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Furthermore, we firmly reject unilateral coercive measures that violate international law and inflict disproportionate hardship on innocent populations. Yet our global architecture is failing to enforce these principles because its key organs remain outdated. The Security Council's inability to act decisively in moments of global crisis undermines its very purpose. Its composition reflects a bygone era, not 21st century geopolitical realities. Reform is no longer a matter of political convenience. It is a matter of institutional survival and legitimacy. Seychelles, therefore reaffirms Africa's unified position. Our continent must hold no fewer than two permanent seats on the Security Council, with full prerogatives, including the veto for as long as it exists.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. I am indeed humbled and honoured to be asked to deliver this statement by the Honourable Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda, the Right Honourable Gaston Browne, on behalf of the government and people of Antigua and Barbuda. Mr. president, we meet once again at a moment when history asks difficult questions of this institution. Can multilateralism still protect the weak as well as the strong? Can international law restrain power rather than merely record its consequences? Can development remain a promise for all rather than a privilege for some? For Antigua and Barbuda, these are not philosophical questions. For small island developing states, these are questions of survival. As we begin the 81st session of this General Assembly, we stand between two eras, one ending and another waiting to be shaped. At the end of this year, His Excellency Antonio Guterres will complete his tenure as secretary general of the United Nations. Antigua and Barbuda places on record our profound appreciation for his service to this organization and to the international community in general. For my country, our appreciation is deeply personal. In 2017, Hurricane Irma devastated Barbuda. The entire population had to be evacuated. Homes were destroyed, livelihoods disappeared. An island community was brought to its knees.
The first is the Tuvalu Digital Nation initiative that utilizes digital technologies to sustain our sovereignty, institutions and our capacity to deliver services to ensure that our national identity is not lost in the transformation. The second is the Tuvalu Digital Ark initiative, which seeks to preserve Tuvalu's culture and historical heritage in digital form. Mr. president, less than 24 hours ago, Member states endorsed in this very building the landmark United Nations political declaration on sea level rise, a monumental and gratifying achievement for Tuvalu, because Tuvalu was at the forefront of global efforts demanding such a declaration. For Tuvalu, sea level rise is not a future threat. It is a present reality. Tuvalu is therefore overwhelmed with joy and warmly welcome the commitments the declaration entails. Namely. Firstly, it affirms the continuity of statehood and sovereignty despite sea level rise. Secondly, it safeguards the permanence of maritime zones and rights established under the UN convention on the law of the sea. Thirdly, it recognises and protects the rights, dignity, culture, identity and heritage of affected people. Fourthly, it commits to strengthened adaptation and resilience. Fifthly, it calls for accessible, predictable and needs based climate finance. And sixthly. And it supports science, technology, data and knowledge systems that enable informed decision making and long term planning for vulnerable countries. The declaration affirms that Tuvalu's nationhood is not negotiable, that our maritime rights are not erasable, and that our people should never be forced to choose between their homeland and their future. Mr. president, for the Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs, Tuvalu is seriously concerned that the world is not on track to achieve them, because the consequences of such shortfall will be acutely felt by small island developing states. Of the SDGs, Tuvalu underscores the urgent need to accelerate progress on SDG 14 life below water, which is the least funded and least progressed. Yet it is the most fundamental to the survival and prosperity of small island developing states. Tuvalu calls on member States to expedite implementation of the commitments of the Third United Nations Ocean Conference, and to build momentum towards the fourth Conference in the Republic of Korea in 2028. Mr. president, climate change is and remains the single greatest existential threat to Tuvalu's survival, security and sustainable development.
people of Haiti continue to endure a humanitarian and security crisis that demands more than statements of concern. The theme before us, Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all, must not remain a slogan. Trust will be restored only when promises are matched by action, when commitments are honored, and when the United Nations delivers meaningful results for every nation. And when there is due regard for multilateral principles, not only for the most powerful, but for the weakest of us as well. This assembly should not be a place where the world expresses sympathy without accepting responsibility. We need action. We need justice. And we need a renewed international compact based not on power, but on principle. We need multilateralism, not unilateralism. And in the words of the former UN secretary general, the United Nations was not created in order to bring us to heaven, but in order to save us from hell. For Saint Lucia, climate change is not a distant environmental issue. It is a direct threat to national security, economic stability, food and water security, and human survival.
