The transcripts are AI-generated from the UN's English audio and can contain mistakes. We are checking them against the statements the missions publish; some errors are still expected.
Mr. president, on the 26th of September 2025, almost to the day a year ago, right here before this august Assembly, I challenged the universal conscience on the distortion of the map of the world, which wrongly shrunk the size of Africa on the map of the world and in the global collective imagination. Just a few days ago, on the 4th of September 2026, to be precise, in this very hall, Togo's call was heard, and a reform of the map of the world was adopted. The international community made history by adopting, with a very large majority of 164 votes, by adopting resolution called correct the map. Togo is delighted that this resolution was adopted. This decision has a simple requirement: the need to represent the world based on scientific truth and respecting the equal dignity of the people. Correcting the map is not just rectifying a geographical distortion, it's also correcting the perceptions that come with, in particular in education, in information and in public action. Correcting the map of the world on behalf of scientific truth, on behalf of responsibility, in the face of history, on behalf of justice and equity, on behalf of repairing cartographic map distortions that were inherited from the past in English. Ladies and gentlemen, the adoption of this resolution is not the end of our journey. The adoption of this resolution is now the beginning of our resolution. For us as Africans, the adoption of this resolution is far more than a cartographic decision. The adoption of this resolution is an act of recognition. The adoption of this resolution is an act of reparation. The adoption of this resolution is an act of justice. The adoption of this resolution is for justice in the world. That way. Today we have not redraw the world. We have corrected the way in which the world is represented. Togo intends to build on this historic momentum. We count on the continued mobilisation of member states of the United Nations and its agencies of regional organization, of scientific institutions and of technologies platforms to translate this resolution into concrete action. Because a resolution must not remain a text, a resolution must become action. Action must become knowledge. Knowledge must become education, and education must become understanding among peoples.
No more exploitation. Excellencies, The fourth power test is technology, and above all artificial intelligence. For centuries, power came from territory. Then industry. Then finance. Today, power increasingly comes from data, computing capacity and algorithms. This new power is highly concentrated. It is advancing at extraordinary speed. And racing ahead of our ability to understand its full consequences. In 2017, AI was barely on the world’s radar. Yet in my first address to the opening of the General Assembly, I warned – and I quote: “Artificial intelligence is a game changer that can boost development and transform lives in spectacular fashion. But it may also have a dramatic impact on labour markets and, indeed, on global security and the very fabric of societies.” Unquote. Here we are, almost a decade later. AI is indeed a game changer – with enormous promise to advance medicine, accelerate scientific discovery, expand opportunity, and improve lives. Make no mistake. The danger is not technology. The danger is technology without accountability: Capability without oversight. Decision-making without transparency. And that danger cannot be minimized. The very developers building these systems are now pulling the alarm. Excellencies, The first duty of government is to protect its people. Governments must assume their responsibilities. And governments with the greatest AI capabilities have the greatest responsibilities to humanity. To establish channels for dialogue, transparency, trust and cooperation. Not despite geopolitical rivalry – but precisely because of it. At a pivotal moment during the Cold War, strategic rivals came to recognize the need to manage shared existential risks. They built mechanisms to reduce misunderstandings, manage escalation, and prevent catastrophe. Artificial intelligence demands the same clarity of purpose and sense of urgency. Those countries leading this technological revolution must share information on emerging safety risks. Cooperate on testing and evaluation. And work towards common safeguards that protect us all. But because this affects us all, global coordination is indispensable. And there is only one place where every country has a voice in shaping our common future: The United Nations. Through the Global Digital Compact, you agreed for the first time on universal principles for AI governance. Through the Global Dialogue on AI Governance, we created a platform for governments, scientists, industry leaders and civil society to work together. Through the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, we have brought together global expertise to ensure that policy is guided by evidence. Just yesterday, the AI Scientific Panel released a thematic brief on AI safety and risks from loss of human control. Building on these efforts, we must take the next steps. First, to advance the conditions for the responsible pacing of AI and the additional safeguards needed to address risks. Second, to work towards a multilateral AI Risk Management Framework, supported by credible and independent oversight. And in all our efforts, we must ensure no country is left behind. Artificial intelligence must be shaped by humanity, with humanity, and for all humanity. And as we confront the challenges ahead, let us not retreat from two fundamental principles. Let us say with one voice: Children must never become the test subjects for unregulated systems. And let us resolve that life-and-death decisions must never be surrendered to machines. Killer robots must have no place in our future. Excellencies, Peace and security. Inequality.
In recent days, the debate has acquired a new sense of urgency and gravity. The message from the UN's Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, researchers in leading AI companies, and independent experts is increasingly clear: our ability to govern this technology is not keeping pace with its development. AI can bring enormous benefits to humanity, but without effective safeguards, it can also cause immense harm. We must therefore hold on to a basic principle: human beings must remain in control of technology, not become a subject to it. Technology should advance our common goals, and no system should ever operate beyond human responsibility and accountability. Nor we can allow an unchecked race for technological dominance to determine the future of AI, with the pressure to move first, pushing safety, oversight, and responsibility aside. More than 80 years ago, the Manhattan Project showed how rapidly a scientific breakthrough can transform the balance of power, and how difficult it is for politics and international rules to catch up. Artificial intelligence confronts us with a different technology and different risks, but with a similar lesson: governance that comes only after the fact may come too late. If AI is to serve humanity, it must develop within a framework of international rules. No country and no company can meet this challenge alone. We need common standards, meaningful public oversight, and clear mechanisms of accountability. The choice is not between innovation and rules.
