The transcripts are AI-generated from the UN's English audio and can contain mistakes. We are checking them against the statements the missions publish; some errors are still expected.
Mr. President, excellencies, at the outset, allow me to extend my warm and heartfelt congratulations to you on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. Your election reflects the confidence of Member States in your steadfast commitment to multilateral system and your vision for a United Nations that is responsive, effective, and capable of delivering for humanity. As you embark on this important journey, my delegation reaffirms its unwavering commitment to working closely with you and all Member States to ensure a productive and successful session. I also pay tribute to your predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Baerbock, president of the 80th session of the General Assembly, with whom my delegation had the honour to serve as Vice President. Her dedicated leadership, zeal and tenacity of purpose in strengthening multilateral cooperation during a period of profound global uncertainty gave us hope that the future of this organization can be secured when all nations work together for the common goal of leaving no one behind. To the secretary general, Antonio Guterres, whose tenure is approaching an end, my delegation commends his exemplary leadership and commitment to the ideals of the United Nations. During his term the world confronted unprecedented challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic to the eruption of new conflicts, the catastrophic effects of climate change, and unstable trade regimes. Throughout these crises, he remained the moral force and steady anchor of the organization. We salute him for his distinguished service and will fondly cherish his historic visit to the Mountain Kingdom in December 2024, during which he witnessed firsthand the dividends of the UN's contribution to Lesotho. Mr. president, the theme for this session Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all, resonates deeply with Lesotho's aspirations for a more inclusive, transparent and result oriented multilateral system capable of advancing respect for international law, maintaining global peace and security, accelerating sustainable development, protecting human rights, driving climate action, and implementing long overdue institutional reforms.
Bold reforms and sound macroeconomic policies have resulted in a three fold growth in our GDP since 2017. Zimbabwe is indeed open for business. We are also pursuing food and nutrition, security and the climate smart agriculture. My government is leaving no one and no place behind. Through our rural industrialisation agenda and the Invest Rural policy, we are directing investment towards rural infrastructure, manufacturing hubs and agro processing facilities. More women and youth continue to enter value chain industries for both our local and regional markets. As droughts, floods and declining productivity threaten water, food and energy security, developed countries are called upon to honour their climate finance commitments in line with common but differentiated responsibilities. Mr. President, Zimbabwe welcomes the recommendations of the Secretary-General's Panel on Critical Energy Transition Minerals and the country's support mechanism.
Zambia is equally committed to promoting gender equality and economic empowerment of women and girls. We are expanding opportunities in education, skills development, entrepreneurship, financial inclusion and leadership. For the first time in our history, Parliament now provides for proportional representation of women, young people and persons with disabilities, reflecting our conviction that their voices and experiences must be heard in shaping the decisions that affect our nation. We are also strengthening efforts to end child, early and forced marriage by keeping girls in school and addressing the social and economic factors that place them at risk. Zambia has demonstrated that progress is possible, reducing child marriage prevalence from 29 to 23.9% in four years through comprehensive legal reforms, free education, school re-entry policy, multisectoral support systems like the keeping girls in school initiatives, and targeted economic investments such as our expanded Constituency Development Fund. We need to continue building on these successes. We therefore invite member States to unite behind our global and continental commitments to drive domestic action. By investing in our people, particularly women, girls and young people, we are investing in Zambia's future. When we empower our people, we strengthen our nation. And when we invest in Africa's young people and women, we invest in the prosperity of our continent and the world at large. Our commitment is to build an inclusive society in which every citizen, regardless of gender, age, or disability, has an opportunity to participate fully in our country's economic and social transformation. Mr. president. On sustainable development and the 2030 agenda, Zambia takes note that the Sustainable Development Goals remain the most comprehensive expression of our shared ambition to eradicate poverty, also to reduce inequality and build a sustainable future.
Just as managing transformation is not an option up for debate. Together they constitute the very essence of the mission. We pledged before our people, before our Arab brothers, and before the entire world. On the day I was entrusted with leading the government of Lebanon, we assumed this responsibility at a time when our country faced three existential challenges. The first was to regain the trust of its people. After the financial collapse and the Beirut port explosion and the tragedies and wounds they left behind. The second was to reclaim its national decision making so that no authority stands above that of the state. No weapons exist outside its armed forces, and no decision on war and peace is taken outside its constitutional institutions. The third was to recover all of its territory from Israeli occupation, and to extend its sovereignty over the entirety of its national soil through its own forces. In implementation of the Taif Agreement and in sincere respect for the relevant international resolutions on Lebanon. Foremost among these is resolution 1701, which remains to this day a fundamental point of reference governing relations between Lebanon and Israel. Trust rebuilt decision making. Reclaimed. Land liberated. That is the equation for Lebanon's recovery. These are not three separate challenges. They are three facets of a single cause. Restoring a state that its citizens trust that is master of its own decisions, and that exercises sovereignty over the whole of its territory. Mr. president, first, the trust we seek to restore is not trust in words. It is trust in institutions that protect rights in a judiciary that guarantees justice, in an economy that restores prosperity to the people and gives young people the opportunity of a better future. We cannot speak of restoring trust without recalling the Beirut port explosion. The wound of the 4th of August remains open. It cannot heal without truth, justice and accountability, and these will inevitably come. Some may feel that our government has not yet fulfilled all of its commitments. We do not claim that the task is complete, but fairness demands that we not overlook the scale of legacy we inherited paralysed institutions, a public administration of diminished effectiveness, an economy stripped of the foundations of growth, and a state weakened by compounding crises and by decades of external interference. Even though we have not used the difficulty of our circumstances as a pretext to retreat from our commitments and we will not retreat. Lebanon has launched reforms on several fronts, namely revitalizing the public administration, strengthening the independence of the judiciary, modernizing the media law and abolishing the death penalty. It is also advancing towards the completion of financial reforms aimed at restoring order to the financial system and recovering depositors funds. These reforms should pave the way for an agreement with the IMF. Such an agreement is an indispensable tool for restoring international confidence in Lebanon, and a gateway to securing the financing needed from all our regional and international partners for economic recovery and reconstruction. Our aim in pursuing reform is not to ask our people to renew their trust in the state. Rather, through reform, we seek to rebuild a state worthy of its people's trust.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
Ladies and gentlemen, as Secretary-General António Guterres nears the end of his mandate, we commend his efforts to reform and modernize the United Nations. The next Secretary-General will face a defining task: adapting the United Nations to a world of growing geopolitical rivalry and fragmentation. We expect her or him to carry forward the UN80 agenda and turn reforms into results. The success of UN reforms will be judged not by new structures or new language, but by whether the multilateral system can deliver, uphold international law, and make its rules matter. The future legitimacy of the United Nations will depend on it. Nowhere is this more important than in peace and security. The international community must become better at preventing crises, protecting civilians, and defending the rules it has agreed to uphold. The Czech Republic is ready to do its part. Let me reiterate that we are seeking a non-permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council for the period 2032-2033. If elected, we will contribute actively to its work and shoulder our share of responsibility. We will continue to help preventing and resolving conflicts through political engagement, humanitarian assistance, and practical cooperation. We will stand for the protection of civilians and critical infrastructure, and for accountability when international law is seriously violated.