Nine months into my service as Prime Minister, I stand here mindful that Pacific leaders have come before me, raising the same warnings, making the same appeals. Today I'm compelled to make them again. The question before us is not whether the world has heard our message, but why has it still not acted? We live in a world more connected than ever, but greater connection has not brought greater unity. We meet amid deepening division, geopolitical conflict and competition. For Tonga, navigating such stormy currents is not new. As descendants of voyagers, we have been in the survival business much longer than most have appreciated.
It has even gone as far as the United States exerting a unseen pressure on sovereign governments so that they renounce the medical services they requested from us for the benefit of their respective populations, and which are offered by Cuban professionals altruistically, because the US government is opposed to such cooperation, regardless of the impact and harm that this may cause to those populations, if they are deprived of free quality medical care, that is to say, deprived of an elemental human right. Last Thursday, the State Department convened within this General Assembly a humiliating meeting specifically with the states that are the recipients of this cooperation in order to apply pressure and make threats. According to the US Secretary of State, the official policy of the United States is to shut down every relief valve from Cuba to block every possible way out and eliminate any form of survival for Cuba. The impact of such an ironclad and ruthless siege has a human face.
I also express my gratitude and pay tribute to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his tireless service over the past decade. Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General and distinguished delegates, the United Nations, which has a history of upholding human dignity and pioneering the way for future generations, now stands at a grave crossroads. The glacial flooding in Nepal that claimed many lives and destroyed the foundations of people's livelihoods evidences that the climate crisis is a reality of today, not tomorrow. Persistent armed conflicts around the world, including those in Ukraine and the Middle East, continue to threaten the survival of humanity.
Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the Global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars justice and representation and decision making, justice and the application of the law and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes. Notably, sovereign equality among states respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. president, if justice in the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction.
Mr. Secretary-General, Former Presidents of the General Assembly, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Forty years ago, I stood in this very Hall as a newly minted member of the Cabinet of the 41st President of the General Assembly, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury. At the time, President Choudhury said, and I quote: “In recent years there appears to have been a crisis of confidence in the United Nations itself... there is a general feeling that the United Nations today needs revitalizing in a number of aspects in order to bring it into line with the priorities of a changing world.” This shows that questions about multilateralism and the effectiveness of the United Nations are not new. They have been part of this place since the first stone was laid. Yet, through it all, the United Nations has persevered. Not because it is perfect, but because it is irreplaceable, and because the alternative is simply unfathomable. The world of 1945 was in peril. The Second World War, the colossal devastation wrought by it, and the Holocaust, left humanity bankrupt, morally and fiscally. Something had to change. And this place was that change. It ushered in a long era of diplomacy, which continues: Member States coming together to work through their problems because they knew that the alternative, guns blazing and bombs dropping, simply was not an option. Perhaps the clearest evidence of its achievement is here in this very Hall. In 1945, 50 nations participated in the San Francisco Conference. Today, eight decades later, the Organization has 193 Member States. The UN has brought together humanity under one roof; this is unprecedented in human history. The core promise of this institution, its raison d’être, was and remains to prevent the unimaginable: a third world war. The fact that we have avoided such calamity is among the greatest achievements this institution could ever deliver. (BRIEF PAUSE) But survival alone cannot be our sole measure of success. Outside these walls, people are not asking whether the United Nations still exists.
This year, under a new call to restore trust and deliver for all, we must be honest with ourselves: we are still far behind. The United Nations has yet to demonstrate that it can adapt to a changing and uncertain world, and it is up to member states to make this a reality. That gap is not abstract to Rwanda. Three decades ago, our country's future was also deeply uncertain. Our survival depended on our capacity to rebuild against all odds, and what made that possible was a simple principle and conviction that institutions earn legitimacy not by what they promise, but by what they deliver, year after year. We believe this principle holds true for the multilateral system as a whole, and for the United Nations in particular. It is the standard against which reform must be judged. Optimism, however important it can be, must be matched by willingness to change how we act.