Andorra experiences them from its mountains. Our geographical realities are very different, yet we share the same certainty: climate change is no longer a scientific projection, it is a reality that has already transformed people's lives. This year, Andorra has had the honor of hosting the global meeting of the Mountain Partnership, culminating in the adoption of the Andorra Declaration, which highlights the importance of improving connectivity in mountain areas, narrowing the digital divide, and strengthening resilience to natural hazards. We undertook this effort, convinced that mountains can no longer remain a peripheral element of the international climate agenda. They are far more than landscapes; they are freshwater reserves on which hundreds of millions of people depend, havens of exceptional biodiversity, and a privileged indicator of the effects of global warming. This very summer, we experienced temperatures that exceeded all known records. We have witnessed with concern the major wildfires that have affected regions very close to our country, and the catastrophe in Nepal has highlighted the dramatic effects that rising temperatures are having on glaciers and, consequently, on mountain regions. And we have once again confirmed that climate change is not a challenge for future generations; it has been part of our present for a long time. And the voices of mountain territories will be heard in major international climate negotiations. Our contributions may be modest in scale, but ambitious in commitment. We are moving toward a more resilient energy model, increasing, year after year, our renewable energy production, and preparing for a third voluntary national review on the SDGs. Ladies and gentlemen, artificial intelligence represents one of the most profound transformations humanity has ever known.
Saint Kitts and Nevis ratified a BBNJ agreement in 2025. Implementation now matters. Large ocean states need access to capacity building, marine technology, scientific knowledge, and financing, while benefits from marine genetics resources must be shared fairly. For island nations, the ocean is not the space between us and the world; it is our highway, heritage, livelihood, and lifeline.
Believing that climate change is a major factor affecting development, security and stability, Tunisia emphasizes that addressing this challenge requires a genuine climate justice, particularly since developing countries bear severe consequences despite their limited historical responsibility for emissions. Accordingly, countries with the greatest responsibility must fulfil their commitments regarding climate finance while maintaining a clear distinction between climate financing and development financing. Tunisia believes that achieving climate justice, comprehensive development and pandemic preparedness and response requires reform of the international financial architecture to make it more equitable, inclusive and fair, thus ensuring developing countries have easier and fairer access to financing, and enabling them to invest in scientific research, technology innovation and digital transformation, thereby reducing their debt burdens, strengthening their resilience and empowering them to relying on their own capacities and shaping their future.
In Africa, 60% of our population is under 25, the single greatest engine of innovation on earth. We must equip our youth with STEM education, digital literacy and technical training so they become co-creators in the global digital economy, not just consumers. Gender equality remains essential. When women lead, peace agreements last longer, economies grow faster and governance becomes more accountable. Liberia remains committed to full political, economic and social equality for women and girls. Liberia welcomes global efforts to govern new technologies, including the Secretary General's Independent International Scientific Panel on Artificial Intelligence. Developing nations must not be left behind as mere consumers of algorithms designed elsewhere. We must be supported in building true digital sovereignty. We join calls for binding ethical norms and greater regulation of artificial intelligence, particularly in warfare. Innovation must protect human development, not automate human destruction. Reforming global governance. Correcting historic injustice.
We should keep development at the center of the international agenda and jointly forge a global development partnership based on unity and equality, and that is balanced and inclusive. It is important to give priority to key areas including poverty reduction, food security and energy transition, step up resource input and increase support for countries in the global South. Developed countries should honor their commitment to development financing and climate financing. The international community should also build consensus and pool strength to formulate the post 2030 global development agenda. Facing a new scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, especially the dynamic development of artificial intelligence, we should take a people centered approach and develop AI for the positive and for good, narrow the digital divide and promote development that is universally beneficial. Both history and reality prove that countries can hardly achieve development without an open and cooperative international environment.
Multilateralism equipped to address the defining challenges of today peace, the climate emergency, economic insecurity and artificial intelligence. On artificial intelligence and its governance, we need an accountable, transparent and regulated architecture. We need an AI that serves humanity, not controls it. We must always be in the driving seat, setting a safe and secure pace of innovation and development. The artificial intelligence industry cannot be regulated by a few major global companies, and the United Nations must play a central role in setting global standards through the United Nations Global Digital Compact, the Independent International Scientific Panel, and the Global Dialogue on AI governance. Excellencies, the United Nations must remain at the center of the multilateral system. The United Nations is under pressure from geopolitical polarization, financial constraints, and institutional shortcomings.
We must balance robust protection for vulnerable communities while safeguarding accountability and legitimate expression. Coordinated interventions by governments, companies, civil societies indeed, all of us are needed to push back against hate. Excellencies. While peace and security, human rights and sustainable development are perennial concerns in this hall artificial intelligence, including artificial general intelligence, has moved from the margins of our discussions to the center. Four years ago, AI was raised in this hall by only five delegations. This year, 128 delegations addressed it, and this number was more than those who spoke on climate change and human rights. Leader after leader recognized the extraordinary potential of AI to transform public services, accelerate scientific discovery advance sustainable development and expand access to knowledge while pointing out potential risks arising from it. Many framed AI as a question of governance. Who designs it, who benefits? Who bears the risks, and who is accountable when harm occurs? A delegation emphasized a principle that should guide us all. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. That is the right starting point. AI governance must be human centred, inclusive and attentive to the needs of developing countries. It must prevent a new divide in which a smaller number of countries and companies control the data, computing power and rules that shape everyone's future.