Our world shaped by uncertainty, disruption and rapid change, but also by hope, innovation and opportunity. For Samoa, the theme is a promise the world must keep. Can trust be restored? Can transformation protect the vulnerable? The answer lies in the first words of our UN charter we the peoples. We must always put people at the centre of our decisions. For us, this is underpinned by the core values of our Samoan culture, the fa'asamoa and our faith such as respect, dignity, love, protection and service. Excellencies, every decision in this hall shapes the world that every child inherits. We meet at a pivotal moment in history. Profound and transformative changes are not only necessary, but inevitable. Across many societies, people are increasingly asking whether global institutions are delivering on the promises made to them. We must prepare ourselves to face the challenges ahead with resolve, and use the opportunity to herald in much needed reforms for the benefit of all, and leaving no one behind. For Samoa, multilateralism remains the cornerstone of our international engagement. Only through genuine cooperation and mutual trust can we craft solutions that no single nation could achieve alone. The UN80 initiative has merits, but also its risk, if not fully assessed and understood. Any reform must strengthen delivery on the ground by eliminating duplication, improving coherence and accelerating impact. Critically, such reforms must not weaken the operation of the UN Multi Country Offices or the Resident Coordinator system. Whilst Samoa reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the United Nations as the premier forum to address global crisis, we also caution against premature decision taken without the full consideration and endorsement by Member States.
A humanitarian conscience cannot be indifferent to the circumstances of ordinary households, particularly children, the elderly and other vulnerable persons whose difficulty deepens with each passing day that the present impasse remains unresolved. We call for constructive engagement that places the well-being of the Cuban people at its centre, and opens a path toward meaningful relief, improve living conditions and renewed opportunities. This requires Cuba and the United States of America to address the very difficult but not insurmountable challenges of ending of sanctions, the removal of the embargo and blockade against the Cuban people, and, importantly, the necessary reforms required to ensure the continued well-being of the Cuban people. Some of such reforms, Grenada notes, are already being undertaken.
Likewise, the Santomean diaspora is an essential part of our human wealth and a strategic partner of the country. We will continue to strengthen its ties with Sao Tomé and Principe, and to create the conditions for an even greater contribution to investment, entrepreneurship, knowledge transfer and national life. Mr. President, creating opportunities and ensuring truly inclusive development require strong institutions capable of guaranteeing peace, justice, respect for human rights and the participation of all in the life of the country. There can be no sustainable development without these conditions, nor without the full participation of women and men in political, economic and social life. It is in this context that 2026 is a year of particular significance for Santomean democracy. On July 19th, our citizens took part in presidential elections, which were conducted peacefully and transparently, and led to the re-election of His Excellency, Mr. Carlos Vila Nova, as president of the Republic. On September 27th, the people of Sao Tomé and Principe will return to the polls for the legislative, local and regional elections and will exercise their right to vote in large numbers. These elections are marked by important innovations notably automatic voter registration and the first application of the parity law, which is a significant step towards strengthening the inclusion and participation of women. With women accounting for 41.4% of confirmed candidacies, above the legal threshold of 40%, they will be able to assert a growing presence in decision making spaces. Sao Tomé and Principe reaffirms its commitment to constitutional order, political pluralism, fundamental freedoms and respect for the sovereign will of its citizens and will continue to pursue reforms aimed at strengthening justice, security, gender equality, human rights and trust in institutions. Inclusion and equality must also guide our response to the great transformations of our time.
Croatia will continue to support merit based EU enlargement. EU membership can turn borders of division into lines of cooperation and reforms on paper, into stronger institutions and better living standards. But European transformation requires honesty about the past. Reconciliation becomes possible when responsibility for the crimes of the past is acknowledged and their glorification rejected. That standard allows no national exceptions. That means respect for victims and clear rejection of historical revisionism, not the glorification of war criminals. Ratko Mladić was a convicted war criminal responsible for the Srebrenica genocide, the first genocide in Europe since the Holocaust. While his criminal record reached its nefarious culmination in Srebrenica, his trail of war crimes stretches further back to the shelling of Croatian cities, the murder of civilians the mining of dams and the destruction of cultural heritage and industrial facilities. The military and official honours accorded to Mladić in Serbia were an affront to his victims and to the judgments of international courts. The participation of state representatives and the public acclaim that accompanied the ceremony is totally incompatible with the values of a Union Serbia seeks to join. The same commitment to equality and reform should guide Bosnia and Herzegovina. As a signatory to the Dayton Peace Accords, and a neighbour and a friend of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia is one of the strongest advocates of its European future. The Dayton Peace Accords ended the war and established the constitutional framework for Bosnia and Herzegovina. One state, two entities and three constituent peoples Croats, Bosniaks and Serbs. That balance is the foundation on which peace was built. Yet the Croats of Bosnia and Herzegovina are still being denied legitimate representation, including in the presidency of the country. That is unjust, destabilizing and contrary to the spirit of Dayton. The solution is neither division nor domination.