Mr. president as we enter the home stretch of the 2030 agenda, developing nations that have been squeezed by unsustainable debt, shrinking financial space and mounting external shocks. At the core, this is a crisis of international financial system designed for a different era. Liberia calls for urgent structural reform of the international financial architecture. Developing nations need concessional financing, debt sustainability and predictable development capital, not escalating interest rates that threaten survival. At the heart of this reform must be a fairer voice and a vote for developing countries within the Bretton Woods institution, the world Bank and the International Monetary Fund, whose governance reflects the world of 1945 rather than the world of today. A financial system that decides the fate of billions cannot continue to be governed by the few. Reform of our international financial system is not a technical exercise. It is a precondition for delivering the Sustainable Development Goals and for restoring the very trust this Assembly is meeting to discuss.
World leaders have pointed out that these are matters of survival. Excellencies, human rights, the third pillar of the organization, was another clear thread throughout the general debate. The test of our commitment to human rights is not when they are easy to defend. It is when defending them is difficult. We see the test wherever civilians are dehumanized, wherever minorities face hatred, wherever migrants and refugees are denied dignity, and wherever women and girls are excluded from education, employment and public life. It was clear from the debate that gender equality cannot remain peripheral to our agenda. They go to the heart of the principles we have gathered here to uphold and defend. Excellencies, the human rights agenda is also moving rapidly into the digital space. Rights must be protected online as they are offline. Member states were clear incendiary rhetoric and hate speech, the first step towards dehumanization and violence, are spreading rapidly and taking root across global societies, with hostile actors using automated tools to falsify narratives.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This session is taking place against a deeply troubling international backdrop. Conflicts and hotspots of tension are multiplying, and geopolitical divisions are deepening, while the rise of terrorism and violent extremism threatens an ever growing number of regions. At the same time, climate upheavals are hitting our countries hard, not to mention the humanitarian crises and deep inequalities that are weakening our societies. Added to this are the very real risks to the survival of humanity posed by the uncontrolled development of artificial intelligence. The world is thus at a difficult turning point. It is looking on at the gradual fragmentation of its peace architecture and an alarming reconfiguration of the international landscape before our very eyes. Multilateralism is being sorely tested, weakened by an erosion of trust between nations and trust in the institutions that underpin the world order. In these times of multilateral fracture, it is imperative to find appropriate solutions to put an end to these dangerous escalations, prioritize dialogue and rebuild trust. With regard to international institutions, this trust is measured by their ability to translate the universality of their principles into concrete actions, and to treat every state, large or small, with the same standard of fairness. The trust of peoples, for its part, is nourished by tangible results and by the certainty that the decisions taken on their behalf genuinely serve their security, their dignity, and protect their future. This year's theme, therefore, aptly captures the expectations of our time. It calls on us specifically to restore trust in our collective capacity to respond effectively to global challenges, and to support the current changes and reforms of the United Nations architecture so that our organization is once again able to deliver concrete solutions to the concerns of all peoples. For Cote d'Ivoire, this means reinvigorating multilateralism and consequently, restoring diplomacy's rightful place and credibility so that it can act effectively. In light of these challenges, a monumental task awaits the next Secretary General of the United Nations, whose selection process is now well underway.
But, Mr. President, the task now is delivery. We need financing that reaches communities without adding debt, adaptation finance that is accessible to countries already bearing the cost of the problems they did not create, and full support of the loss and damage and the special circumstances of SIDS. This means grant-based and concessional finance, grid readiness and storage, productive energy use, and support that respects our circumstances while enabling delivery at scale. Those who contributed the least to this climate crisis yet confront the worst threats of rising sea levels must not be burdened with debt simply to purchase a life jacket for their survival. International financial institutions must look beyond income and account for vulnerabilities of SIDS. Climate exposure, remoteness, narrow economies, and limited access to affordable finance must be considered. The Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS provides a strong roadmap for resilience, but requires urgent, predictable, and scaled-up support. The Pacific Resilience Facility is one practical answer, the PRF. Endorsed by the Pacific leaders, the PRF is the first Pacific-led, owned, and managed regional financing facility dedicated to climate and disaster resilience, and the first international financial institution collectively owned by the Pacific focused on turning resources into real community-level resilience. The PRF reflects the kind of capital the world should support. Resilience is also about safeguarding public health. And I commend Palau's First Lady for advancing efforts to combat tobacco and nicotine use, with a focus on our youth.
