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And taking the floor at this General Assembly, I feel the weight of history. More than 80 years ago, in the wake of a war that plunged the world into chaos, Haiti, a founding member of the United Nations, joined the nations of the world to make a pledge for peace, for dialogue and respect for human dignity. Today, while deadly crises and conflicts have proliferated and the climate emergency is intensifying and new divisions are threatening stability in Haiti and throughout the world, this founding endeavor is being put to the test. It is imperative that, given the crises that Haiti is grappling with and given those that are causing so much upheaval throughout the world, it is imperative for nations to close ranks around what is essential. That is peace, security and the well-being of all peoples. This is the whole point of the topic that brings us together this year. Mr. president, I congratulate you on your election as president of the General Assembly. I also wish to hail the Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to peace. I still remember fondly his visit to Port-au-Prince on the 16th of June 2026, which bore witness to his solidarity toward the Haitian people. In these difficult times that our country is undergoing, Haiti wishes to extend its gratitude to all of its partners and friends that have continued to stand by its side. In this regard, I would like to hail the commitment of the United Nations system, and especially the commitment of the Security Council and that of the Organization of American States, Caricom and the European Union, whose support remains essential. More than ever, I want to pay a particular tribute to the kindred peoples who, by contributing to the gang suppression force and supporting its full rollout, have chosen to share with us the burden of fighting for peace and security. Haiti will never forget the solidarity nor their sacrifices. I also want to underscore the privileged partnership with the United States of America and the steadfast support of Canada and the invaluable assistance of our partners such as France, Chile and Mexico in the modernization of our national security capacity. Also, the opening of the Dominican Republic to dialogue and its advocacy for a sustainable resolution to the Haitian crisis. I express my gratitude for that. Finally, we wish to recognize the Integrated Office in Haiti, the funds and programs present on the ground, as well as all of our multilateral partners.
As a frontline state in combating the menace of terrorism, we have fought terrorists in our own cities, in our own mountains, and along our frontier. Pakistan sacrificed almost 100,000 precious lives and suffered economic losses exceeding $150 billion. The world is safer today. And let me say this in all humility, the world is safer today, thanks to the valuable sacrifices of our valiant armed forces and brave civilians who took on these terrorists and mercenaries. The peace loving world must never forget this reality. Afghan territory continues to be exploited by the TTP, Fitna al-Khawarij, and the BLA, Fitna al-Hindustan. These foreign funded groups operate from sanctuaries inside Afghanistan with the aim of destabilising Pakistan. All such attacks, including incursions from the territory of Afghanistan, must come to a grinding halt. The Afghan authorities must fulfill their international commitment and take verifiable, decisive action to ensure that Afghan soil is never again used against Pakistan or any other country. Fundamental rights of the Afghan people, especially women and girls, must be respected under all circumstances. Mr. president, United Nations peacekeeping remains one of the strongest expressions of collective security. For decades, Pakistani men and women have served under the blue flag, protecting civilians and helping countries emerge from conflict.
Let me begin by paying my deepest respect to all the martyred freedom fighters of Bangladesh. I respectfully remember the contributions of those who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the struggle to establish democracy, justice and people's rights in our country since independence. I also pay my sincere respect to all those who were martyred and injured in the mass uprising of courageous students and people in July August 2024 against fascism. After more than a decade and a half of movement and struggle against fascist rule and exploitation, and through the sacrifice of thousands of lives, Bangladesh is now free from fascism. In a free, fair and impartial national election held on 12th February this year, the people entrusted the Bangladesh Nationalist Party BNP with the responsibility of governing the country. I congratulate the democracy loving people of Bangladesh. We believe that the people are the source of all our political power. Standing on this world stage of the United Nations, I am somewhat nostalgic at this moment. It was from this very world stage that my father, Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman, the proclaimer of Bangladesh's independence and my mother, former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, addressed the world on behalf of the country and its people. Today, I too, stand here to speak for the interests of my country and its people, and in the hope of a peaceful world community. In this age of globalization, whatever happens in any part of the world has, to varying degrees, a negative impact on every country.