These are the strengths which our multilateral system needs now more than ever. Mr. president, for Jamaica, the consequences of global challenges are not theoretical. On the 28th of October last year, Hurricane Melissa struck our island. In a matter of hours, the most catastrophic hurricane in our modern history inflicted damage and loss estimated at 56.7% of our GDP. Think about that. In a matter of hours, more than half the value of an entire year of national economic output was damaged or lost. A single event. Jamaica had prepared. Years of fiscal discipline had allowed us to build buffers. We had put in place disaster risk financing, including catastrophe insurance and an independently sponsored catastrophe bond. Those measures gave us immediate liquidity, but no level of prudent national planning can fully insulate a small, developing state from a climate event of that magnitude. And therein lies the fundamental inequity faced by small island developing states. We can do everything right. In fact, Jamaica's reforms balanced economic orthodoxy with innovation and expanded support for the most vulnerable. And yet, one hurricane could erase decades of progress. We are deeply grateful to our international partners, our CARICOM family, our Jamaican diaspora, and the thousands of individuals and organizations which stood with us during our hour of need. Jamaica has not simply resolved to recover. We have resolved to rebuild better and differently. Our resilience must not be measured by how much suffering we can withstand. It must be measured by how well we prepare, how quickly we recover, how intelligently we adapt, and whether we emerge stronger. That is why the government of Prime Minister Andrew Holness established the National Reconstruction and Resilience Authority, NaRRA. Its mandate is to drive reconstruction at speed and scale to coordinate major infrastructure projects, crowd in investment and, critically, to embed resilience in the Jamaica we are rebuilding. We are not simply replacing what Melissa has destroyed. We are building the Jamaica that must withstand the storms of tomorrow.
We also advocate for mutual beneficial economic cooperation based on respect for sovereignty for each state, for the equality between the states, and the freedom of choice for the people during the electoral process. In the area of development, we are still far from fulfilling the promise of the 2030 Agenda. With less than four years until the deadline, millions of people remain deprived of basic opportunities: water, energy, infrastructure, and others. Thus, it is important to accelerate the implementation of the commitment made under the SDGs, which requires predictable, accessible, and sustainable financing. It also requires a fair international financial architecture, more fair, sustainable debt relief, greater transfer of technology, international trade that is more balanced, and investments that can transform potential into prosperity, as well as adherence to the principle of common responsibility but differentiated responsibilities. Similarly, in the field of human rights, it is also important to promote a balanced, impartial, and coherent approach based on the principles of universality and equal treatment between the states. Promoting these rights should prioritize constructive dialogue, cooperation, and the strengthening of our institutions. Mr. President, in Mozambique, we are committed to consolidating peace, strengthening democratic institutions, and conducting an inclusive national dialogue led by the Mozambican initiatives that are genuinely Mozambican to deepen reconciliation, national unity, peace, and the reforms that are necessary, with the support of our international partners, while respecting national ownership.
It has only just started. A safer country is a country with more trust. And where there is trust there is more growth in employment and investment. We are also today a more competitive nation. Only a few weeks ago, Chile adopted the most significant economic reform of recent decades. We approved a reduction to business tax. It's now gone from 27 to 23%. This tax had only been on the increase since 1990. It had never decreased. We have also temporarily reduced housing purchase tax, and we have launched an initiative for capital repatriation. There's better tax stability too. We now have less red tape. We are also dismantling what we call this ideology of always having to issue permits. This is, if you like, a sort of hidden bureaucracy, which stops business projects from forging ahead. In the last six months, we've had requests to invest more than $44 billion in our economy. And these investment projects applications are being assessed by our environmental evaluation systems. More than $33,000 billion dollars, rather have been approved for projects that had been in the wings for years. We have unleashed $17 billion for environmental projects. We are taking tangible actions that are changing the very course of Chile and bringing us closer to development. The economy is not yet taking off, and unemployment is still plunging thousands of families into anguish. But unemployment is hard and high. But it will change. Change will come. Results are slow to materialize but structural reforms are underway. We know where we're going and we're not simply reacting without having any clear course in mind. After storms, the sun always comes out. After winter, spring always arrives and after years of deadlock, Chile is back. There are many reasons that can explain how we got to where we are, but there's only one path that we need to follow for Chile to once again take off, spread its wings and fly. That is the path of unity. Unity between all of those that defend freedom and want to see Chile's people thrive. There are many things that might separate the right and the left in Chile, but we are united by our desires to see Chile grow once more and become a safer nation. Delegates. People from the investment world are listening to us. And I say to you, choose Chile to invest. You will find clear rules that do not change day to day. You will find courts that function, contracts that are abided by, and a state ready to facilitate investment.
The UN is suffering because of it. But it is also true that the United Nations requires profound reforms to be able to tackle the challenges of the 21st century. As such, the question really is: do we let the United Nations, together with its aims and founding principles, just slowly fall apart? Or do we start facing these challenges with a sense of common responsibility and genuinely try to reform the UN and start to use the only global framework we have in a responsible and sensible way? The stakes are high. The choice is ours. For Estonia, and I believe for the great majority of UN member states, upholding the principles of the UN Charter is of vital interest. But we are also conscious that in order for those principles to remain valid and respected, we need to invest in them as much with our words as with our actions.
It is precisely at such times that we must honestly confront our setbacks, however profound, not with blame, cynicism or blind hope, but with action, sober reflection, clear-eyed realism and pragmatism. That is how we chart these turbulent waters. And that is how we rebuild trust in this institution, the central focus of this 81st session. (BRIEF PAUSE) So how do we build back trust? Trust is not given. It is earned. And we earn trust, I believe, in three ways. First, by being unapologetically realistic about where we are falling behind; Second, by taking a foundational look at the reforms of the Organization to deliver better; and Third, by making our work more inclusive and engaging all relevant stakeholders for effective delivery. Let me elaborate. (BRIEF PAUSE) On my first point, we must be frank about where the challenges lie and what needs to be fixed, even when the necessary changes may prove painful. Consider peace and security. Under the UN Charter, the Security Council bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Yet when the Council is unable to act, Member States turn to the General Assembly. We saw this as early as 1950 with the “Uniting for Peace” resolution, and we have seen it more recently through the Assembly’s Veto Initiative. These two principal organs of our Organization are complementary, not competing. The Charter provides for an appropriate balance between them. Both chambers must do their respective part. To be fair, the Security Council, when it acts, proves its strength and effectiveness. It helped liberate Kuwait, ended civil war in El Salvador, supported Namibia’s independence, led rebuilding of Cambodia, and stabilized conflict-affected countries through peacekeeping. Yet when the Council is unable to act on important matters, the effectiveness of our Organization as a whole is called into question. In 1945, humanity placed its trust in the Council in good faith, giving it the extraordinary responsibility of maintaining international peace. The Council accepted that responsibility and entered into a compact. It must now hold up its end of the bargain. This is what the people of the world expect. And in their eyes, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. The promise of 1945 still binds us today. I call on the Security Council to step up, to lead as we need it to lead and to act when we need it to act. Linked to this is the question of Security Council reform. I will support the General Assembly-led Intergovernmental Negotiations in its work to make the Council more representative, transparent and reflective of the geopolitical realities of our time. Ensuring fair representation for underrepresented regions must remain a priority. Nowhere is this more important, right now, than in Africa. After eight decades, the largest region by number of Member States and a key focus of UN Peacekeeping, is underrepresented on the Security Council. Africa needs to be at the table, not on the menu. Africa cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for its rightful place on the Council. Ending Africa’s underrepresentation, now, is a question of fairness, justice and, ultimately, the credibility of this Organization. (BRIEF PAUSE) Turning to development, and particularly the Sustainable Development Goals, we are right to focus on the challenges.