Small nations are being asked to finance both development and survival. No nation should have to borrow its way out of a crisis it did so little to create. Excellencies. The world is facing a growing development financing crisis. The gap between commitments and delivery continues to widen, and too often we simply rebrand and recycle old ideas while failing to deliver tangible progress. Meanwhile, multilateralism is under siege and international financial commitments are being eroded. The current international financial architecture was designed for a different era. It struggles to adequately recognize vulnerability and fails to fully account for the realities faced by SIDS. A fairer financial system is not only in the interest of developing countries, it is in the interest of global stability and shared prosperity. The implementation of the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index MVI in financing decision making is essential if we are to genuinely address the financial challenges facing developing countries. We thank the Secretary General and UN DESA for their proactive efforts in moving this issue forward with international financial institutions IFIs, and we look forward to the pilot project to demonstrate the MVI can help developing countries in their financing challenges. On debt, we need to build a sustainable, equitable and fair debt regime, starting with a robust mechanism for debt restructuring. Debt forgiveness must be linked to measurable progress on resilience-building. And investment in resilience today will reduce the cost of disasters tomorrow. Samoa supports the incorporation of states contingent clauses in debt instruments, allowing for suspension during crisis. Excellencies. Energy is both a driver and accelerator for Samoa's sustainable development ambition.
About eighty years ago, the UN was founded in San Francisco on a simple but enduring principle: that nations can prevent war and advance peace through trust, collective action and respect for the UN Charter. Today, war and insecurity are not the only existential threats to our survival, but a range of challenges including climate change, pandemics, ungoverned Artificial Intelligence and energy insecurity, just to mention a few. These challenges should remind us of a need for a stronger and much more coordinated UN. Therefore, the theme of this session, that is “Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that Delivers for All”, is timely for it requires us to revert to the founding principle of maintaining peace and restoring trust. Managing transformation requires reforming the UN to meet the realities of our time. In that regard, I commend our illustrious Secretary-General, H.E. Antonio Guterres, for championing the UN80 initiative that aims to advance the transformation agenda. In our opinion, the UN80 initiative must go beyond administrative efficiency to include overall Organizational effectiveness, accountability, and representativeness, for the UN to be able to deliver for all. Further, the transformation must be undertaken with utmost caution to avoid going off-track on the development pillar and incapacitating the UN Country offices and programs.
Crisis causing insecurity and instability increased further with the wars and bloody conflicts. The effects of a disaster prone, abnormal climate gave rise to a succession of extreme high temperature droughts, heavy rains and floods in many countries and regions, seriously threatening the survival of mankind. This, coupled with the spread of communicable diseases and hike in oil prices, worsened the socio economic crisis. Humanity desires that the United Nations should fulfill its mission and responsibility as an organization established to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.
The control of these powerful tools must not remain in the hands of a select few. They must serve humanity, not the other way around. In particular, the development of lethal autonomous weapon system raises profound moral questions. In this critical domain, Pope Leo provides clear criteria for discernment. The first concerns personal responsibility. The second pertains to the moral time frame for making judgments. The third is the protection of civilians. These criteria give rise to certain non-negotiable requirements. First of all, systems used in war setting must guarantee the possibility of retracing and reconstructing decision making processes so that accountability and blame are not collapsed into the machine. Second, the decision to use lethal force cannot be delegated to opaque or automated processes, but must remain under effective, self-aware, and responsible human control. Finally, it is imperative to establish a shared framework also at the international level in order to curb the technological arms race and ensure robust protection for civilians and the infrastructures necessary for their survival. For some years now, the world has spiraled into violence that has progressively spread and intensified, continually opening up new theatres of war. The Holy See strongly emphasized the urgent need for an immediate and total cessation of hostility as a prerequisite for any serious engagement in restoring and building the future.
For Malawi, the pursuit of wealth creation, self-reliance and economic transformation is not merely a political aspiration; it is an urgent survival strategy. Because of this, we have remained steadfast in implementing the SDGs in alignment with our long term development vision, the Malawi 2063. On this note, Mr. President, I'm happy to report that Malawi successfully presented our third voluntary national review during the 2026 ECOSOC High Level Political Forum, thereby reaffirming our commitment to the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development and the Malawi 2063, as well as our desire to accelerate sustainable development and economic transformation. The review revealed that even though we face numerous structural challenges, we have made some progress on many of the SDGs. Mr. president, our goal is to systematically transform our economy by modernising agriculture, expanding mining and accelerating digitalisation.