It was shaped by more than half of a century of struggle, sacrifices, displacement and unwavering desire for freedom and self-determination. Our late Dr. John Garang de Mabior summarised those aspirations of the struggle that when he spoke freedom, liberty, equality, justice, human rights and democracy. Those aspirations did not end with the independence. They remain part of the ongoing work of nation building.
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The supreme sacrifice that our heroes have made is a seed of liberty, of justice and sovereignty that are oppressed peoples aspire to. It is the source that nourishes our determination on a daily basis to recover the integrity of our territories, to defend our dignity, and to ensure our sacred rights to live free in peace and security. To the people of the Confederation of the States of the Sahel, including its diaspora, I pay a tribute and renew my pride in them. Courage, resilience, commitment and mobilization as they are showing each and every day, supporting the efforts of the heads of state of the AES Confederation, remain the centre of gravity of our journey towards sovereignty and stability and development. To all of the peoples of Africa and the world who share our struggle and who recognise themselves in the ideals of peace, dignity and liberty that the Confederation represents, I reiterate my gratitude. Mr. President. The confederal dynamic that has been engaged in and taken up by our States, far from being an act in isolation, brings forward the rejection of fatality and chronic wardship that we faced, as well as the rejection of selective criticism when we see human tragedies. It's the sign of a shared willingness of our states to escape the vicious cycle of structural domination and exploitation that are profoundly rooted in the colonial and neo colonialist legacies. It carries the hope of a renaissance of the central Sahel that for too long has been devalued and disregarded. The new course embarked on since the 16th of September 2023 by adopting the charter of Liptako-Gourma, consolidated by the creation of the Confederation of Sahel States on the 6th of July 2024, ushered in a new era for the people of the AES. And each area of land recovered, each terrorist base destroyed, each battle won over the forces of evil, each school recovered, each village rebuilt, each reform initiated brings us closer to this new horizon, defended with determination by Comrade Captain Ibrahim Traore, Army General Assimi Goita and General Abdourahamane Tiani. Under their enlightened leadership against the winds and the tides, the Alliance of Sahel States is consolidating itself every day, taking charge of its own destiny, a destiny of dignity, prosperity and freedom and justice. And this is affirmed thanks to the mobilization of a people over a common space with a shared destiny. One people, one space, one destiny. This motto guides each and every one of our actions, and is embodied by the operationalization of the unified force of the Confederation, and is also embodied by the creation of the confederal Bank, investment Bank and development Bank, and is embodied by the consolidation of relations between all of the different institutions of the countries of the AES, as well as strengthening the historic, centuries long links between the communities and the vital forces of our space.
First and foremost requires consistency between what we share here and what we do when the microphones are turned off. The choices that Chad makes, the responsibilities that it shoulders and the sacrifices that it makes, all stem from the belief that multilateralism only has a future if it knows how to reform, if it can correct any imbalances, and if it can be applied, if rather the same principles can be applied to all. Chad remains firmly committed to the ideals that prevailed at the time of the establishment of the United Nations, despite disappointments. We still believe in the force of law against the right to use force. We believe in a more representative organization of the world, as it is now more effective in its work and truly delivering for all. Long live international cooperation. Long live Chad.
We have been among the top tier contributors to UN peacekeeping missions, deploying personnel to missions around the world since 1957. For nearly two decades, Indonesian peacekeepers have served under the UN flag in Lebanon. UNIFIL may be entering its final chapter, but Indonesia's commitment does not end with the mission. The experience, sacrifice and dedication of our peacekeepers will continue to shape Indonesia's contribution to international peace and security. We will carry our diplomacy forward through humanitarian assistance, through peace building and through engagement across regions and institutions.
Nigeria stands ready to assume greater responsibility on the strength of obligations honoured and sacrifices made over decades in the service of peace. From Liberia and Sierra Leone to Darfur, Mali and The Gambia, we have committed personnel resources when international solidarity required action. Through ECOWAS, the African Union and our Gulf of Guinea partnerships, we continue to advance mediation, democratic governance, counter-terrorism and maritime security. Mr. President, our foreign policy rests on the same conviction that guides our economic reforms. Through sound macroeconomic management, stronger institutions, private sector development and strategic public investment, we seek to give practical meaning to our sustainable development commitments.