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South Sudan09/28 · first at about 18 min2 mentions
Outstanding matters arising from the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, including the border issues and the final status of Abyei, also requires a peaceful engagement between South Sudan and Sudan. Mr. President, restoring trust also requires reform of institutions of global governance. The composition of the Security Council does not adequately reflect the realities of today. Africa, with 54 member states, remains without a permanent representation on the council. South Sudan therefore reaffirms its support for the common African position. Africa must be appropriately represented in both permanent and non-permanent categories. Similarly, developing countries must have a stronger voice in international financial institutions and decisions concerning development, financing, debt, climate and technology. Reforms do not weaken multilateralism. Reforms strengthen its legitimacy. Mr. President, 15 years after the independence, South Sudan remains a young nation undertaking the difficult work of building a state while consolidating peace and delivering development.
We will continue to advocate for full implementation of the Doha Programme of Action. Mr. president, migration is another area where our collective response must be guided by human dignity and shared responsibility. Migration contributes significantly to economic development, cultural exchange and human progress. Yet irregular migration continues to expose young people and vulnerable population to exploitation, trafficking, abuse, and tragic loss of life. We must strengthen cooperation for safe orderly and regular migration, protect the rights and dignity of migrants, and expand lawful pathways for labour mobility, as well as invest in young people, women, education, health and social protection to safeguard sustainable development and lasting peace. Mr. president, The Gambia welcomes the call for the reform of United Nations. We recognise the constraints facing the organisation with limited resources and increasing demands. This notwithstanding, the reforms would strengthen the capacity of United Nations to serve its member states and the people of the world better, as well as correct the historical injustice that continues to prevail.
The principles of respect and cooperation are also at the heart of effective multilateralism. At a time of growing global uncertainty, the United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue and collective action. In this regard, the UN80 Initiative provides a valuable opportunity to strengthen the effectiveness and capacity of the United Nations, while further enhancing its transparency and accountability. Georgia stands ready to work constructively with international partners and contribute actively to this process. We firmly support reforms that will strengthen the organization's capacity to deliver better and become more results oriented. The choice we make today will shape the world we leave to future generations. Let's ensure that we leave them a world that is more peaceful, secure, and united than the one we know today. Thank you very much.
Ladies and gentlemen, until recently, Central Asia was often mentioned against the backdrop of unresolved border disputes, water resource management issues, and many other conflicts. Thanks to the initiative of the President of Uzbekistan and the political will of the Central Asian heads of state, the situation and atmosphere in the region have completely changed. We began to view each other as partners, not as sources of threat. The same is true of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev's approach to the Afghan issue. Viewing Afghanistan solely as a source of danger will not solve the problem, nor is it a way out to leave multi-ethnic Afghan people alone with their problems. They must be given hope and confidence to achieve a peaceful life. Dear friends, the reforms being implemented by the head of Uzbekistan are primarily based on the criterion of whether people's lives are improving. We measure the results by this very criterion.
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. The deadline for agenda 2030 is fast approaching and we are able to observe that despite remarkable efforts, there is still a ways to go in order to reach the SDGs that we all chose for ourselves and the resources to reach the Sustainable Development Goals are nevertheless available throughout the world, and therefore we must improve the conditions to access them and use these resources. This is why financing for development should not be considered as some kind of alms or kindness. It is an investment in stability, shared prosperity and collective security. For this reason, Cameroon calls for the diligent and comprehensive implementation of the commitments made in Seville in July of 2025 on the issue of financing for development, and this specifically implies engaging in the necessary reforms of the international financial architecture and the multilateral financial architecture in order to give countries of the Global South a more fair shot. We should also give new impetus to international trade, industrialization, and transforming raw materials locally, as well as strengthening regional integration. And it is this energy that guided the work of the 14th Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization, WTO, which Cameroon had the privilege of hosting from the 26th to the 29th of March 2026.
Therefore, the success of an economy is not measured only by how much production grows, but rather how much it's able to reduce poverty. It's measured in young people with decent jobs and children with a better education, in citizens who are able to build their future with dignity. And this also must guide the agenda of international development. Middle-income countries face vulnerabilities that income per capita does not reflect. We ask that access to cooperation and financing be defined using more fair vulnerability criteria, and that the international financial architecture support the efforts of those who are undertaking reforms. We believe in open, predictable, and equitable trade. When a producer can export, innovate, and grow, there's a family behind that can be lifted out of poverty. The best social policy is policy that generates opportunities.
I also thank Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for her stewardship of the 80th Session, and wish to thank the Secretary-General, His Excellency António Guterres, for his unwavering commitment to the United Nations." Mr. President, eighty-one years ago the United Nations was established in the aftermath of the Second World War to foster international cooperation and prevent future armed conflicts. As we convene here today, we must confront the reality of living in very uncertain times, shadowed by the persistent threat of global conflict. It is imperative that we work together to avoid warfare. We must reflect on the founding principles of the UN Charter and recommit ourselves to saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity of human person, ensuring equal rights for all large nations and small, establishing conditions for justice and respect for international law, and promoting social progress alongside better standards of life. Uganda firmly believes that multilateralism and international cooperation remain the most vital mechanisms for addressing our shared challenges. Accordingly, we remain and reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the UN Charter as the cornerstone of global diplomacy, supporting the interconnected pillars of peace and security, human rights, humanitarian affairs, and sustainable development. We believe the United Nations must remain agile and adaptive to evolving global realities. Uganda is committed to working with the entire membership to build consensus on necessary systemic reforms, particularly within the UN Security Council. We call for a comprehensive reform to render the Council more equitable, transparent, democratic, and representative. In this regard, we demand Africa's rightful representation in both the permanent and non-permanent categories to correct historical imbalances in line with the common African position articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. Regarding the ongoing UN80 Initiative, Uganda commends efforts to streamline the UN system to make it cost-effective, efficient, and well-coordinated.