And I thought it's a good idea to share with you my thoughts. Gunpowder changed the battlefield. Nuclear fission changed the meaning of human survival. Artificial intelligence is changing something even more intimate: who can enter the minds of a citizen, imitate a trusted voice, manufacture a reality calibrated to one person's fears, and do so millions and millions of times at once. Albania is not a developer of frontier models, but we are a nation that has already lived the future others are still debating, and I think a simple message is what we owe to all of you. The greatest immediate danger is not that artificial intelligence will stop obeying humanity. The greatest danger is that it will obey the wrong human beings perfectly. The challenge comes in three layers. What artificial intelligence does instead of us, what it does to us. And who gains the power to reach us? First, what it does instead of us. The public debate imagines machines that awaken, acquire ambitions and turn against their creators. But the systems confronting us today do not wake up with hatred in their hearts. They multiply ours. They have no ambition of their own. They serve the ambition of others. They carry no flag. But they can be deployed by a state. They tell no lie for their own benefit. But they can tell a billion lies on others behalf. The machine has no conscience. But it can borrow the reach of a government, the precision of a weapon and the intimacy of a friend. At the same time, the economic incentives surrounding artificial intelligence increasingly reward the replacement of human effort, rather than the enlargement of human capacity. Write the code so that I do not have to understand it. Draft the report so that I do not have to think through it. Make the judgment so that I do not have to assume responsibility for it. When success is measured only by how much work the machine removes from the human being, we may create more efficient institutions, but will have less capable people. A civilization that outsources effort may eventually outsource knowledge. A civilization that outsources knowledge may eventually outsource judgment, and the civilization that outsources judgment may discover that it also outsources responsibility. This is not inevitable. It is a choice. We can build artificial intelligence that teaches rather than merely answers, guides rather than commands, and strengthens the human being instead of making the human being dependent upon it. The question cannot be only how quickly did the machine complete the task? We must also ask, what did the human being learn? Who understood the decision? Who can challenge the decision and who answers for the decision when it is wrong? Albania became the first country to bring an artificial intelligence instrument into the architecture of government through Diella, our worldwide known artificial intelligence minister. We did not do this to transfer sovereignty from people to a machine. We did it to make public services more accessible, procedures more transparent, and the state more accountable. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. Behind every consequential public decision, there must remain a legal mandate, a human institution, and a name that can be called to give answers. The second layer is what artificial intelligence can do to us. Artificial intelligence inside an accountable state can reduce the distance between citizens and public services. Artificial intelligence outside accountability can eliminate the distance between a lie and the human mind. Albania experienced this directly. I am sure you must have followed or just known the so-called Flamingo Revolution, a fabricated narrative of an Israeli invasion of the Albanian coast, an invasion that never occurred, was manufactured, was personalized and delivered through voices, pages and channels citizens already trusted. One citizen received a story of national betrayal. Another received a story of religious provocation. Another received a conspiracy of foreign occupation. Different fabrications entered different emotional worlds, all serving the same strategic lie. The consequences were real. Citizens had their own reasons to protest. Don't take me wrong. But suddenly they started to protest also against a phantom enemy. Antisemitic tropes entered our public discourse for the first time ever. Don't forget, Albania is the only country in Europe that ended World War Two with more Jews than it started it. Fear became anger. Anger became mobilization and fabrication became political reality. And this is not and was not a laboratory experiment. I'm not talking to you about a science fiction movie. It was a Tuesday in Tirana, our capital city. The algorithm did not invent the objective. A human actor did.
The council has not. Five nations still hold a veto over the peace of 193. Most of the nations in this hall did not exist when that arrangement was made, none of us was asked. An institution that cannot reform itself, cannot hope to reform the world. Power without legitimacy is not order. It is control. And a peace kept only by the powerful is not peace. It is permission. That is why the Bahamas seeks a seat on the Council for the 2032-2033 term. The Bahamas does not seek a seat on the council to sit quietly inside that arrangement. We seek to help change it. A council that reflects the world as it is, and it gives small island states a dedicated seat at the table where our survival is decided. Change must also reach the leadership of this organization. The Bahamas supports the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana for Secretary General. A former foreign minister who has presided over the Security Council. She understands what rules mean for nations with no other protection.
