financing gaps, enhance pandemic preparedness, and ensure equitable access to diagnostic tools, medicines, and vaccines worldwide. As the Chair of NAM, Uganda continues to uphold the principles of unity, peace, and solidarity among developing nations. We remain dedicated to advancing the international covenant on the right to development, aiming to transform the 1986 Declaration into a binding operational instrument that tackles structural global inequalities. We look forward to hosting the ministers of NAM member states and observers at the Ministerial Meeting of the NAM Coordinating Bureau in Kampala from December 2 to 4, 2026.
Cambodia rebuilt peace through dialogue, trust and confidence building, and the political courage and wisdom embodied in our former prime minister, Samdech Techo Hun Sen's Win-Win Policy, which brought national reconciliation and unity. That experience continues to shape Cambodia's approach to international relations and its commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes, including those concerning our shared border with Thailand. In this spirit, Cambodia expresses its sincere appreciation to the international community for its continued attention, contribution and support for efforts to achieve a peaceful and lasting resolution of the dispute.
I am grateful to the Secretary General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his long lasting service and his focus on reforming the United Nations into a more effective, modern and responsive organization. This is the correct path to follow. There is no other way. No nation can confront today's challenges alone. Aggression cannot win. It is only through multilateralism, solidarity, and the unity of all Member States that we can uphold peace security and the rules based international order. It is also important to learn from the many lessons of history. Today, too many seem unwilling to recognize and confront the past crimes committed by totalitarian regimes, including Soviet crimes.
As he prepares to hand over the leadership of our organization in an international context marked by tension and uncertainty, I extend my best wishes to his successor. At a time when confidence in international institutions is declining, and they are often perceived as favoring power politics over law, our organization must rise above partisan interests. God willing the next leadership will embody unity and the renewal of a more credible multilateralism, and this will have the full support of the Comoros. It will be essential for that voice to defend the aspirations of developing countries, particularly small island and vulnerable states, and to foster collective responses to the challenges we share. For 81 years, this General Assembly has remained the central pillar of multilateralism. And now that we are meeting in New York, humanity is at a crossroads. Despite our efforts the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 agenda remain unfortunately out of reach. Growing inequalities, the climate emergency, the fragility of international peace all require renewed clarity and determination on our part.
Regrettably, however, the organization still fails to recover from functional paralysis owing to high handedness and unilateralism of a handful of countries pursuing only chauvinistic interests. All the crises the international community is faced with point one clear fact that infringement on sovereignty, threat to security interests and denial of a right to development of other countries are bound to breed regional instability and crisis and lead to aggression and war. In order to overcome all the existing crises and challenges and promote peace, security and sustainable development, all Member States should seek appropriate solutions to problems while strictly complying with the intrinsic purposes and principles of the UN charter and giving priority to unity and cooperation among nations.
International law must not change with geography or bend according to the identity of the accused. In the Middle East the UN charter and international law must guide us. Civilians must be protected, humanitarian access ensured, aggression and occupation ended and freedom of navigation safeguarded. The inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination must be realized through a viable state of Palestine, living alongside the state of Israel in peace and in security. That same commitment to peace requires progress on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation through diplomacy. In Sudan, civilians continue to endure atrocities and displacement, underscoring the cost of delayed action. Sierra Leone calls for their protection, unhindered humanitarian access, accountability, and a Sudanese led political process that safeguards the country's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. In the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, agreements have not yet silenced the guns or allowed millions to return home. Across West Africa and the Sahel, terrorism feeds on poverty, exclusion, unemployment and weak institutions. These conflicts differ in origin and circumstance, but they carry a common warning. Military action may contain a threat, but it cannot by itself build lasting peace. When hunger, exclusion and despair deepen, insecurity takes root. The connection between peace and development must therefore move from our resolutions into our budgets. In 2025, global military expenditure reached about 2.9 trillion USD, the 11th consecutive annual increase.