Member states must remain at the heart of this work, but they cannot act alone. We must engage industries, scientists, researchers, civil society, academia, young people, the companies building this system and the people using them. Let us carry that ambition into the global dialogue on AI governance in 2027. Excellencies, the world leaders also spoke clearly about reforming the United Nations. Reform is not an exercise in rearranging structures or reducing budgets, or rearranging budget lines. Its measure is whether this organization delivers better, faster and more fairly for the people it serves. We will build on the UN80 initiative and the mandate implementation review. But administrative reform cannot substitute for deeper political reform truly led by Member States. In this regard, Africa's exclusion from permanent membership of Security Council is a continuing injustice. The common African position is clear no reform agenda, including UN80, is complete without addressing this long standing inequity in the Security Council. Excellencies, the appointment of the next Secretary-General also emerged as one of this Assembly's most consequential responsibilities, at a time when the organization is facing complex issues and challenges. The charter is clear about the selection process that the Security Council will recommend, and the General Assembly will appoint the next Secretary-General. Member states called for a process that is transparent, inclusive and merit based. The selection process must strengthen, not diminish, the legitimacy, independence and moral authority of the office. Excellencies, I chose restoring trust as the principal focus of my presidency. It resonated widely with the speakers during this high level week and the general debate. We heard of a crisis of institutional trust. We were reminded that trust cannot be taken for granted, and we heard a vigorous defense of multilateralism, but not as an end in itself. A delegation observed that the test of multilateralism is not how many resolution we adopt or how many meetings we hold. Its test is whether collective action changes realities on the ground. All this goes to the heart of the theme of our 81st session Restoring Trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all. Trust cannot be commanded. It must be earned through consistency between words and deeds, equal application of international law, fulfilment of commitments, genuine representation, transparency, accountability and results. Restoring trust, therefore, means making our institutions worthy of their trust. Meaningful and often painful reforms need to underpin efforts to rebuild trust. This hall, where grievances are aired, differences negotiated and agreements forged is one of the humanity's greatest achievements. Dialogue can be difficult, it can be frustrating, but it is always better than a world in which we stop talking and take up arms. So I thank you and your delegations for showing up, for articulating your positions, for listening to others, and for trying relentlessly to advance peace development and human rights.
An efficient, effective, nimble and well-coordinated UN is urgently needed. Sweden strongly supports the Secretary-General's UN80 initiative and expects all UN entities to engage fully with a clear focus on improving delivery at country level. We also expect Member States to give the UN adequate resources. Assessed contributions must be paid in full and in time. As members, we also need to carefully consider institutional reforms and align mandates with available resources. UN80 is an opportunity to strengthen the UN's impact across all three pillars and to reinforce the international system firmly grounded in the UN Charter and international law. Sweden remains firm in its defence of the UN's normative mandates on human rights, gender equality, and sexual and reproductive health and rights. Everyone has the right to live freely and with dignity, to be who they are and to love whom they choose. Sweden will always stand up for that freedom and for equal rights of all. Mr. President, a balanced expansion of the Security Council would strengthen its credibility and the legitimacy of its decisions. Sweden would like to see permanent and non-permanent seats added, and a fairer representation of all continents on the council. Africa, home to 1.3 billion people and the largest regional bloc in the United Nations, has no permanent seat. This is neither logical nor fair. Further, the veto should never be used to prevent the UN from acting against serious violations of international law or in humanitarian disasters. Mr. President, we must continue to strengthen our United Nations to make the organisation stronger and better equipped to prevent conflict and meet the challenges of tomorrow. We must continue to find common agreements based on the fundamentals. Every country's sovereignty and territorial integrity, prohibition of the use of force, respect for international law, human rights and humanitarian principles. It is our shared responsibility to ensure that the UN remains relevant, effective and resolute. That it becomes greater than the sum of its parts. To show once again that we can turn the page on conflict and chaos and move towards peace and prosperity. Mr. President, this year also marks 65 years since Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld died. His integrity, conviction and commitment to the vision and values of our organisation are still remembered. Sweden continues to support the UN investigation aimed at clarifying the circumstances surrounding Secretary-General Hammarskjöld's death, and I would like to conclude with the words of Mr. Hammarskjöld. It is no news to anybody, but we sense it in different degrees that the world of today is more than ever before one world. The weakness of one is the weakness of all and the strength of one, not the military strength, the real strength, the economic and social strength, the happiness of the people is indirectly the strength of all.
Mr. President, Botswana supports reforms that strengthen the effectiveness, coherence, and responsiveness of the United Nations system. We also believe that efficiency gains should be redeployed to strengthen the capacity of the organization to prevent conflict, address emerging security threats, and deliver meaningful results in program countries in line with the UN80 vision. It is in this spirit that Botswana accords the highest priority to its partnerships with the United Nations Office of Counterterrorism, UN-Habitat, the International Trade Center, the International Organization for Migration, among others. We particularly recognize UNOCT's leadership role in strengthening the United Nations' collective efforts to prevent and counter terrorism and violent extremism, and in translating international commitments into practical support for member states. Botswana remains committed to further deepening its cooperation with UNOCT and the wider United Nations system through capacity building, technical assistance, knowledge sharing, and the exchange of good practices. Such partnerships demonstrate that a responsive United Nations can build trust, strengthen national capacity, and foster peace and security. Mr. President, no reform agenda, including UN80, is complete without addressing the long-standing inequities within the Security Council. In this regard, Botswana reaffirms its support for comprehensive Security Council reform and aligns itself with the common African position as articulated in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. We believe that a Security Council that continues to exclude Africa and Latin America from permanent membership cannot credibly claim to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. We also call on the United Nations to continue to explore the creation of an inclusive international framework on emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence. We recognize technology as a bridge that narrows global inequality. This extends to critical minerals, rare earths, and energy resources that power the technological revolution, many of which come from developing countries. Therefore, developing countries must have a meaningful voice in setting the standards and safeguards that will govern these technologies, ensuring that they expand opportunities, support decent work, and strengthen public services while protecting human dignity, rights, and security. Mr. President, I wish to reaffirm Botswana's commitment to multilateralism. We believe that shared challenges require shared solutions. We also believe that implementing the Pact for the Future, together with the UN80 initiative, offers an opportunity to translate our shared commitments into practical improvements in the functioning of the United Nations. In conclusion, Mr. President, I reemphasize that restoring trust, managing transformation, and delivering for all are interconnected. We restore trust when we uphold our commitments, respect the UN Charter, and apply international law consistently. We manage transformation when change creates opportunity rather than deepens inequality, when developing countries have a meaningful voice in shaping the systems that affect their future, and when technological and economic progress serve humanity as a whole. And we deliver for all when our decisions translate into tangible improvements in peace, security, development, health, and human dignity.