However, we did this while always fighting to safeguard our sovereignty because our sovereignty is not up for negotiation, our sovereignty must not be touched. We are resolved to defend it because we spilt too much blood, recovering our sovereignty. I am convinced that each and every one of my compatriots within our borders, as well as those outside of our borders, would be prepared to defend our homeland and our sovereignty with the highest level of commitment and sacrifice. Today, El Salvador wants to leave this assembly with four fundamental lessons. Number one. That nations are not condemned to eternally repeating their past. Two, the problems, even if they may seem impossible to resolve, are not impossible to resolve. Number three, that the size of a country with a very small country does not determine the size of our responsibility. And that the future does not necessarily have to belong to those that have the most power. It belongs to those who dare to engage in transformations with a sense of determination. El Salvador's invitation to this General Assembly is very simple.
Those who are ill, innocent people, the poor, the least privileged in our society, are the targets of these sanctions. And this is what the United States seeks to do with all countries: to sacrifice the population of a country in order to achieve her illegitimate goals. If we seek true peace and stability, we must apply a single standard for all. Iran does not seek special treatment.
Our debt, which once stood at more than 140% of GDP, was brought down to 62% before Melissa, with unemployment then at a historic low of 3.4%. We built macroeconomic stability, strengthened investor confidence, and created the fiscal space that ultimately helped us respond to the greatest natural disaster in our modern history. We are proud and heartened that, notwithstanding Melissa, Jamaica's credit ratings have either been stabilized or upgraded, and unemployment still stands at a relative low of 3.7%. Those gains did not happen by accident. They required discipline, partnership, sacrifice, consistency and long term planning. Our experience has taught us that the strongest response to a crisis begins long before the crisis arrives, in the choices we make, the institutions we build, and the buffers we create. Jamaica will continue to take responsibility for the things within our control, but domestic responsibility must be matched by international solidarity and cooperation.
Its role has instead boiled down to managing concerns, making appeals to those who have already suffered. And that is, of course, leading to further escalation. The leadership of the European Union is particularly worrying. They have an unbridled desire to preserve their slipping hegemony, and they are attempting to undermine global stability and the maintenance of peace. And to achieve this, they are prepared to sacrifice even the well-being of their own citizens. Do the peoples of the United Europe really crave some sort of revenge against Russia, especially at the cost of their own impoverishment? Of course they don't. Do they want to be cannon fodder in a war that allegedly European politicians are preparing for by 2030? Of course not. And we know this. But in Brussels, someone is very eager to play toy soldiers and to cement their greatness in history. This has happened before, more than once, and we know how it ended. Nevertheless, in the West, they are already beginning to ask questions about their meaning.
Food security must become a strategic priority because no sustainable development is possible when millions of families lack sufficient and nutritious food. In closing, I would like to raise the question of youth, the most precious asset on which the entire international community can and must rely. I speak today not only as a committed friend of young people, but also on the basis of a clear observation: our intellectual youth has become the target of sustained, deliberate, and organized pursuit by most of the wealthiest nations, even though our youth's first calling should be to serve their parents, their loved ones, and their homeland, who have invested so much in their education. Many African states devote considerable resources to education, vocational training, entrepreneurship, science, digital technology, and innovation. Yet while our African nations, such as Burundi, make these major sacrifices to build their future, these young talents are prematurely lured away by actors who offer better material and financial conditions without having needed to make any prior investment in their training. Let us be clear: it is imperative to establish a fair partnership so that our countries receive a fair return on the investments made in the education of our youth. The other actions we must all take also include giving young people a real voice in decision-making, peace, and development processes. Youth should not be regarded solely as beneficiaries of public policy. They must be integrated both upstream and downstream in the design and implementation of these policies. This is what would make it possible to create a secure future and restore hope to these young people. This emerged from the discussions at the 5th Continental Dialogue on Youth, Peace, and Security held in Bujumbura from August 10 to 12, 2026, a dialogue that highlighted the link between water, peace, conflict prevention, and inclusive leadership by young people and women. The discussions at this dialogue made it clear that there can be no lasting peace in Africa without the full, effective, and institutionalized participation of its youth. For too long, we have spoken of youth as a generation called upon to take the reins tomorrow. But African youth is not only the future of our continent; it must also be its present. We, therefore, call for strengthening the Continental Youth, Peace, and Security Agenda and providing it with resources commensurate with its ambitions. We have a duty to create more opportunities for young people to contribute to conflict prevention, mediation, reconciliation, and peacebuilding.