But it was not only the people of South Africa who were unchained when apartheid collapsed. The end of apartheid also marked the end of a system that exported violence and instability across southern Africa. Indeed, the fall of apartheid is a glorious story that attests to what multilateralism can deliver. Since democratic South Africa took its place in this assembly we have pursued a foreign policy anchored in ubuntu and international law, dialogue and multilateralism, and in the understanding that our fate is tied to the fortunes of our region and the continent as a whole. Millions more South Africans have access to education, electricity, water and sanitation, housing and social protection than they did at the dawn of our democracy or under apartheid. We have built a united nation of diverse people, steeled in their determination to never let history repeat itself. We have built a vibrant democracy capable of self-correcting and stepping back from the brink, a democracy strong enough to withstand and resist attempts at external supervision and tutelage. After the 2024 elections, political parties put national stability above narrow interests and formed a government of national unity within two weeks of the announcement of the results. Since the dawn of our democracy we have held no fewer than seven free and fair national elections. As we speak, South Africans are preparing once again to exercise their democratic right, this time in the local government elections on the 4th of November 2026. Again, the will of the people will prevail. The promise of democracy and international cooperation wanes when we cannot demonstrate that they can address inequality and insecurity. Compelled by our unenviable position as the world's most unequal society, South Africa made inequality a key focus of our G20 presidency in 2025.
Nine months into my service as Prime Minister, I stand here mindful that Pacific leaders have come before me, raising the same warnings, making the same appeals. Today I'm compelled to make them again. The question before us is not whether the world has heard our message, but why has it still not acted? We live in a world more connected than ever, but greater connection has not brought greater unity. We meet amid deepening division, geopolitical conflict and competition. For Tonga, navigating such stormy currents is not new. As descendants of voyagers, we have been in the survival business much longer than most have appreciated.
We are strong supporters of freedom of navigation and overflight for all nations, just as we are in our efforts to combat nuclear proliferation. We oppose Russia's continued illegal, unprovoked and immoral invasion of Ukraine and reiterate our calls for Russia's immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal and an end to attacks upon civilians and civilian infrastructure. This week, Australia endorsed the 2026 International Crimea Platform Joint Statement reaffirming our respect for Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders. And we signed a new bilateral security agreement with Ukraine to complement the humanitarian and military support that we have provided. When countries facing disaster and conflict reach out for help, Australians always respond generously with humanitarian assistance.
And I would like to begin by talking not about the government, but rather the people, the Bolivian people, the homeland people that has gone through difficult times, a people that knows poverty, but also that knows the meaning of work, that knows division, but also knows how to recognize one another in unity. That has been through economic and political crises, social conflicts, and times of uncertainty, but which has never lost sight of something fundamental. And that is the hope of building a better life. I come from a country that today is facing a reality that we cannot hide. But first of all, allow me to say one thing. A part of those 20 years of the reality of a country that has been dragged along, is due to the consequences of a time of ideological construction on our continent. In the case of part of South America, where one leader came here and said, this smells of sulfur. It was part of a political and ideological line, which was being built upon by another leader who brought a coca leaf here. And he turned a traditional leaf into a historic leaf, a leaf that is part of our culture. He turned it into a betrayal. So that construction and development and the vision of the development of a nation would be betrayed. Today the Bolivian economy in 2026 had inflation of more than 20%. But it was a country that was an energy power in gas and hydrocarbons and mining. Nevertheless, we were reduced to a country that now has to be negotiating with multilateral institutions and with various different nations, and that is not right. They said that they were socialists. However, we carried out a campaign ten months ago, in the ten months since I've been president, with the concept of capitalism for all of resources financial capacities, being able to invest and develop. Socialism and ideology does not put food on the table. What does is employment and the development of our economies and our production. When I took on the challenge of government, there were $51 million in our reserves because the reserves of the central bank had been entirely liquidated. Now, ten months on, we have nearly 1.2 billion and we, by the end of the year, are heading towards nearly 4 billion. And in the following 18 months, nearly $10 billion. For many nations, that might not be much, but for Bolivia it is a record, a milestone, a challenge, and a process of construction to build, strengthen our democracy and to strengthen our productive model within the country. I say this clearly, being able to look at the reality in my country, which decided to engage in a change and a transformation and to not turn back to the past. We are indeed doing this. We are ordering our economy. We are putting our house in order. We are facing up to the shortage of fuel. We are rebuilding our reserves. We are reforming our institutions. We are trying to restore internal and external trust in the country. We are doing something that we thought was even more important. We are trying to restore that trust in Bolivians so that we can move forward, because a nation that does not rebuild its trust cannot move ahead with money alone, with clear rules, with labor, with institutions that work, education, security and justice.