This transformation first requires a bold Security Council reform. We cannot claim to represent the world of 2026 with the proportions of 1945. A continent of more than 1.3 billion inhabitants, whose crises make up a large portion of the Council's work, ought to have at least one permanent seat in it. The Pact for the Future has opened a window, but two years after its adoption, negotiations on Security Council reform are still ongoing. The decision that is urgently needed has yet to be made. The African position, represented for years now by the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, is not a favor we are asking. It is a demand for justice and effectiveness. Transformation, next, requires peacekeeping operations with realistic mandates and predictable financing. We support strengthening the UN-African Union partnership, including through predictable financing for African-led operations. Lastly, the transformation requires an international financial architecture that stops penalizing fragile countries. These reforms are not favors; they are investments in the world's stability. The UN must benefit all of its members.
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we are here today at a unique moment in the history of our organization. At a time when the UN is discussing crucial reforms and multilateralism is at a crossroads, the topic of this 81st session, restoring trust, managing transformation is a very relevant topic. It summarizes the expectations of member states and the peoples of the world in all of their diversity vis a vis the UN. Each year we adopt new resolutions and we reaffirm our commitments. Each year, we renew our faith in multilateralism. Nonetheless, conflicts persist. People are still awaiting justice. Will generations still grow up with fighting as their backdrop? Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Security Council reform illustrates alone this situation and this crisis of confidence. For decades now, positions have been well known. Calls for reform have stacked up and consultations have multiplied. But progress still remains insufficient. Chad reiterates to this end, its complete support for the common African position, as stipulated in the Ezzelini consensus and the Sirte declaration, and taken up in the African model for reform of the Security Council, presented in April by Sierra Leone on behalf of the Committee of ten of the African Union. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Chad considers that those difficulties facing multilateralism stem in part from the cynicism of the most powerful and from double standards policies. My country remains committed to multilateralism that is based on the UN charter, the sovereign equality of states, the respect for their independence, cooperation and international solidarity.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This session is taking place against a deeply troubling international backdrop. Conflicts and hotspots of tension are multiplying, and geopolitical divisions are deepening, while the rise of terrorism and violent extremism threatens an ever growing number of regions. At the same time, climate upheavals are hitting our countries hard, not to mention the humanitarian crises and deep inequalities that are weakening our societies. Added to this are the very real risks to the survival of humanity posed by the uncontrolled development of artificial intelligence. The world is thus at a difficult turning point. It is looking on at the gradual fragmentation of its peace architecture and an alarming reconfiguration of the international landscape before our very eyes. Multilateralism is being sorely tested, weakened by an erosion of trust between nations and trust in the institutions that underpin the world order. In these times of multilateral fracture, it is imperative to find appropriate solutions to put an end to these dangerous escalations, prioritize dialogue and rebuild trust. With regard to international institutions, this trust is measured by their ability to translate the universality of their principles into concrete actions, and to treat every state, large or small, with the same standard of fairness. The trust of peoples, for its part, is nourished by tangible results and by the certainty that the decisions taken on their behalf genuinely serve their security, their dignity, and protect their future. This year's theme, therefore, aptly captures the expectations of our time. It calls on us specifically to restore trust in our collective capacity to respond effectively to global challenges, and to support the current changes and reforms of the United Nations architecture so that our organization is once again able to deliver concrete solutions to the concerns of all peoples. For Cote d'Ivoire, this means reinvigorating multilateralism and consequently, restoring diplomacy's rightful place and credibility so that it can act effectively. In light of these challenges, a monumental task awaits the next Secretary General of the United Nations, whose selection process is now well underway.
And with that in mind, Djibouti supports the beyond GDP intergovernmental process. This seeks to complement traditional economic indicators with measures that better take into account people's wellbeing, social inclusion and environmental sustainability. Djibouti supports efforts to adapt the UN to contemporary challenges and enhance its effectiveness, but we must make it clear that our organisation does not exist merely to balance the books. Rather, it is here to serve our peoples and to give effect to the decisions that we take together. Any reform should continue to be guided by the mandates established by member States, and should preserve the balance between the three pillars peace and security, development and human rights. As the mandate of the outgoing Secretary General, His Excellency António Guterres draws to a close, I should like on behalf of my president, His Excellency Ismail Omar Guelleh, to express our profound gratitude for his years of service to the UN. We wish him every success and we sincerely thank him for his invaluable contribution to global peace and justice. Finally, we are following very closely the process to identify the most qualified person to serve as the next Secretary General of the UN. That selection must be guided by competence, professional integrity and unequivocal commitment to respect for international law and the ability rigorously to implement the reforms on which member states have collectively agreed. Thank you.
Mexico and Norway founded the UN80 Global Group, supporting the reforms undertaken by the Secretary-General, focused on building with practical actions a more effective and transparent United Nations with Qatar, Norway and Switzerland. We are engaging in a strengthening of the mediation capacities of the organization. Each and every conflict that diplomacy can prevent is worth more than all of those that force seeks to resolve.
Mr. president and excellencies, the theme of this session, and I quote, restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. It speaks directly to our realities of our small islands in Micronesia. We need the benefits of digital innovation, artificial intelligence, energy transition and institutional reforms.
Nigeria stands ready to assume greater responsibility on the strength of obligations honoured and sacrifices made over decades in the service of peace. From Liberia and Sierra Leone to Darfur, Mali and The Gambia, we have committed personnel resources when international solidarity required action. Through ECOWAS, the African Union and our Gulf of Guinea partnerships, we continue to advance mediation, democratic governance, counter-terrorism and maritime security. Mr. President, our foreign policy rests on the same conviction that guides our economic reforms. Through sound macroeconomic management, stronger institutions, private sector development and strategic public investment, we seek to give practical meaning to our sustainable development commitments.