And then there's energy. Bhutan is expanding its renewable energy capacity towards 25GW by 2040. That electricity will power GMC and the industries of the future. Advanced manufacturing, scientific research, artificial intelligence and data centers. Clean, renewable power. But GMC has another type of power, a power Bhutan has cultivated for centuries. Spiritual power. GMC is being developed as a global centre for Vajrayana Buddhism. Spiritual masters from across the Buddhist world are already building monasteries, retreat centers, libraries and institutions of learning. So imagine what will exist side by side. Entrepreneurs and monks, artificial intelligence and human consciousness, data centers and meditation centers. The newest technology humanity has created alongside some of the world's oldest traditions for understanding the human mind. Is that a contradiction? No. In fact, that is the point. GMC is not asking investors to choose between commercial success and quality of life.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, imagine if nuclear weapons were developed by private companies. If stockpiles were located on company grounds and launch codes locked away in a safe in a CEO's office. It's a disturbing thought. When a technology has the power to fundamentally change the world, possibly even determine the fate of humanity, we need to ask who controls it? Who sets the rules? Who's accountable? Today, humankind faces another technological revolution that raises exactly this question. Engineers have developed a technology that does not need to be launched from a rocket or a submarine to change the course of history. I am, of course, talking about artificial intelligence, a technology with seemingly unlimited power. In the wrong hands, it can upend our economies and threaten our livelihoods. It has the potential to erode trust within our societies by spreading information that appears real, but is in fact fake. AI can endanger the infrastructure that keeps our societies running. And ultimately, it can influence decisions that determine global peace and security. At the same time, artificial intelligence holds extraordinary promise. It can accelerate scientific discovery improve health care and education all over the world, provide opportunities for economic development, overcome inequalities, and help us address challenges that no country can solve alone. Just imagine a world where, with the help of AI, we can prevent famine and cure cancer. This is precisely what makes AI so powerful, for better or for worse. But there is a critical tension. Only two major countries are home to the companies holding the vast majority of all global AI patents. That puts an enormous amount of influence in the hands of a very few. Such power carries responsibility not only towards customers, shareholders or governments, but also to humanity. And wherever power becomes global, responsibility must become global, too.
This purpose binds our national advancement to our continent's progress, and to our responsibility to contribute to a peaceful, equitable and prosperous world. We understand that governments and multilateral institutions earn trust when their decisions improve lives. Yet none of these gains will matter if we turn a deaf ear to the threats gathering around our borders and farther afield. We inhabit the only planet known to sustain human life, and as long as that scientific fact holds, we cannot pretend that we are insulated from conflicts elsewhere. Geography offers no exemption from the consequences of a fractured world.
Geneva is one such space. It is home to the UN, the WTO and numerous other international organizations, as well as scientific ones, humanitarian actors, representatives of civil society and permanent missions of almost every country in the world. Every day, people from different backgrounds representing interests that are sometimes at odds with one another come together here. They do not need to agree in order to talk to one another. That is exactly what gives such a place its value. Switzerland will therefore continue as the host state to ensure that Geneva remains open, accessible and inclusive for large states and small for the North and the South. But inclusion is not merely about having a seat at the table. It also means being able to make a real contribution to decisions that will affect one's own future.
In consistently promoting education and scientific cooperation as important pillars of peacebuilding, Turkmenistan will continue its engagement with the United Nations on the initiative to establish a University of Peace and Neutrality. As a practical first step, we will begin consultations on the establishment of an academic center for peace, neutrality and Preventive Diplomacy at the Institute of International Relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan. Distinguished participants. Digital transformation is becoming an increasingly important factor in sustainability and development. Artificial intelligence offers broad opportunities while also requiring responsible international governance to prevent its use to the detriment of peace, security and trust.
Our efforts to address climate-related challenges continue to face unjustifiable obstacles, mainly from those contributing significantly to greenhouse gas emissions. Global efforts to address climate challenges are being frustrated by withdrawal of financial contributions supporting climate adaptation measures and initiatives by international and regional institutions, as well as individual states. Let us prioritize delivery on the pledges for climate action by increasing long-term concessional financing and deployment of new technology. On this agenda, Tanzania chose to address the just energy transition component through different measures. Some of these measures include, implementation of the national renewable energy strategy that comprises 2,115MW Julius Nyerere Hydro Power Project, 650MW solar and wind power projects, 130MW geothermal power projects, and the National Clean Cooking Strategy, which aims to ensure that 80% of households adopt clean cooking by 2034. In our efforts to reduce the use of fossil fuels, we have also opted for the electric railway to link the port of Dar es Salaam and neighboring countries of Burundi and DRC. We, therefore, appeal that climate financing be provided as grants and concessional financing to step up efforts on climate action. Tanzania joins Small Islands and Coastal States in pushing for a workable solution to address sea-level rise. We commend the President for convening today the HighLevel Event addressing the existential threats posed by sea-level rise, and we look forward to the adoption of the UN Declaration on Sea-Level Rise, which will provide a comprehensive framework for international cooperation, scientific advancement, adaptation resilience, and legal stability.
Global progress must uphold the spirit of humanity in relations among nations, safeguard their legitimate interests and respect differences in history, culture and development conditions. Third, we must proactively shape technology governance so that progress serves humanity and our common development. Science, technology, digital transformation and artificial intelligence are opening up unprecedented opportunities, but they are also presenting new challenges. The future of technology does not automatically guarantee equitability, and technological progress must help narrow divides and expand development opportunities, rather than creating new forms of dependency or new sources of conflict. We need to develop inclusive, safe, transparent and accountable principles and governance frameworks to ensure that technologies will be in service of the people while respecting national sovereignty digital sovereignty and the right to development. Developing countries must be able to participate substantively in rulemaking, receive support for infrastructure and digital capacity, and enjoy equitable access to the benefits of scientific and technological progress. Vietnam's hosting of the signing ceremony for the UN Convention Against Cybercrime in Hanoi last year reflects our desire to make substantive contributions to global digital cooperation. Vietnam stands ready to work with partners to strengthen cooperation and build capacity in preventing and combating cyber crime so that people may live safely and benefit from technological progress. We also stand ready to support international initiatives on green and digital transformation, and the development of effective governance frameworks, so that science and technology can truly become drivers of shared development.
Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen, we also re affirm our determination to mobilize Congolese living abroad. Our diaspora is a human benefit and intellectual one, scientific and economic one. Its competencies, its experience, its investments, commitment are needed to accelerate our own development. We need all of our children to realize our human capital.
We are promoting an agenda which we can all get behind a unifying agenda. Concrete ideas and projects. Today, what's coming to the fore is the topic of international information security. Clearly, the UN should play a central role in these discussions, not other narrow fora. In October of last year in Hanoi, at Russia's behest, the UN convention against Cybercrime was opened for signature. We welcome the establishment of the first standing global UN mechanism, which seeks to help implement the convention. The UN shoulders a special responsibility given the fast paced development of AI technologies. Generally recognized rules for the use of AI should be underpinned on an equal foundation with the participation of all countries. The start of the work of the Global Dialogue on AI governance and the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI. We believe these are steps in the right direction.
Today, peoples and nations have an opportunity to make a qualitative leap in their overall living conditions through their financing mechanism for development and tools provided by artificial intelligence in order to improve education, health, agriculture, public service, scientific research and economic productivity. In this regard, I consider that the Global Digital Compact opens new prospects for cooperation to bridge the digital divide, expand digital public infrastructure, promote training and innovation, strengthen cybersecurity, and build more inclusive, secure and human centred governance of artificial intelligence. To that end, I believe there's a need to strengthen North-South, South-South and triangular cooperation in order to make the digital revolution in an instrument of inclusion, sovereignty and development, rather than a source of dependence and inequality.
We are entering a new era of artificial intelligence, biotechnology and science. Technology is advancing very rapidly, but its opportunities are still not equally accessible to all. Bangladesh's large young population and growing digital capabilities have created new possibilities for us. To harness these opportunities, access to advanced technology, knowledge and research must be brought within everyone's reach. We do not want today's digital divide to become tomorrow's artificial intelligence divide. Bangladesh respects innovation and intellectual property. At the same time, it is essential to ensure technology transfer, skills development and affordable access to modern technologies for developing countries. No country should be left behind in this scientific advancement. Bangladesh stands ready to work together to build a fair and prosperous future for all. It is now time for the United Nations to adopt an effective policy framework, so that the benefits of the development and rapid expansion of artificial intelligence and social media can be harnessed positively across countries. Mr. president.
Access to our minerals will be contingent upon mandatory value generation in our territory, technology transfer and the supply of strategic national sectors. Mr. president, we are living through unprecedented technological revolution with great risks and opportunities. It would be an unforgivable historical omission not to address the challenge of regulating the big techs and artificial intelligence. A handful of techno-oligarchs want to resurrect a version of digital ultra liberalism without rules or transparency. They are promoting a race with no ethical boundaries, bypassing the United Nations and the Scientific panel on Artificial Intelligence. As Pope Leo warned, decisions about technology should, quote, should never be separated from awareness and responsibility. End of quote. Companies that are aware of the risks of their products are transferring the impossible task of confronting algorithms to the families. The billion dollar betting industry turns addiction into profit. Its exponential dissemination is increasing debt levels and destroying homes. Brazil will not tolerate this business model. We passed one of the most advanced pieces of legislation in the world to protect children, adolescents and women in the digital environment. We will ensure fair compensation for artists, musicians and audiovisual content creators. We will not give in to pressure from multinationals that want to privatize our PIX, a free public payment infrastructure that has made financial inclusion a reality for millions of Brazilians. Ladies and gentlemen, the Sustainable Development Goals are currently under attack from reactionary forces that wish to normalize injustices.
Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the Global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars justice and representation and decision making, justice and the application of the law and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes. Notably, sovereign equality among states respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. president, if justice in the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction.
We also call for the strengthening of the rules based multilateral trading system and for fair, transparent and equitable mechanisms for resolving trade disputes. Mr. president, the rapid evolution of digital and emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, is already shaping economic, social and institutional developments across the globe. We support the General Assembly resolution establishing the Global dialogue on AI governance, and we welcome the work being done by the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI. For Mauritius, digital innovation is a developmental imperative.
We also want to make sure that developed countries can fully fulfill their commitment to development and financial action. For Mozambique, as one of the countries that is more vulnerable in the world, climate change translates into losses in life, displaced families, destroyed crops, and damaged infrastructures cyclically. The cyclones demonstrate that resilience is now an environmental, economic, and food security, social, and development issue, and increasingly one of peace and security in all the world. We therefore reiterate the need to increase funding for adaptation, facilitate access to climate funds, operationalize the loss and damage mechanisms, and invest in early warning systems and resilient infrastructure. Mozambique remains highly vulnerable to extreme weather events— floods, inundations, cyclones— and we are concerned with the El Niño that might have potential severe impacts in the central and southern parts of the country, especially when it comes to drought, food insecurity, and livelihood. Their preparedness and international cooperation will be essential to mitigate these impacts in a context where humanitarian needs are already facing a severe funding shortfall in the whole world. Mr. President, digital transformation demands the same solidarity that we are talking about, because Africa must not limit itself to supplying the minerals that fuel the world's innovation hubs. We need to have investment in connectivity, computing capacity, scientific research, training of young people in Africa, technology transfer, governance, ethics for AI, in the spirit of partnership that builds capacity and promotes autonomy of our sovereign states.