The AU-UN partnership must be founded on mutual respect, complementarity, and greater African ownership of solutions to the continent's challenges. Africa wants to be a strategic partner and a full-fledged actor in multilateralism, not merely an area of intervention for the international community. As Burundi assumes the chairmanship of the African Union, it is choosing unity, solidarity, and action. We are choosing an Africa at peace, an Africa that is integrated, an Africa that feeds itself, and an Africa that transforms its resources, an Africa that empowers its youth to create and innovate, an Africa that is master of its own destiny. And we are choosing a renewed multilateralism in which every region, every people, and every nation counts. For Africa, we want a United Nations that is more representative, more effective, and closer to the peoples. We want an Africa that is better represented within global decision-making bodies. We want a global partnership founded not on dependency but on solidarity, shared responsibility, and investment in the future. On behalf of the people of Burundi and in our capacity as the Chairperson of the African Union, we call on all our partners: let us make this period of transformation an opportunity to build a more just world, a stronger Africa, and a better future for generations to come. Burundi and the African Union express the hope that the high-level debate of this 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly will mark a new beginning for a consolidated multilateralism, a United Nations in which every state and every region counts. Thank you.
We reject the implementation of unilateral coercive measures. We express our support to and solidarity with each and every nation that is a victim of them. We once again state our solidarity with the government of national reconciliation and unity of Nicaragua. We reiterate our support for the inalienable right of the people of Puerto Rico to self-determination and independence. The sister nations of Africa and the Caribbean deserve a fair and differentiated treatment, as well as reparations for the horrors of colonialism and the transatlantic slave trade. We reaffirm our solidarity with the Saharan people and their right to self-determination. We once again state our support of the one-China principle.
Ladies and gentlemen, artificial intelligence is here to stay and to be used to assist us, as has been the case with every major technology throughout human history. Like any new technology, AI poses risks and brings challenges. But with knowledge, wisdom, and unity, we can put it to use in the service of humanity. As a co-chair of the first UN global dialogue on AI Governance alongside El Salvador, Estonia has proudly brought its knowledge and experience in service of the UN and its member states. Personally, I had the honor of becoming one of the commissioners of the AI for Good global commission this summer. For me, this role means both trust and responsibility to help ensure that AI serves people, that its use is secure and reliable, and that its benefits reach as many countries and communities as possible. As the current President of the UNICEF Executive Board, Estonia has been paying particular attention to the topic of innovation in education, notably how to advance in a responsible way safe, inclusive, and child-centered learning with the support of AI. In Estonia, we have introduced a massive education innovation program we call the AI Leap, whose aim is to assist schools, students, and teachers alike to adapt to the age of AI and foster meaningful learning. Artificial intelligence should empower teaching and learning rather than replace them. Under the auspices of the United Nations, notably through close cooperation with UNICEF, we are bringing our experience and best practice to the global scene, ensuring that AI creates equal opportunities for all humanity. We know for certain that digitalization, which has now been reinforced by AI, has enabled our small country to grow, innovate, and connect globally. This is why we have shared our experience with around 150 other countries worldwide. And this is also why Estonia has nominated a candidate for the position of Director of the ITU Development Bureau. You can trust us to work to turn connectivity into lasting capability, and to ensure that no country is left behind in the digital transformation. We hope to count on your valuable support. Ladies and gentlemen, the very fact that we are gathered here today should give us hope that we still share a commitment to the United Nations Charter and to multilateral cooperation.