The election took place under special circumstances of external information manipulation and a number of external and internal forces had developed and were implementing a plan to seize the state using mass disinformation, hybrid and other tools, and applying also the distribution of mass voter bribes. But the democratic and institutional reforms we have implemented in recent years proved their strength. Armenia's state institutions demonstrated high resilience, preventing state capture, and giving the people of Armenia the opportunity to have their say. The people of Armenia owned up the peace, and we must consistently engage in the further strengthening and institutionalization of peace.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, by embracing this theme, we are undertaking a commitment, namely to not postpone the reforms that are essential for enabling our organisation to act with the integrity required by the challenges of our age, building upon the achievements of the United Nations over 81 years. Our predecessors were able to build an organisation suited to their time. It is now our responsibility to refound it so that it can address the challenges of today and tomorrow.
As we forge ahead with the SDGs, reform of the United International Financial Architecture is critical to a more equitable and inclusive global economic order. Such reforms should create greater policy space and access to financing to enable countries to expand their economies through value addition to their natural resources, including critical minerals, for our people to have full benefit of our resources. This will accelerate sustainable development, address inequality, create jobs for our youth, and lift our population out of poverty. In this context, we welcome the creation of the African Credit Rating Agency to be launched in Mauritius in October this year. This development is a building block of Africa taking ownership of her development and prosperity agenda. It demonstrates progress in Africa's ambitions to drive impetus for the reform of the international financial architecture in order to ensure a level playing field. Middle-income countries continue to face high borrowing costs, limited fiscal space, debt vulnerabilities, climate-related shocks, and persistent inequality. Namibia reaffirms the Sevilla Commitments as an important step towards reforming the international financial architecture and strengthening the global partnership for sustainable development.
Therefore, Mr. President, religious hatred must have no place in this world at all. Mr. president, Pakistan's economic revival remains a defining responsibility of my government and a mission that is very close to my heart. Through difficult, long overdue structural reforms and stringent fiscal discipline, we have restored macroeconomic stability and begun the journey towards sustainable and inclusive growth. We are modernising agriculture and industry, developing mineral resources, digitizing our economy, and equipping our youth with modern AI and IT skills. We are opening new pathways with China through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, as well as with the Gulf, Central Asia and beyond. Here I pay tribute to the visionary leadership of President Xi Jinping for spearheading the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Governance Initiative. On these pillars, we can surely build a shared future for mankind. Mr. president, developing countries are in dire need of timely debt relief, affordable long term financing, and a stronger voice in global financial institutions.
Saint Lucia believes that a truly inclusive United Nations must ensure that its decision making bodies reflect the world that they serve. Saint Lucia advocates for comprehensive reform of the Security Council to enhance its legitimacy and effectiveness in addressing global challenges, thereby restoring trust and a more inclusive multilateral system. Mr. president, a 21st century United Nations Security Council could have been more successful in its responsibility for international peace and security had it not been anchored in the world of 1945. The prolonged reform process must be concluded quickly and include expanded permanent and non-permanent membership for Africa, the Asia Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean region. This reform is essential to restore trust in the United Nations and ensure it delivers peace and security for all. Saint Lucia pledges its commitment and dedication to work with like minded nations to achieve the stated reforms. I wish to take this opportunity Mr. President, to thank the outgoing Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, for his sterling service, especially his steadfast solidarity with the Caribbean through the many challenges and disasters our region has faced.
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Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 13 min1 mention
Who benefits? Who decides and who pays? In Shenge, on Sierra Leone's southern coast, families watch the sea take their land, fishing grounds and the graves of their ancestors. For them, climate change is the disappearance of home in the present. Those who contributed least to the climate crisis are bearing some of its greatest costs. Accessible and predictable climate finance, support for adaptation and effective arrangement for loss and damage are obligations of justice. They are also investment in global stability. Fairness in transformation depends on the institutions that govern it. Sierra Leone therefore supports the UN80 initiative and wider reforms that make this organization more effective, accountable and responsive.
Excellencies, we are drawing close to the end of the tenure of the current Secretary General and the appointment of the next one, an act of greater importance, given that the person must possess the qualities of independence, integrity, competence and courage to build consensus, uphold the charter, promote conflict prevention, lead the necessary reforms, and seek solutions to address the organisation's financial crisis. The Republic of Angola reaffirms its commitment to the United Nations, convinced that only at the level of this institution will it be possible to safeguard the achievements of the recent decades in terms of respect for international law. Only within the framework of the United Nations can we make progress in seeking peaceful solutions to the conflicts ravaging the world within a framework in which multilateralism serves as the mechanism for bringing together ideas, political wills and initiatives conducive to global peace. We, political leaders and rulers of today will be judged in the future by our ability to replace confrontation with dialogue, predatory competition with cooperation, exclusion with solidarity, and the force of arms with the force of law. Only in this way will we build a more just, peaceful and inclusive international order capable of ensuring progress and wellbeing of humankind, leaving no one behind. No weapon is more powerful than diplomacy, since all others are used only to destroy lives, infrastructures, dreams, and life plans, whereas diplomacy is the only weapon that exists to unite, repair, build and save lives, peoples, nations, and humanity itself. For this reason, the United Nations organization must equip itself with appropriate tools and means to fulfill the theme of this 81st session of its General Assembly, namely restoring trust, managing transformation, empowering it to become an organization that delivers for all. Thank you very much for your kind attention.
Indeed, trust among states today is at its lowest point since the Cold War. The necessary reforms are stalling. More and more voices are saying that the UN is not working in the interests of all and is incapable of managing change. This is largely because we, the Member States, have in large part, become mired in endless debates, but have failed to give the organisation a real opportunity to act. That is precisely why the theme of this session sounds today like a verdict on our collective indecision, and at the same time as a diagnosis, calling for urgent treatment. We are surrounded by a systemic crisis in international relations. We see this everywhere. The air is thick with anxiety from Europe to the Middle East, from Asia to Africa and Latin America.