We await the court's judgment with confidence, and we look forward to borders that are respected by all. Mr. President, this is a new dawn for my country and a moment of renewal for this organisation. This year, the United Nations will select its 10th Secretary-General. Belize proudly supports the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana, a distinguished daughter of the Caribbean. A Caribbean woman at the helm of the United Nations would be historic, but history alone is not the argument; her record is. The next Secretary-General will inherit an institution under strain and a world impatient for results. Small and vulnerable states must be placed at the centre of the organisation's work, not at the margins of decisions that determine our survival. The United Nations must become more agile, more representative and better equipped to deliver. A leaner United Nations is not automatically a better one. Peace and security cannot be an afterthought to budget exercise. Human rights cannot be separated from development, nor development sustained without peace. Reform must honour all three pillars of the charter peace and security, development and human rights as one indivisible promise. Mr. President, trust will be restored when commitments are kept and law is applied evenly without fear or favour. Transformation will be fair when small states help to design the future, rather than learning of it afterwards. Delivery will be real when it reaches beyond conference rooms into the life of a child, the livelihood of a farmer, and the resilience of a nation. Belize will do its part. We will invest in our people, protect our natural capital, modernize our economy and choose dialogue over division and law over force. As we ask this Assembly and its next leadership to meet the same standard. Let the smallest voice be heard as clearly as the largest. Let agreements become action. Let this United Nations prove that cooperation is not weakness, but the highest expression of our common strength.
As one of the first supporters of a global alliance for human rights, Estonia feels that human rights should, once again, be at the center of a world we choose to build. Estonia is a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council for a period from 2026 to 2028, and is currently serving as Vice President of the Council. As a country ranked among the world's top three for press freedom, we are committed to promoting media freedom, protecting journalists, and enhancing media literacy. We will continue our strong commitment to women's rights and gender equality, including sexual and reproductive health and rights. Together with New Zealand and Colombia, Estonia is leading negotiations on the Human Rights Council on the resolution on preventing maternal mortality and morbidity. Maternal survival is a question of human rights, not only health care. Estonia stands firmly for ending all forms of violence against children. One of the gravest aspects of Russia's war against Ukraine is the mass deportation and forced transfer of Ukrainian children, which is a systematic and deliberate attempt to erase their Ukrainian identity. It is a war crime and a crime against humanity. We therefore reiterate the call of the General Assembly resolution adopted on the 3rd of December 2025, and demand that the Russian Federation ensure a safe, immediate, and unconditional return of all forcibly transferred and deported Ukrainian children. We thank all our international partners working to reunite these children with their families. In particular, we asked U.S. First Lady Melania Trump for a remarkable humanitarian initiative.
Despite the extraordinary efforts of the Sudanese people, the cycle of violence has continued. The conflict has been inflamed and prolonged by harmful outside interference. All states and external actors must cease arming, financing and enabling the war in Sudan. 15 million Sudanese people are displaced from their homes. Over 19.5 million face crisis levels of hunger. 33 million need urgent humanitarian assistance. Violations of international law including targeting on the basis of ethnicity, deliberate destruction of the means of survival, killing, torture and sexual violence are again being used as weapons of war. We need to act decisively to support the people of Sudan to end this conflict. We must support their aspirations for democracy, justice and development. Sudan has become a forgotten war despite its devastating impacts. We must not allow the absence of daily headlines to become a license for inaction. The people of Sudan deserve the same attention, urgency and solidarity that we rightly extend to crises elsewhere. Mr. President, despite its prevalence, we cannot ever allow ourselves to become indifferent to conflict and human suffering it brings. To do so would deny the shared humanity of its victims. The peace plan on Gaza agreed last October was welcome, but it has not fundamentally changed the reality on the ground. Israeli strikes continue, humanitarian aid remains blocked. Civilians continue to suffer. We, the collective international community, have failed Palestine. Ireland, like most gathered here, believe that the only viable solution to the decades of conflict, misery and wasted human lives is a situation where a state of Palestine and a state of Israel live side by side in peace, security, and dignity. There are modest signs of progress. More countries have recognised the state of Palestine, and overwhelming majority of UN member states has endorsed the New York Declaration. More of us have taken steps to push back against the illegal and violent settler occupation of Palestinian land in the West Bank. But time is running out. What we are witnessing on the ground is a deliberate attempt by some to make the prospect of a two state solution impossible. This