Mr. president, as we commence this 81st session, we have the opportunity to build a United Nations that is truly fit for purpose. The crisis confronting multilateralism can become the catalyst for its renewal. The United Nations must not be a monument to the past. It must become an instrument for the future. We need a Security Council that reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, not the power structures of 1945. A council that embraces the emerging multipolarity of our world, including permanent representation from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. Mr. president, if the United Nations is to remain humanity's best hope, then this is not the hour to retreat from multilateralism. This is the hour to reclaim and to renew it. For it is in times such as these, when wars rage across borders, when the shadow of existential threats falls across the future of human civilisation, when the old certainties are dissolving before our eyes, that multilateralism must rise. Multilateralism rests upon the proposition that our destinies are bound together, that the security of one cannot be at the insecurity of another, and that in an interdependent world, cooperation is a necessity, and where there can be no enduring prosperity, when inequality deepens and no just international order, when rules are applied selectively. It is to that truth that this 81st session of the General Assembly must recommit itself. But recommitment cannot mean merely repeating the language of yesterday. The world has changed and multilateralism must change with it. We need a new and invigorated multilateralism, one equal to the turbulence of our age, sufficiently courageous to confront its trials, sufficiently imaginative to navigate its transformations, and sufficiently principled to defend the rule of international law. To make the United Nations fit for purpose, we must make it more transparent, accountable, and responsive. We must strengthen the General Assembly and give greater weight to its deliberative and representative authority. We must bring greater coherence to a system too often divided by institutional rivalries, bureaucratic silos, and competing mandates. We must ensure that the resources of the UN match the responsibilities we have entrusted to it. But institutions do not reform themselves. They require leadership capable of seeing beyond the present and imagining the institution the future demands. The United Nations needs leadership that can bring its different organs, agencies and programs into greater unity of purpose, leadership that can build bridges where division has become habitual. Leadership that can defend the principles of the charter without fear or favour. The United Nations needs its next Secretary-General to work with all Member States to restore confidence in the organisation, mobilise its energies and turn the language of multilateralism from aspiration into action. The reform of the United Nations, the restoration of trust and the need to manage transformation, is therefore inseparable from the question of leadership, and the choice of its next secretary general will be, in no small measure, a choice about the kind of United Nations we wish to leave to the generations that follow. It is in this spirit that Guyana has put forward the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett for the office of Secretary General of the United Nations. She has served her country, represented the developing world and worked within the multilateral system with a deep understanding of both its promise and its imperfections. We believe that her experience, her convictions, her record of service, speak directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. Her candidature, therefore, acquires special significance amid the profound challenges confronting the United Nations and international order. We need leadership capable of restoring trust without compromising principles, of listening, without surrendering conviction of building bridges across the widening chasms between north and south, between large states and small, between the developed and developing world. We need a secretary general who will defend the charter not only when it is politically convenient, but precisely when its principles are under pressure. On a personal note, Mr. President, Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett. Come from every experience. Her very upbringing crossed every struggle, every aspect of our accomplishment defined and broke barriers. An indigenous woman coming from a small indigenous village defying the odds. The odds against indigenous persons, the odds against women, the odds against poverty. Defining every challenge and rising to the top amidst those challenges. Her character is built on struggle, sacrifice, commitment her accomplishments are crafted in her humanity. This is an individual of extreme qualities not because she is a Guyanese, not because she come from Guyana, but because I know personally and many of you know this too, the permanent representatives sitting here in New York, you know, her character knew who? You know her integrity. You know her will. You know her commitment. You know her love for humanity. You know her love for this world. And I know that this world will be a better place with Carolyn Rodrigues as the secretary general of the United Nations. In the humblest of ways, I call on the P5, the Security Council and every member here to look beyond the small country that nominated her. Look beyond the small country that nominated her. CARICOM as a body has endorsed her. And let us rise to the challenge of giving this indigenous woman the chance of helping us craft together the United Nations we want to see succeed. The responsibility for recommending the next Secretary general rests in the first instance with the Security Council, and we therefore respectfully place before its members the candidature of Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett, endorsed by the Caribbean Community. We invite all to consider her candidacy on its merits and to judge whether her vision, experience, expertise and record can help restore confidence in the United Nations at this critical moment. Mr. president, the United Nations was conceived in hope, and that hope remains alive in the pursuit of peace, security and human progress over the perpetuation of division and war. This is why we must not abandon multilateralism because it is imperfect. We must renew it because humanity still needs it. Let us therefore build a United Nations that does not merely reflect the world as it is, but help create the world as it ought to be. A world where law restrains power, cooperation overcomes division, and every human being can look to the future with hope. Guyana believes that the choice remains ours as to whether the divisions of our age will define the future, or whether nations can summon the will to build a more peaceful, secure and prosperous international order. The United Nations must be at the heart of that endeavour, not as an institution looking back at the world it was created to serve, but as one helping humanity shape the world that is yet to come.