Say our name. Naoero. Mr. president, Naoero is an ocean state. We are not merely guardians of the ocean, but rightful participants in its future. For Naoero, the ocean represents both opportunity and responsibility. Never one without the other. Both are essential, or the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea is left hollow. Today I focus on a part of it that belongs to no one, the deep seabed area beyond national jurisdiction. Mr. president, the convention established the International Seabed Authority and charged it with a clear legal obligation to put in place regulations and regulate activities in parallel with sponsoring states. Its role is not to determine whether deep seabed mining is, as a matter of public policy, a correct course of action. Naoero joined trusting in the commitment set out in the convention and the 1994 agreement. For 15 years, Naoero has invested critical resources in sponsoring the exploration of a portion of the deep seabed. Our sponsored entity, NORI or Nauru Ocean Resources, has contributed about one petabyte of data more than one third of all Clarion-Clipperton Zone data held in the authority's DeepData. We called on the authority to seek an advisory opinion on the responsibilities of sponsoring states, and we followed it. We established a national regulator with the powers and due diligence obligations that opinion requires. At every stage, our decisions have rested on the best available scientific evidence, on the convention and on that opinion. At every stage, we have called for the mining code to be finished, and when progress stalled, we looked to the 1994 agreement and invoked the two year rule. We were told then that we were rushing. That was five years ago, and today the rules remain unwritten. We are participating in the first contentious proceedings before the Seabed Disputes Chamber, because our obligations as a sponsoring state require legal clarity. For 15 years, we have done everything a member state can do, consistent with our obligations as a sponsoring state. And today we continue to wait. Mr. president, there is a general understanding within the authority's council that nothing is agreed until everything is agreed, and that the regulations will be adopted by consensus. Achieving that is a great challenge for an institution whose members remain deeply divided on whether deep seabed mining should proceed at all, a question the convention never asked the authority to decide. Naoero welcomes every effort to ensure that seabed mineral development proceeds responsibly, and I ask this Assembly to reckon with this. A principle declared in 1970 and a bargain struck in 1994, both in this hall still wait for the rules that would give them effect. When a multilateral process cannot deliver, the world does not stand still. Those with the means to act will not wait. And every year of delay makes that more likely not less. That is why the theme of this session matters. A multilateral system that cannot deliver for a state like mine does not deliver for all. That holds here, in this assembly and in any institution we build. Naoero therefore calls upon the authority to let the waiting end.
AI can be a powerful accelerator of human progress; therefore, we must not close the door to innovation. At the same time, we must address AI’s potential harms, including job losses and widening of the digital divide. We cannot also rule out the possibility that AI, particularly artificial general intelligence, or AGI, could affect human survival. That demands prudent and reliable guardrails, based on scientific evidence, to safeguard the global public interest, while allowing innovation to go forward. Governments must remain at the heart of this endeavour. But governments do not have a monopoly on expertise, capital, technology, innovation or influence. Much of that experience and capacity already lies with businesses, innovators, civil society and others. We need to unlock the doors of the United Nations to those developing and using AI. Not someday. Now. We are falling further behind each day. AI differs from earlier proliferation challenges in one critical respect: it is already embedded in nearly every facet of our lives, in our water systems, electricity grids, health records, economies and militaries. We cannot allow an arms race for control of AI to carry us over the precipice. There is clear precedent for United Nations engagement with world-changing developments. We did so on nuclear non-proliferation; through the Montreal Protocol to protect the ozone layer; and with the United Nations Declaration on Human Cloning in 2005. We need experts, innovators, industry leaders, scientists, civil society, and academia all working together on the issues of our times. (PAUSE) Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, We have an opportunity in this session to show that we have learned from what works; that we are prepared to confront what does not; and that we can build a United Nations capable not simply of surviving change, but of shaping it. To seize that opportunity, we must be realistic enough to confront hard truths, bold enough to reform, and inclusive enough to bring the right people to the table.