Mr. president, as we commence this 81st session, we have the opportunity to build a United Nations that is truly fit for purpose. The crisis confronting multilateralism can become the catalyst for its renewal. The United Nations must not be a monument to the past. It must become an instrument for the future. We need a Security Council that reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, not the power structures of 1945. A council that embraces the emerging multipolarity of our world, including permanent representation from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. Mr. president, if the United Nations is to remain humanity's best hope, then this is not the hour to retreat from multilateralism. This is the hour to reclaim and to renew it. For it is in times such as these, when wars rage across borders, when the shadow of existential threats falls across the future of human civilisation, when the old certainties are dissolving before our eyes, that multilateralism must rise. Multilateralism rests upon the proposition that our destinies are bound together, that the security of one cannot be at the insecurity of another, and that in an interdependent world, cooperation is a necessity, and where there can be no enduring prosperity, when inequality deepens and no just international order, when rules are applied selectively. It is to that truth that this 81st session of the General Assembly must recommit itself. But recommitment cannot mean merely repeating the language of yesterday. The world has changed and multilateralism must change with it. We need a new and invigorated multilateralism, one equal to the turbulence of our age, sufficiently courageous to confront its trials, sufficiently imaginative to navigate its transformations, and sufficiently principled to defend the rule of international law. To make the United Nations fit for purpose, we must make it more transparent, accountable, and responsive. We must strengthen the General Assembly and give greater weight to its deliberative and representative authority. We must bring greater coherence to a system too often divided by institutional rivalries, bureaucratic silos, and competing mandates. We must ensure that the resources of the UN match the responsibilities we have entrusted to it. But institutions do not reform themselves. They require leadership capable of seeing beyond the present and imagining the institution the future demands. The United Nations needs leadership that can bring its different organs, agencies and programs into greater unity of purpose, leadership that can build bridges where division has become habitual. Leadership that can defend the principles of the charter without fear or favour. The United Nations needs its next Secretary-General to work with all Member States to restore confidence in the organisation, mobilise its energies and turn the language of multilateralism from aspiration into action. The reform of the United Nations, the restoration of trust and the need to manage transformation, is therefore inseparable from the question of leadership, and the choice of its next secretary general will be, in no small measure, a choice about the kind of United Nations we wish to leave to the generations that follow. It is in this spirit that Guyana has put forward the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett for the office of Secretary General of the United Nations. She has served her country, represented the developing world and worked within the multilateral system with a deep understanding of both its promise and its imperfections. We believe that her experience, her convictions, her record of service, speak directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. Her candidature, therefore, acquires special significance amid the profound challenges confronting the United Nations and international order. We need leadership capable of restoring trust without compromising principles, of listening, without surrendering conviction of building bridges across the widening chasms between north and south, between large states and small, between the developed and developing world. We need a secretary general who will defend the charter not only when it is politically convenient, but precisely when its principles are under pressure. On a personal note, Mr. President, Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett. Come from every experience. Her very upbringing crossed every struggle, every aspect of our accomplishment defined and broke barriers. An indigenous woman coming from a small indigenous village defying the odds. The odds against indigenous persons, the odds against women, the odds against poverty. Defining every challenge and rising to the top amidst those challenges. Her character is built on struggle, sacrifice, commitment her accomplishments are crafted in her humanity. This is an individual of extreme qualities not because she is a Guyanese, not because she come from Guyana, but because I know personally and many of you know this too, the permanent representatives sitting here in New York, you know, her character knew who? You know her integrity. You know her will. You know her commitment. You know her love for humanity. You know her love for this world. And I know that this world will be a better place with Carolyn Rodrigues as the secretary general of the United Nations. In the humblest of ways, I call on the P5, the Security Council and every member here to look beyond the small country that nominated her. Look beyond the small country that nominated