Friends, the United Nations is entering its ninth decade at a moment of great uncertainty and challenge for the global community. Conflicts are having devastating effects on the most vulnerable. The impacts of the climate crisis are felt in every corner of our world. Hard won rights are being rolled back. Narrow self-interest is breaking the bonds of solidarity, which have so often lifted us to meaningful progress. The international legal order is under tremendous strain. New and emerging technologies that offer unlimited potential could also, without human intervention, create unprecedented dangers. In such moments of uncertainty, it can be easy to question our foundations, to retreat, to turn inward, to say that international cooperation is too difficult, that multilateralism does not work, that the problems of others are not our problems. But that would be the wrong conclusion, because the answer to a world under strain is not less international cooperation. It is more. The answer to the weakening of principles is not to abandon them. It is to defend them. And if our multilateral system is not working effectively, the answer is not to walk away from it. It is to make it stronger, fairer and fit for the world we live in. That is Ireland's position, and that is what all of us, as members of the United Nations need to deliver on. We should also remember what our collective commitment to the United Nations has achieved. The multilateral system anchored in the United Nations Charter has been the foundation of many of humanity's greatest achievements. It has driven advances in poverty alleviation health care, education, social protection, and food and nutrition security. It has championed human rights and dignity and insisted that accountability matters. It has given voice to the marginalised. Mr. President, the people of Ireland understand that we live in an interdependent world, that the challenges we face are interconnected, cross borders and require collective solutions. Ireland currently holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union. Our stewardship of the European Union's agenda is deeply rooted in the principle of strength with unity, and this principle is at the heart of our vision for the United Nations, as well as our unwavering commitment to the pillars which guide its work. Peace and security. Human rights and development. These pillars equally bear the weight of our shared ambition for a better, fairer and peaceful world. Collectively, however, we are not delivering on their ambition. We are not staying the course. At a time when global needs are increasing and becoming more complex, our responsibility to act does not diminish.
For our part, Sri Lanka is on track towards achieving 70% renewable energy by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2050. Mr. President, for three decades, Sri Lanka suffered a protracted conflict that caused enormous loss and suffering to all our communities. Although the guns fell silent 17 years ago, the deep wounds of that conflict remain, and much remains to be done to heal them. We are determined to prevent a recurrence of such a tragedy and to pursue a path towards national unity and reconciliation. In this regard, our government is strengthening national institutions to address outstanding issues. Throughout these two years, we have remained firm in our rejection of racism and religious extremism in all its forms and manifestations. We will continue to work tirelessly to build a nation that is more secure, inclusive and united, a nation made stronger by the full richness of its diversity. Mr. President in addition to the consequences of natural calamity, Sri Lanka, like many other countries, is experiencing the severe impact of conflicts in West Asia and elsewhere. As an island nation situated at the crossroads of the Indian Ocean and as a country with a large number of migrant workers in West Asia, these developments have direct security, economic and social implications for us. I am pleased to note that even during these challenging times, Sri Lanka has continued to uphold its commitments to international law and ensure sanctity of human life and human dignity. Mr. President, in March this year, amidst a highly volatile geopolitical landscape, Sri Lanka found a ship of a party to a conflict in distress close to our territorial waters, with many sailors life in peril.
Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights affirms that the will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government, expressed through periodic and genuine elections. It is in this spirit that Zambia recently concluded its general elections, through which our people exercise their constitutional right to choose their leaders, and we thank the people of Zambia for their participation in the democratic process and for renewing their confidence in our leadership. We also express our sincere appreciation to the international election observation missions for their invaluable support and contribution to Zambia's democratic process. Zambia remains a peaceful, stable and sovereign nation and a peaceful atmosphere that characterized the country before, during and after the elections is a clear reflection of our people's enduring commitment to democracy, national unity and constitutional governance. It is against this backdrop that Zambia has put itself forward as a candidate for the 2027 to 2029 Human Rights Council, and we seek your support in that regard. Mr. president, despite the political differences that naturally accompany a democratic election, Zambia has demonstrated that such differences can and must be managed peacefully and through the established constitutional and legal institutions. Our democratic process should never be mistaken for conflict or instability. We therefore reaffirm our unwavering commitment to preserving Zambia's long standing tradition of peace. We will continue to ensure that political differences are addressed through due process of the law, and will take all necessary measures within the confines of the Constitution and our laws to prevent political disputes from degenerating into violence, armed mobilization, insurgency or the emergence of militia groups. In this regard, we extend a sincere invitation to cooperating partners, international development institutions, investors, the private sector and Zambia's friends around the world to continue working with us in advancing our Grow Zambia Agenda.