is not some mad conspiracy theory. It is the stated intent of the Prime Minister of Israel who said clearly that, and I quote, we are going to fulfil our promise that there will be no Palestinian state. This place belongs to us, end quote, as he permitted the E1 illegal development in East Jerusalem. And the situation in Gaza remains an affront to all that is decent. How can we tolerate a situation where civilians are so desperate for shelter that they have to make their homes in war damaged and unsafe buildings? Where eight children died because one of them collapsed? Where the most basic humanitarian aid, food and shelter is deliberately impeded? When the full truth of what has happened, what is still happening in Gaza is finally known, when the evidence is gathered, when the testimonies are heard, when the true horrors are finally and fully revealed, it will shame the world. Nobody will be able to say that we did not know. Let it not be said that we did not act. In the West Bank, the relentless expansion of settlements have reached a scale without precedent, further eroding the prospects for a just and lasting peace. Violent settlers continue to act with near-total impunity, while Palestinian communities face a sustained campaign of displacement and destruction amounting to ethnic cleansing. Entire villages have been razed, homes and vital infrastructure demolished, and thousands of Palestinian families driven from the places they have called home for generations and exposed to intimidation and violence. The United Nations reports that this year there have been almost 200 attacks against Palestinians every month, a stark reminder of a reality that is deepening conflict, suffering and despair. The International Court of Justice has been clear. Settlements in occupied Palestinian territory are illegal. Ireland has acted alongside others to prohibit the import of settlement goods. It is never too late to uphold international law. Mr. President, the conflict in the Gulf remains deeply concerning and is having a serious impact around the world. We need to get back to meaningful, good faith negotiations by all sides. Ireland has consistently stated that Iran must cease its attacks on its neighbours and also end its destabilizing activities across the region, including strikes on ships in the Strait of Hormuz. Vessels must be allowed to transit the strait safely and without tolls in line with international law. If we are to build greater stability, Iran must never have a nuclear weapon. Iran's destabilizing influence across the region must cease. We need dialogue to achieve a negotiated settlement. Mr. President, since 1978, Irish soldiers have served with distinction in Lebanon in the UNIFIL peacekeeping operation. Ireland will continue to work with Lebanon, European Union and international partners to support Lebanon's future peace and security. We have consistently condemned Hezbollah's attacks on Israel, which must cease immediately. Israel must withdraw its military presence from southern Lebanon and bring an end to its military operations there. Israel's response has been wholly disproportionate. We honor the courage, professionalism and dedication of all peacekeepers who have served under the United Nations. We remember with particular respect, those who lost their lives in the cause of peace. We welcome the Secretary-General's report on the Future of Peacekeeping, and Ireland will work with others to ensure that this essential capacity adapts to the 21st century. Ireland also welcomes wider reforms in efforts in the United Nations system. These are necessary if we are to meet the challenges of our rapidly changing world.
It is Arab in its identity and language, African in its geography, destiny, and belonging, Mediterranean in an intrinsic part of its culture, interests, and partnerships, and Islamic in its civilizational values, which incline toward peace, security, and building bridges with its neighbors. The multiplicity of these circles is not a contradiction but a source of strength, responsibility, and opportunity. From this geopolitical vantage point in particular, we have learned a harsh lesson in recent years. When the state weakens, the vacuum does not remain empty; competing interests fill it, armed groups become active within it, criminal and smuggling networks spread, illicit funds seep in, and institutions themselves become arenas of struggle for influence. At that point, the state does not merely lose part of its security. Its national decision-making begins to lose its independence. This brings us to the essence of what sovereignty means to us. Sovereignty is not merely a flag raised or borders drawn on maps, nor is it slogans repeated while judicial and oversight institutions fail to exercise their roles independently and responsibly. Sovereignty means that national decision-making is free. It also means that our cooperation and integration with United Nations bodies are based on transparency, seriousness, and impartiality, free from selectivity and double standards. Sovereignty means protecting the rights and dignity of the Libyan people from violations, whoever the perpetrator, and ensuring that no one is above the law and no one escapes accountability. Sovereignty means that state institutions are stronger than individuals and groups, and that weapons are subject to the law. It also means that the country's wealth remains the property of the people, not spoils to be divided among parties, networks of interest, or dubious partnerships that exercise some sort of custodianship over the state. Sovereignty means preventing corrupt money from buying influence. It means preventing influence from becoming an immunity that shields corrupt money. If that cycle becomes entrenched, it weakens the state from within and threatens the survival of its institutions.