Artificial intelligence, which we've heard so many times from the podium this week, is arguably the most urgent frontier. AI offers with extraordinary potential, but its capability is advancing faster than our appreciation of its risks. There are fundamentally three categories of risk. First, the loss of control of autonomous systems. Second, that rogue actors could use AI to create bioweapons or other weapons of mass destruction or mass disruption. Third, the economic, the social the political domestic disruptions are only just emerging. But excellencies, the genie is already out of the bottle. It is too late to call for a halt, especially given the superpower rivalry and the huge financial incentives for companies who already have frontier models. But let me offer a metaphor of driving a high performance car. To drive a high performance car quickly and safely, you need a powerful engine. But equally, you need good brakes. And especially if you are going to go beyond your neighborhood or cross boundaries, you need effective shared rules, traffic lights, insurance norms of behavior, seat belts. The engine is innovation. Every one of us has to continue to invest in science, the talent, and the infrastructure that will drive AI forward. For small states, this entails especially developing our people, equipping them with the skills necessary to master and deploy AI quickly, widely, at scale and safely. The real productivity gains from AI comes not from the IT department, but from our businesses and workers having the skills, the tools and the wherewithal to engineer their work processes, workflow by workflow. That's where the cutting edge of value creation arises. But having said that, every powerful engine needs good brakes, safeguards. As the capabilities of AI advance, our safeguards must keep pace. We need rigorous testing and evaluation before deployment. We need clear limits on what autonomous systems can do and mechanisms to intervene when they behave in ways we do not intend. And since the risks from AI do not remain confined behind borders, it means we also need rules of the road that will form a shared global understanding of how we will collectively confront this challenge. Just as all of us instinctively understand traffic lights the same way, whether we're here in New York or in Beijing, Moscow or Singapore. Most importantly, human beings must ultimately remain in control and accountable. Let me give you an extreme thought experiment. Do you want the nuclear button to be in the hands of a human being or an AI? Think about that. The scarce resource today is not legal architecture or technology. It is trust. Trust that the risks will be disclosed, that testing will be comprehensive and credible, and that cooperation will be inclusive and not be used to secure unilateral advantage. The technology has already become an arena for strategic competition precisely when international cooperation is most needed. Any durable international approach must give all states a meaningful stake. Not only those who already have the most advanced models, or the deepest pockets, or the largest set of armaments. So the question is how do we build trust? We begin with the science. Even where states have differences on governance, I believe it is possible for us to work together to collectively understand the capabilities and risks of AI models, to develop comparable methods for testing and evaluation, and to report serious incidents quickly across borders. We are not starting from zero. If you carefully go through what we already have today, the UN's Independent International Scientific Panel on AI already helps to establish a common understanding based on evidence. The Global Dialogue on AI Governance can help to translate that common understanding into common objectives, and the ITU's AI for Good Global Commission brings together leaders from government, industry and international institutions to discuss challenges and to come up with practical solutions. We must urgently establish common rules and safeguards for AI, and we should build on the many ongoing discussions in different formats and groupings. And here I want to make a point: the UN, the United Nations has a critical role to play in building convergence, because this is the only apex international institution with universal membership. We must explore all options, including the idea of a UN framework Convention on AI safeguards. We may also need an international institution that can perform for AI some of the functions that currently exist for institutions that perform this function of setting common technical standards and the examples are the International Telecommunications Union, which provides all the International Atomic Energy Agency, which provides verification. Ultimately, the global commons are best protected by collective action agreed through an inclusive process, and Singapore commits to contribute where we can. This week we joined the call for greater safety and security of frontier AI models, and I'm glad that this was led by Finland and Norway. We will continue to contribute through platforms such as the Digital Pillar for the Forum of Small States, and by making our governance frameworks and testing tools available to all. But the work of building trust and laying the ground for global cooperation must begin now.
Today, however, these ideas are not only being called into question; they are being attacked by political actors and governments that want to take us back to a dark past. And I don't need to point them out; we all know who they are and what their modus operandi is. They start by questioning the rules, then they break them, knowing full well that nobody will dare to hold them accountable. They cut their contributions to multilateral bodies like this one. They point to their leaders and officials. They obstruct these organizations' ability to act, to then write them off as useless entities that we can do without. What they're doing, nevertheless, is a planned and coordinated demolition attempt that is presented as something that we can't stop and that's necessary. However, the reality is that it runs counter to the structural currents of history and is based on three misguided pillars. The first of these pillars is selfishness, the absurd belief that the world is a zero-sum game, where some winning must imply that others losing. The second pillar is ignorance, disregarding scientific evidence and assuming that there are countries that are so powerful that they can abuse all of the others and they don't need anyone else to prosper. And the third pillar, the worst in my opinion, is cruelty. Cruelty that isn't even moved when it sees the ribs of a starving child or a hospital reduced to rubble. Over these 8 years, I've seen these selfish, ignorant, and cruel forces grow. I've seen how they took off their masks and seized power in many places. And then I saw them start illegal wars, massacre innocent civilians. I've seen them treat millions of human beings like livestock and take away aid from those suffering the most, from poverty and disease. I've seen them pollute the atmosphere and also the ocean as if it's their own property, and conspire to destroy this organization and everything it represents. I'm saying this because bearing witness to these things has changed the way that I understand the world. However, it hasn't led me to lose hope. Because also, over these 8 years, I've seen wonderful things that allow me to still have confidence in humanity. For example, I've seen millions of people mobilized to defend nature, peace, and civil rights. I've seen thousands of activists and public servants confront these reactionary powers, knowing full well that they're putting their professional careers and even their own lives at risk. I've seen scientists make progress that we thought was impossible. And I've seen many governments do things right, opting for cooperation, social justice, and environmental sustainability. All of this has taught me something that I want to share with all of you, and that is that humanity is not intrinsically good or bad. Humanity can actually be both. And every day, every year, and in each and every crisis, we must decide how to act. The United Nations is one of these spaces where these decisions are made at the highest level. And the UN doesn't always do it well. Of course, I myself, on several occasions, have called out the contradictions and lackings of this body. However, with the same belief, I must call out the fact that the majority of the voices that today insist on criticizing the United Nations are not describing its failure; what they're doing is trying to cause its failure. And I must also say that multilateralism is the best tool that humanity has to manage its diversity and its interdependence, especially in a globalized and multipolar world like the world we're living in today. And this is why what we need to do is ramp up our trust in this organization. We must renew it and strengthen it so that this century it can play the same key role that it played last century. And doing this will not be easy. However, the good news is that all of the guidance we need is right here, in the United Nations Charter. In this charter, they wrote the best chapters. Our forefathers wrote it, the men and women who saw the world burn, and even then, they dared to imagine a better future. These men and women laid down their wisdom and their hope in this charter. And they didn't ask us to keep it in a glass case. They asked us to fulfill it. They asked us to defend it, and for us to turn back to it in times of uncertainty and extraordinary difficulty. And today is one of those times. And therefore, it's our duty to rise to the courage and the ambition present in this text, in the United Nations Charter. And this is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to reform the Security Council so that all of the regions in the world have fair representation, and so that we can do away with the right of veto of the permanent members. Because as the UN Charter sets out, no country should be judged in its own case, no matter how powerful they are. We therefore need to strengthen all of the other main bodies and reorganize the agencies, funds and programs, and provide them with more resources and more executive capacity so that they can have a more decisive impact on the great challenges that beset humanity. We must strengthen bodies like the International Criminal Court so that they can investigate, prosecute, and punish those that break the rules. It took humanity centuries to replace might is right with the rule of law. And we must not be the generation that backtracks on this. It's for this very reason that we must rebuild the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament architecture to avoid a poorly designed security policy that brings us back to another global conflict. And we must impose strict regulations on the tech oligarchs who control the functioning of social networks and the development of artificial intelligence. Because at the end of the day, the future of our children is more important than the pockets of these tech oligarchs. And of course, doing all of these things will require compromise, time, strong leadership, being able to build agreements, to listen, to look beyond our known reality, and imagine a better alternative. And what I'm advocating for, for this leadership, is very clear. Nine men have served as Secretary-General of this organization in its 80 years of existence.