Mr. President, few situations illustrate so painfully the gap between international commitments and lived reality as that of the East of the DRC. For more than three decades, millions of Congolese have been suffering attacks, forced displacement, and bereavement. Territories have been occupied, families dispersed, women and girls have suffered sexual violence, while children are recruited by armed groups or deprived of education. At the same time, the looting of our resources continues to fuel international trade. My country continues to face a war of aggression led by Rwanda through its proxy, the AFC M23, in violation of its sovereignty, our sovereignty, and our territorial integrity, as documented by the UN. The atrocities committed by other armed groups, especially the ADF and CODECO, are exacerbating this humanitarian crisis even further. To combat this challenge, the DRC has chosen the path of diplomacy without ever abandoning its rights. The peace agreement signed in Washington on June 27, 2025, the commitments made as part of the Doha process, and the roadmap coordinated by the African Union have opened up prospects that we have constantly supported. I commend the United States, Qatar, the African Union, African facilitators, regional partners, and all those who are sincerely striving to restore peace. However, for the sake of truth, we must recognize that for millions of Congolese, this peace remains only a promise. Resolution 2773 of the Security Council has laid out an unambiguous path. It calls for an effective cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Rwandan forces from Congolese territory, an end to all support for armed groups, the disengagement of the AFC M23, the dismantling of parallel administrations, the restoration of state authority, unhindered humanitarian access, and the safe and dignified return of displaced persons and refugees. But we don't need new texts to replace those that have already been adopted. What we need is their implementation. With regard to the issue of the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda, the FDLR, long cited by Kigali to justify its military presence on our territory, the DRC is shouldering its responsibility. The protocol signed by the political and military leadership of the FDLR on May 30, 2026, provides for the disarmament, demobilization, and containment of their combatants, with a view toward their repatriation or resettlement without prejudice to potential judicial prosecution for serious crimes, until the movement is disbanded. The repatriation on September 8, with the support of MONUSCO, of 120 persons associated with the FDLR, is a first testament to the protocol's implementation. The issue of the FDLR, therefore, should no longer serve as a pretext for maintaining foreign military presence in our territory. The coordinated implementation of the mechanisms of Washington, Doha, and the African Union must be subject to a precise time frame, independent verification, regular information exchange, and clear consequences in case of violations. In this context, MONUSCO maintains a vital role in protecting civilians, monitoring the ceasefire, and supporting agreed-upon mechanisms. Any change to its presence must be determined by the conditions of security on the ground, the strengthening of national capacity, and the guarantee that no vacuum of power will remain to the detriment of populations. The DRC, for its part, will continue to fully shoulder its responsibility, especially through pursuing reforms of its defense and security institutions, through bolstering state authority, and through reconstruction on territories affected by the conflicts. And because the peace sought after in the subregion ought to go hand in hand with cohesion within our nation, the President of the DRC launched on August 28 a national dialogue for peace, cohesion, and the rebuilding of the state. This dialogue is open to the political and social forces that are committed to the Republic, our constitution, our territorial integrity, and to the rejection of violence. It does not aim to circumvent institutions nor to distribute power. It ought to help us address the structural causes of our vulnerabilities, to consolidate national unity, and to build a state that is more just, more involved, and more protective. Our hand remains outstretched toward all of the children of Congo that choose peace, Republican debate, and loyalty to their homeland. We Congolese speak to each other with frankness and responsibility, but no internal dialogue can transform an external aggression into a simple domestic dispute. At the same time, no external aggression should absolve us of correcting our own weaknesses. National cohesion and the defense of our territorial integrity are not mutually exclusive but mutually complementary. Because the peace that we seek cannot be limited to a ceasefire, it ought to also help our country regain full control of its future by transforming the wealth that has too often gone to fuel conflict into tools for development and shared prosperity. Mr. President, it is another paradox that my country's experience is showing the world, that some of its resources that fuel conflicts on its territory are also those that a growing proportion of the transformations of the global economy depend upon.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate, and where might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