her. CARICOM as a body has endorsed her. And let us rise to the challenge of giving this indigenous woman the chance of helping us craft together the United Nations we want to see succeed. The responsibility for recommending the next Secretary general rests in the first instance with the Security Council, and we therefore respectfully place before its members the candidature of Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett, endorsed by the Caribbean Community. We invite all to consider her candidacy on its merits and to judge whether her vision, experience, expertise and record can help restore confidence in the United Nations at this critical moment. Mr. president, the United Nations was conceived in hope, and that hope remains alive in the pursuit of peace, security and human progress over the perpetuation of division and war. This is why we must not abandon multilateralism because it is imperfect. We must renew it because humanity still needs it. Let us therefore build a United Nations that does not merely reflect the world as it is, but help create the world as it ought to be. A world where law restrains power, cooperation overcomes division, and every human being can look to the future with hope. Guyana believes that the choice remains ours as to whether the divisions of our age will define the future, or whether nations can summon the will to build a more peaceful, secure and prosperous international order. The United Nations must be at the heart of that endeavour, not as an institution looking back at the world it was created to serve, but as one helping humanity shape the world that is yet to come.
Second, a state does not regain the trust of its citizens through reform alone, but also by reclaiming its national decision making. In that spirit, we did not merely affirm the principle that weapons must be exclusively in the hands of the state, and that decisions on war and peace rest solely with its constitutional institutions. We translate that commitment into decisions taken by the Council of Ministers, notably in August and September of last year and again in March of this year. That was after Lebanon found itself in a war that it did not choose. It was imposed upon us despite our repeated warnings. Again repeated warnings of the dangers of being drawn into it. As the war in the region widened and initiatives to end it multiplied, we held fast to a non-negotiable principle. No one speaks for Lebanon and no one negotiates on its behalf except the Lebanese state through its constitutional institutions. It is true that Lebanon is affected by developments in its surroundings. That does not mean, however, that we accept its becoming once again an arena for the conflicts of others or a burning bargaining chip in their hands. Lebanon's future. Will not be decided on its behalf, nor may its security and stability become the price of settlements concluded in its absence. Third our position on the war has been clear from the outset. We want it to end. We want the cease fire consolidated. We want Israel to withdraw from all Lebanese territory up to our internationally recognised borders, in accordance with the 1949 General Armistice Agreement and as affirmed by resolution 1701. We want the release of all our detainees, the safe and dignified return of our people to their villages and towns, and the reconstruction of what the war has destroyed. It was in that spirit that the Lebanese state entered into negotiations with Israel under the kind auspices of the United States of America and its president, for which we are grateful. With a view to reaching arrangements that ensure an end to the war and the restoration of Lebanon's full sovereignty. The sovereignty to which we are committed is indivisible. It requires Israel's withdrawal from all Lebanese territory. It equally requires the extension of the authority of the Lebanese state through its own forces, over the entirety of its territory, with weapons held by the state alone. It is on these two principles, and on the basis of reciprocity and phased implementation, that the tripartite framework reached in the negotiations rest. However, the success of any agreement is measured not by declared intentions but by fulfilment of commitments. What is required today, therefore, is to complete the translation of this framework into practical steps within a clear timetable and with a verification mechanism that ensures the implementation of all its provisions. Mr. president, in this context, I must pay tribute to the role played by the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, UNIFIL, and to the courage of its leadership, personnel and staff and their sacrifices in preserving stability, supporting the Lebanese Armed forces and implementing resolution 1701. To all the countries that have contributed troops to this force, Lebanon extends its profound thanks and appreciation. We have taken note of Security Council resolution 2790 of 2025, which decided to terminate UNIFIL's operations at the end of this year and to begin its gradual withdrawal, and requested the Secretary general to explore available options for the continued implementation of resolution 1701. What we wish to stress here and today is the need to avert the vacuum that UNIFIL's withdrawal could create, were it to take place without agreement on a new international force to replace it. Such a force should ensure the continuation of monitoring, reporting and liaison functions and its role should complement the requirements for implementing the tripartite framework.