What we're witnessing here is a milestone in terms of the transformation of humankind. If it is employed properly, it will bring about unprecedented development in health care, the environment, productive processes, and in the lives of human beings in general. Governments, the technology sector, and the scientific community have the overwhelming responsibility to ensure that we do not stray from the constructive and vital purposes of AI; it must benefit the citizens. That is its overriding purpose, and we must not widen the digital divide and digital inequality throughout the world.
Water security is integral to climate resilience and sustainable development. Zambia, therefore attaches great importance to international cooperation on water and has actively participated in the preparatory process of the 2026 United Nations Water Conference. Together with Finland, Zambia is co-chairing the Interactive Dialogue on Water for cooperation, focusing on transboundary and international water cooperation, scientific cooperation and inclusive governance.
As we witness the accelerating technological revolution, we cannot accept that Africa would remain on the margins or simply become a consumer of its outputs. Here we note the need to invest in the African person to build scientific and digital capacities, so that artificial intelligence becomes a tool for development, not a new label for another development gap between the North and the South. We call for a balanced and responsible international regulation of artificial intelligence that would guarantee equitable access to its benefits, that would preserve the sovereignty of states, and that would transform this revolution into a shared opportunity, rather than an exclusive privilege or monopoly in the hands of a few. In the end, we return to the question where we began how do we restore trust? Trust is restored when words match actions, trust is restored when the law is applied equally to all, trust is restored.
During the pandemic, bodies under the auspices of this House put themselves before scientific evidence and the sovereignty of nations and promoted forced lockdown policies throughout the world that ruined jobs, that ruined the education of entire generations of children, and cost the lives of millions of people who died alone without basic medical care. Where some allege a public health policy error, we see a global experiment in social control disguised as science. And when a state wearing public health blinkers deprives its population of the right to work, to receive an education, and to bid farewell to their dead, this results in millions of unavoidable deaths, there is a word for it: genocide. That happens in many countries, including Argentina, which boasted of being the World Health Organization's star pupil. And that is why we decided to leave the World Health Organization. Added to that is something more subtle but equally damaging: the psychological terror instilled by the state. For years, citizens around the world were told that they should be afraid. Afraid of their neighbors, of the air they breathe, of leaving their homes. That fear wasn't a mere side effect. It was the chosen instrument of their government. The problem is that emergencies eventually pass. Fear passes.
And very often the countries with the least economic room to maneuver bear the greatest burden in proportionate terms. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea confers rights, but it also imposes obligations. The safety of navigation, the protection of the marine environment, and respect for the rights of coastal states. A smaller navy doesn't mean fewer rights, nor does a larger one confer the right to impose its will. No country should have to surrender the rights the law gives simply because another can send more ships. That is why maritime disputes must be settled by law, not by intimidation. And that is why freedom of navigation depends on common rules, so that every country can exercise its rights while respecting those of others, but keeping our sea routes open also means keeping them safe all the way into our ports. The International Ship and Port Facility Security Code, the famous ISPS code offers a very concrete example of what multilateralism can achieve when it works. Piracy, terrorism and crime are scourges that we must fight together, and that code must be strengthened. Belgium understands its importance. Freedom and security are not opposing ideas. Security is a condition of freedom. I dwell on freedom of navigation because it illustrates something larger. Sovereignty doesn't require isolation. We can defend our interests while accepting that others have rights too. And when rules are clear and predictable enough, a space of competition can still remain a space of cooperation. The ocean, moreover, are far more than the highways of our trades. They feed populations, regulate our climates, and absorb much of the excess heat caused by global warming. For many small island states, rising sea levels affect the land on which the citizens live, in some cases, the culture and the very ability to remain where the families have lived for generations. The freedom to use the ocean, therefore, comes with a responsibility to preserve it. And on this point, allow me to be optimistic. The BBNJ Agreement entered into force this year after almost 20 years of negotiations, almost 20 years. Measured against a political cycle, this is close to an eternity. Measured against the building of international law, it is sometimes the time needed to reach a compromise strong enough to last. The agreement proves that even today, we continue to build international law rather than dismantle it, and Belgium has invested greatly in this process. It helped launch the Blue Leaders, a coalition of countries working to protect at least 30% of the ocean by 2030 and secure an ambitious high sea treaty. The agreement now gives us an essential tool to advance toward that protection goal. But 20 years of negotiations must not be followed by years of waiting. It is in that spirit that Belgium is offering to host the treaty's future secretariat in Brussels. We are ready to enable it to work from day one. It will be able to draw on our scientific expertise and on a community that brings together international organizations, embassies and civil society so that we have agreed together becomes real protection at sea. Beneath those same oceans run other vital routes: the cables that connect the continents and carry much of our digital communications and energy. Here too, our interdependence is plain to see. A break, an act of sabotage or an attack can have consequences thousands of kilometers away. Protecting those connections is essential, but our responsibility in the digital world doesn't end with infrastructure.