We must champion timelines for decarbonization, but actually doing that in a forced or imposed way is a direct threat to food security, employment, and production. We must avoid industrial collapses, the breakdown of production, and avoid energy costs which people cannot afford. As such, energy security is vital if we are to ensure the survival of the international economy and to buttress development. There is no doubt whatsoever that Venezuela plays—and will play— a crucial role in these international efforts. Here, I wish to point to the recent agreement signed between the United States and Venezuela as one of the most all-encompassing and significant ever signed. It will contribute to ensuring the energy balance of the hemisphere and the well-being of our economy. Six, I now wish to refer to artificial intelligence. It is a genuine technological revolution.
Africa is home to 1.5 billion people, over 18% of humanity, and constitutes the largest regional voting bloc in this General Assembly. And yet Africa remains without a single permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. This is fundamentally unacceptable in the 21st century. Africa must be granted permanent representation on the UN Security Council, complete with all the rights and responsibilities. We cannot credibly champion the sovereign equality of nations while preserving a global governance structure that was designed for the postwar geopolitical realities. Mr. President, Security Council reform is not a favor to Africa. It is an imperative for the legitimacy, the credibility and the survival of the United Nations. The same systemic inequalities permeates the international financial architecture.
We were in a tiny sliver of land. We still are. That is equal to about one third of 1% of the landmass of the entire Arab world. Yet they accuse Israel tiny Israel of colonialism, some colonialism. And who's accusing us? Well, among them are people in Britain and in France. For God's sakes, they invented the term. Their colonies embraced the entire globe. Colonialism gave us a break. Another lie. Yet at the time, on this tiny patch of earth, no West Bank, no Gaza, no Golan Heights, just the very survival of this one and only Jewish state. Because this is what this conflict is about.
Artificial intelligence will transform professions, industries, and the ways in which decisions are made. Energy will be governed by a new configuration and a new logic of operation. Climate change will affect economies, agriculture, cities and the movement of people. Demographic change will reshape labour markets and social protection systems. Security will no longer depend on armies and borders, but also on power grids, data centers, cables, satellites, algorithms and trust in the information we receive every day. And yet today, as we prepare for the future, millions of people are living through war or under the threat of war. More than 100 million people have been displaced by force, more than 270 million children and young people are not in the school. This is the paradox of our time. Humanity has never possessed such immense scientific and technological capabilities, and yet it has never been more evident that technological capability does not automatically produce political wisdom. That is why the real question before this assembly is not simply how we will manage the crisis of 2026. The real question is this: what kind of international order will we leave to the generation that is entering school today? For a small size country like mine, this is not an academic question. It is a question of survival. 33 years ago, since we become a part of the United Nations, the world looked very different. The Cold War had ended. There was hope that a new era was beginning, an era in which cooperation would gradually replace confrontation. Our region, however, was living through a very different reality. Yugoslavia was disintegrating in bloodshed. Wars were being fought just beyond our borders. The fear that the violence might spread was real. And yet my country chose peace. It chose stability. It was in those circumstances on our territory that the United Nations did something it had never done before. It established the first preventive peacekeeping mission in the history of the organization. That experience left a profound lesson in our national memory, a lesson to which I will return towards the end of my speech. Peace does not begin when war ends. Peace begins when politics is wise enough to prevent war from beginning. Perhaps that is why small countries sometimes see international politics differently. Great powers have room for strategic shifts that small sized states simply do not have. For a great power, a mistaken geopolitical calculation may mean a change of strategy. For a small sized country, the same mistake can mean a lost decade. That is why we cannot afford to be indifferent to the rules, nor can we afford to believe that the rules will defend themselves. The world taking shape before us is a world of sharper competition. Power is being redistributed.
So while others have talked, I have acted. While others have spoken of peace, I have made peace. While others have ignored threats, I have confronted them. While others have talked of courage, America has shown it. While others have promised strength, I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake. Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region. They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity. The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime were ever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation in this hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran, until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve, anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief. Morocco, Bahrain, these are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump in six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The Prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've had it. 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago. In January, at my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolás Maduro.