I would like to use this opportunity to pay tribute to all victims of the cowardly barbarism of terrorism who have sacrificed their lives. I also would like to pay tribute to our defense and security forces for their courage, their professionalism and their unwavering dedication in defending sovereignty, territorial integrity of our countries and protecting our people. I pay special tribute to the memory of the General Sadio Camara, Minister of Defense and Veterans Affairs, whose legacy of patriotism, courage and sacrifice will continue to inspire future generations of Malians and people in the Sahel. Mr. president, to reinforce security and ensure the sustainable return of peace, the government is implementing a comprehensive and integrated strategy for stability and prosperity of our country, and for this, the state continues to extend a hand to all those willing to lay down their arms and return to the Republic, in line with the conclusions of Inter Malian dialogue and the National Charter for Peace and Reconciliation.
Today, on the occasion of the 60th of the anniversary of the Revolution of the 26th of September, we reaffirm our commitment to the values and objectives of the September and October revolutions and to the principles of our national struggle principles that are non-negotiable with determination of the Yemenis, their sacrifices and perseverance, Yemen will regain its security and its stability. Bab el Mandeb will remain, as geography intended it to be, a bridge between peoples, a route for commerce and a gateway to peace. Allow me to conclude this statement with words by a Yemeni poet expressing faith in the Yemeni people, Yemeni homeland and future, and affirming that Yemen belongs to its free people, not to Iran, nor to its proxies, he said. We are the land, its custodians and its inhabitants. To us it belongs, for we are its people, and its home today belongs to the people in yesterday. The glorious yesterday belongs to them as well. To them belong the future. History and time itself. Long live Yemen, free, secure and great.
Every day they try to murder our people. And in particular, they try to murder our people in our historic homeland in Judea. By the way, that's where the word Jew comes from. Judea. That's our land. They try to murder us. Thousands of attempts per year on families, peaceful families driving along the roads. They shoot at pregnant women. They shoot entire families. Of course, none of this is covered in the international press or in the social media. None of it. What they cover is a handful of young juvenile delinquents, about 150 in number who go, who throw stones who chop down olive trees. Occasionally they do. They fire up. They lit some fires. I can't stand that. I won't stand for vigilantism. We're a country of law. So we put our Shin Bet on them. But that's what they call settler violence. And the number of casualties a year, maybe two. Three in the total time that this is being discussed, maybe 2 or 3 dead compared to the thousands of terrorist attacks against the peaceful settlers, honorable people, law abiding people. What a distortion. It's an obsession. I hear this discussion here. I mean, leaders of countries seriously talk about that. And they say it with such importance. We can't stand settler violence. You don't know what you're talking about. And listen, two days ago, two days ago, two days ago. I say this to my colleague Emmanuel Macron. Two days, three days ago, a French citizen, Netanyahu shukran, a father of six, was gunned down when he visited a spring with his 16 year old son and a Hamas terrorist in Judea. Samaria comes and fires point blank at him in the last words he uttered flee, flee, son, save yourself. That was three days ago. Two days ago, in Judea, Samaria, a reserve officer, a reserve soldier near your leader was mowed down by a drive down terrorist Palestinian terrorists. He's fighting for his life now in a Jerusalem hospital. I visited the family right before I boarded the plane to come here. Najjar, a father of four, is the son of Yechiel Leiter, our brilliant ambassador to the United States. Three years ago, Israel's oldest son, Moshe, a father of six, was killed while clearing a booby trapped building in Gaza. You killed my brother. Your pain is immeasurable. The entire people of Israel and many outside of Israel are praying for Neerja's life. But despite the pain, despite the agony, we do not give in. In a recent post before he was attacked, Najjar wrote this. Listen to this. We have no other country. It's a privilege to defend it to an area and to all the heroes of Israel. I pledge a sacred vow. Your sacrifice will not be in vain.