We're continuing the gradual expansion of universal health coverage, in particular through free maternity care, improved maternal and newborn care, vaccination, access to essential medicines, the strengthening of the healthcare workforce, and by expanding social protections. Mr. President, every health crisis confirms the same truth. Health sovereignty is built before emergencies. It is based upon accessible healthcare systems, robust epidemiological surveillance, high-performing laboratories, well-funded research, and above all, the trust of the population. In this regard, the Ebola virus outbreak caused by the Bundibugyo strain remains a major test for our country. For the DRC, fighting this epidemic is an absolute priority. After having contained 16 previous outbreaks, the DRC is mobilizing recognized scientific and operational expertise. And thanks to national mobilization and the support of our partners, the response has recently begun producing tangible results. In addition, clinical trials are now underway to evaluate vaccines and treatments for this strain in particular. I'd like to pay tribute to the Congolese and foreign healthcare workers, researchers, communities, and our partners, especially the WHO and the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, or the Africa CDC, for their invaluable support to the DRC in eradicating this disease and strengthening resilience to it. Mr. President, this need for resilience does not stop at the boundaries of health. It is also vital when it comes to climate disruptions, whose effects are already putting our societies under growing pressure: flooding, droughts, and erosion, not to mention population displacement, are threatening our stability.
Artificial intelligence will transform professions, industries, and the ways in which decisions are made. Energy will be governed by a new configuration and a new logic of operation. Climate change will affect economies, agriculture, cities and the movement of people. Demographic change will reshape labour markets and social protection systems. Security will no longer depend on armies and borders, but also on power grids, data centers, cables, satellites, algorithms and trust in the information we receive every day. And yet today, as we prepare for the future, millions of people are living through war or under the threat of war. More than 100 million people have been displaced by force, more than 270 million children and young people are not in the school. This is the paradox of our time. Humanity has never possessed such immense scientific and technological capabilities, and yet it has never been more evident that technological capability does not automatically produce political wisdom. That is why the real question before this assembly is not simply how we will manage the crisis of 2026. The real question is this: what kind of international order will we leave to the generation that is entering school today? For a small size country like mine, this is not an academic question. It is a question of survival. 33 years ago, since we become a part of the United Nations, the world looked very different. The Cold War had ended. There was hope that a new era was beginning, an era in which cooperation would gradually replace confrontation. Our region, however, was living through a very different reality. Yugoslavia was disintegrating in bloodshed. Wars were being fought just beyond our borders. The fear that the violence might spread was real. And yet my country chose peace. It chose stability. It was in those circumstances on our territory that the United Nations did something it had never done before. It established the first preventive peacekeeping mission in the history of the organization. That experience left a profound lesson in our national memory, a lesson to which I will return towards the end of my speech. Peace does not begin when war ends. Peace begins when politics is wise enough to prevent war from beginning. Perhaps that is why small countries sometimes see international politics differently. Great powers have room for strategic shifts that small sized states simply do not have. For a great power, a mistaken geopolitical calculation may mean a change of strategy. For a small sized country, the same mistake can mean a lost decade. That is why we cannot afford to be indifferent to the rules, nor can we afford to believe that the rules will defend themselves. The world taking shape before us is a world of sharper competition. Power is being redistributed.
AI is already transforming how we work, learn and govern, and it is clear that its potential is extraordinary. We have found that it has great capacity to detect disease earlier, predict disasters, improve agriculture, and expand access to education and public services. And yet, these same extraordinary systems can just as quickly reproduce discrimination, widen surveillance, and spread falsehoods faster than institutions can respond. We must not allow a new technological age to reproduce all hierarchies of access and power. And this is why Barbados is so honored to host the second in-person meeting of the Independent International Scientific Panel on Artificial Intelligence, which will be held in November of this year. We recognize that yesterday's Security Council encounter may well and should speed on the question of how we, as a global community, deals with this issue. In this growing age of AI, governance cannot be left to voluntary corporate practices or to a small number of technologically advanced states. We need globally agreed rules that protect human dignity, preserve meaningful human oversight, and ensure that the benefits of AI are shared widely and equitably. I caution a technology that will affect every state must be governed by the rules that every state has had the opportunity to shape. Mr. President, exactly 65 years ago that great Caribbean, French, African intellectual and psychiatrist Frantz Fanon published what has now become a classic, The Wretched of the Earth. And across the vast range of observations and analysis that he made in that extraordinarily lucid and prescient book, he said the following. What matters today is the issue which blocks the horizon is the need for a redistribution of wealth.
This is what France has tried to do over the last few years, working on the basis of joint scientific works we've instituted a number of bills to ensure that we restitute cultural artifacts in a way, forging a partnership in the name of culture, history and remembrance. And this with a number of countries of the South, for instance, with Ghana and together with all interested parties, all interested partners, we will work on restorative justice reparations. This is a matter of respect, and it is on this respect that the partnership between the North and the South will be built. Moving on global trade, it needs to be more effective and more equitable.