I selected 10 sentences for peace for the United Nations General Assembly, giving them a voice. And I begin, and I quote," From a country that has learned from war, Timor-Leste sends a message to the world. That is, peace is not just a dream, but a decision that we all have to choose." By Olgita, 16 years old. We may look different, speak different languages, and come from different places, but we all bleed the same color. So why should our differences divide us? By Elisabeth, 16 years old." May we build a world where no child learns the sound of war before the sound of laughter, and where no dream is buried because someone else's hatred." By Emilly, 16." Why should we choose hate and war when love is a choice?" By Irabela, 12 years old." My voice may be small, but my request is simple. Let children grow up knowing the sound of peace, not the sound of war. Let them inherit schools, homes, and opportunities, not fear, destruction, and hatred. Let the leaders of today give the children of tomorrow a reason to believe in peace." By Victórya, 12 years old." Let our differences be bridges between hearts, not walls between nations, so that every child can grow knowing the sound of laughter instead of the sound of war." Natalia, 17." Let every weapon fall silent so every child can grow up knowing the sound of peace." By Cristian, 16." I only think that peace in the world begins within us. When we learn to love each other unconditionally, forgive sincerely, and respect each other despite our differences, the world will become a place full of peace, hope, and love." By Melkyvido, 12 years old." Peace is not merely the silence after conflict. Rather, it means we overcome everything peacefully. Let peace be the victory we seek and create a unity for humanity." By Carisa, 14." Peace never exists on its own, but begins with us." By Francisca, 14." For all the people who rule the world, children should not have to learn about all the wars in our history class. We should learn about the names of the stars, the names of peacemakers, and how to reach planet Mars with deep, deep respect." Solomon.
So, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this is the kind of leadership Britain is here to bring. We need to recommit together to make the decade ahead of us better than the last. My message to our partners around the world is this you can count on us. Count on us to stand up for those long standing British values of fairness and justice, our shared values and for the UN Charter. Count on us to fight racism, discrimination, and the abuse of power wherever we see it. Just as those Manchester cotton workers did in the 19th century and the country did in the fight against fascism in the 20th century. Count on us to bring people together, not to point towards old problems, but to work towards new solutions for the 21st century. Count on us to meet fear and division with unity and hope.
It is about whether a child in Tanna can attend school, whether a farmer in Malekula can bring a produce to market, whether a family in Torba has access to reliable electricity, whether a community in Penama can recover quickly after a natural disaster, and whether our young people can find meaningful opportunities at home rather than being forced to leave in search of them. Mr. president, this year, as Vanuatu celebrated its 46th independence anniversary, we reflected on how far our country has come since 1980. Our independence was not given to us in a golden plate. It was achieved through the determination, courage and sacrifice of our people, supported by our brothers and sisters in the Pacific. At our independence celebrations, we were reminded once again of the importance of solidarity, including the historic support of Papua New Guinea during our struggle for independence. Our 46th independence anniversary was therefore not simply a celebration of the past. It was a call to build the future. The message of our national celebration was one of unity, national pride, resilience, and determination to build a stronger, more prosperous Vanuatu for future generations. And this is important in the context of our discussions today. Vanuatu has experienced cyclones, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and economic shocks and other disasters. Yet we continue to stand, we rebuild, we adapt, and we move forward. Resilience is not simply something Vanuatu speaks about.
Mr. President, earlier this year, our Poet Laureate stood at this rostrum and reminded us in this assembly, and I quote, the very name United Nations implies a commitment to ignite the fires of conscience, empathy, unity, and equity. This UN, this United Nations must continue to stoke those fires for a transformed and inclusive world. I say to you as I leave this rostrum, let us together ensure that the flames of hope, peace and dignity burn so bright that in the midst of all the odds against us, that they shine on all of the world, I thank you.