I would also like to commend the memory of the late General Sadio Camara, Minister of Defense of Mali, whose ultimate sacrifice will forever be associated with the history of the Confederation of the States of the Sahel. May Allah grant him eternal Paradise. Amen. Ladies and gentlemen, we remain open to any security cooperation, of course, which takes into account our strategic interests, mutual interests and respect for our sovereignty with Burkina Faso and Mali. Niger, within the Confederation of Sahel states, is developing cooperation that is focused on defense and security, diplomacy and development. This responds to a requirement for solidarity between peoples that face common challenges. On the 16th of September 2023 in Bamako, Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso signed the Liptako-Gourma Charter, giving birth to the Alliance of Sahel States on the 6th of July 2024 in Niamey. Our three heads of state, President Assimi Goita of Mali, President Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso and President Abdourahamane Tiani of Niger took the historic step of creating the Confederation of Sahel states. Two years later, the institutional structure of this confederation is practically complete. A unified force of 5000 men is conducting the coordinated fight against the mercenaries afflicting our three territories on our borders. This force can be mobilized to a ceiling of 15,000 men. That must be underscored. A confederation investment and development bank has been created. It finances our projects and programs using our own resources. A Confederation biometric passport has been in use since the 29th of January 2025. A television channel, a press agency and a shared radio carry the voice and the message of the AES. More recently, from the 26th to the 29th of August 2026, the first meetings of the Confederation Parliament were held in Niamey, thus completing our institutional architecture. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Niger is a country of peace. Truly a country of peace.
It is precisely a state that is confident in its democratic and strategic choices that can engage and cooperate with greater confidence, with countries that have different histories, different interests, and different political perspectives. The world does not need yet another division into permanent camps. It needs competition with limits and rules that all must respect, alliances that take responsibility, and international institutions that remain a space for a dialogue precisely when dialogue is most difficult. That is why the United Nations matters, not because they can resolve every conflict. Clearly they cannot. Not because every resolution is given effect. Clearly, that is not always the case, and that should not discourage us. It should strengthen our determination to protect these United Nations and the rules upon which they are founded, and to stand for multilateralism grounded in values, mutual respect and rules. Because a world without a place where all states, regardless of their size, can sit under the same roof and invoke the same principles, would be even more dangerous than the world we see today. In 1954, Dag Hammarskjöld reminded us of a thought: the United Nations were not created to take us to heaven, but to save us from hell. Seven decades later, it is worth understanding the essence of that statement. We should not demand perfection from United Nations. We should demand relevance, the capacity to prevent and to mediate the capacity to protect human dignity and ultimately, the capacity to uphold principles, even when applying them is politically inconvenient. Today trust in the international system is being jeopardized precisely because too many people have a justified sense that the rules do not apply equally, that power sometimes take precedence over principle, that commitments are conditional, that agreements last only as long as interests remain unchanged. For small sized states, this is an especially dangerous world. Our own history has taught us that international compromises are very difficult and that peace, stability and integration require political courage and hard sacrifices.
It is about whether a child in Tanna can attend school, whether a farmer in Malekula can bring a produce to market, whether a family in Torba has access to reliable electricity, whether a community in Penama can recover quickly after a natural disaster, and whether our young people can find meaningful opportunities at home rather than being forced to leave in search of them. Mr. president, this year, as Vanuatu celebrated its 46th independence anniversary, we reflected on how far our country has come since 1980. Our independence was not given to us in a golden plate. It was achieved through the determination, courage and sacrifice of our people, supported by our brothers and sisters in the Pacific. At our independence celebrations, we were reminded once again of the importance of solidarity, including the historic support of Papua New Guinea during our struggle for independence. Our 46th independence anniversary was therefore not simply a celebration of the past. It was a call to build the future. The message of our national celebration was one of unity, national pride, resilience, and determination to build a stronger, more prosperous Vanuatu for future generations. And this is important in the context of our discussions today. Vanuatu has experienced cyclones, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and economic shocks and other disasters. Yet we continue to stand, we rebuild, we adapt, and we move forward. Resilience is not simply something Vanuatu speaks about.