Of course, significant challenges remain, but the progress Greece has made is impossible to overlook. Seven years ago, my country was still emerging from the most painful economic crisis in its modern history, having lost more than 25% of its GDP. Today the economy is growing much faster than the European average, while Greece is attracting significant foreign direct investment. Public finances are solid, and our fiscal performance has become a positive example in Europe. Our public debt is declining faster than any other OECD country. Structural reforms and digitalisation of the state, which has helped reduce bureaucracy, have transformed the public administration and restored trust among investors. A few days ago, two leading rating agencies upgraded their outlook of the Greek economy. And at a time of great turbulence in the global bond markets, this says a lot about the progress that Greece has made. Not many people would have bet a few years ago that today Greece's borrowing costs would be lower than that of four G7 countries. This transformation was not easy. It was made possible by the hard work, the resilience and the determination of the Greek people. Economic growth is vital because it expands a nation's strategic leverage. It enables a state to bolster its defence, a core commitment this government is proud to adhere to, to modernize its infrastructure, to invest in innovation, all while safeguarding social cohesion. Economic resilience is therefore inherently intertwined with robust institutions and credible deterrent capabilities.
Mr. president, one year ago I stood at this very podium and reminded this Assembly that if the United Nations is to remain humanity's surest hope for a just and peaceful world, it must have the courage to confront aggression and the will to engage fully with the defining question of our age. I also argued that we must be bold enough to undertake the institutional reforms necessary to strengthen the organisation, enhance its credibility and enable it to meet the challenges of a changing world. Indeed, I am pleased that the theme of this year's assembly, and I quote, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, end of quote, acknowledges the need for this organisation to be fit for purpose, to respond to the challenges, and to seize the possibilities of our time. Today, we confront a climate catastrophe, an energy crisis, food insecurity, biodiversity loss, armed conflicts, and geopolitical tensions, the horror of genocide, a spiralling cost of living crisis, a mounting debt crisis, widening inequalities within and among nations, and, perhaps most troubling of all, a weakening of multilateralism itself. Yet if history has taught us anything, it is that even when the world seemed to stand at the precipice, humanity has never been entirely without the means to draw it back from the brink. We have ended wars that seem without end. We have confronted economic calamities that threaten the foundations of societies. We have overcome dangers that presented existential threats. Time and again, it has been our inventiveness, our courage, and above all, our willingness to act together that have opened a path where none seemed to exist. This is why I do not wish to linger or lament further upon the difficulties before us. I wish instead to turn our gaze toward the possibilities that lie beyond them. For within every crisis lies a summons to solutions, within every disruption an opportunity for renewal, and within every uncertainty, the possibility of shaping a better future.
Despite the extraordinary efforts of the Sudanese people, the cycle of violence has continued. The conflict has been inflamed and prolonged by harmful outside interference. All states and external actors must cease arming, financing and enabling the war in Sudan. 15 million Sudanese people are displaced from their homes. Over 19.5 million face crisis levels of hunger. 33 million need urgent humanitarian assistance. Violations of international law including targeting on the basis of ethnicity, deliberate destruction of the means of survival, killing, torture and sexual violence are again being used as weapons of war. We need to act decisively to support the people of Sudan to end this conflict. We must support their aspirations for democracy, justice and development. Sudan has become a forgotten war despite its devastating impacts. We must not allow the absence of daily headlines to become a license for inaction. The people of Sudan deserve the same attention, urgency and solidarity that we rightly extend to crises elsewhere. Mr. President, despite its prevalence, we cannot ever allow ourselves to become indifferent to conflict and human suffering it brings. To do so would deny the shared humanity of its victims. The peace plan on Gaza agreed last October was welcome, but it has not fundamentally changed the reality on the ground. Israeli strikes continue, humanitarian aid remains blocked. Civilians continue to suffer. We, the collective international community, have failed Palestine. Ireland, like most gathered here, believe that the only viable solution to the decades of conflict, misery and wasted human lives is a situation where a state of Palestine and a state of Israel live side by side in peace, security, and dignity. There are modest signs of progress. More countries have recognised the state of Palestine, and overwhelming majority of UN member states has endorsed the New York Declaration. More of us have taken steps to push back against the illegal and violent settler occupation of Palestinian land in the West Bank. But time is running out. What we are witnessing on the ground is a deliberate attempt by some to make the prospect of a two state solution impossible. This is not some mad conspiracy theory. It is the stated intent of the Prime Minister of Israel who said clearly that, and I quote, we are going to fulfil our promise that there will be no Palestinian state. This place belongs to us, end quote, as he permitted the E1 illegal development in East Jerusalem. And the situation in Gaza remains an affront to all that is decent. How can we tolerate a situation where civilians are so desperate for shelter that they have to make their homes in war damaged and unsafe buildings? Where eight children died because one of them collapsed? Where the most basic humanitarian aid, food and shelter is deliberately impeded? When the full truth of what has happened, what is still happening in Gaza is finally known, when the evidence is gathered, when the testimonies are heard, when the true horrors are finally and fully revealed, it will shame the world. Nobody will be able to say that we did not know. Let it not be said that we did not act. In the West Bank, the relentless expansion of settlements have reached a scale without precedent, further eroding the prospects for a just and lasting peace. Violent settlers continue to act with near-total impunity, while Palestinian communities face a sustained campaign of displacement and destruction amounting to ethnic cleansing. Entire villages have been razed, homes and vital infrastructure demolished, and thousands of Palestinian families driven from the places they have called home for generations and exposed to intimidation and violence. The United Nations reports that this year there have been almost 200 attacks against Palestinians every month, a stark reminder of a reality that is deepening conflict, suffering and despair. The International Court of Justice has been clear. Settlements in occupied Palestinian territory are illegal. Ireland has acted alongside others to prohibit the import of settlement goods. It is never too late to uphold international law. Mr. President, the conflict in the Gulf remains deeply concerning and is having a serious impact around the world. We need to get back to meaningful, good faith negotiations by all sides. Ireland has consistently stated that Iran must cease its attacks on its neighbours and also end its destabilizing activities across the region, including strikes on ships in the Strait of Hormuz. Vessels must be allowed to transit the strait safely and without tolls in line with international law. If we are to build greater stability, Iran must never have a nuclear weapon. Iran's destabilizing influence across the region must cease. We need dialogue to achieve a negotiated settlement. Mr. President, since 1978, Irish soldiers have served with distinction in Lebanon in the UNIFIL peacekeeping operation. Ireland will continue to work with Lebanon, European Union and international partners to support Lebanon's future peace and security. We have consistently condemned Hezbollah's attacks on Israel, which must cease immediately. Israel must withdraw its military presence from southern Lebanon and bring an end to its military operations there. Israel's response has been wholly disproportionate. We honor the courage, professionalism and dedication of all peacekeepers who have served under the United Nations. We remember with particular respect, those who lost their lives in the cause of peace. We welcome the Secretary-General's report on the Future of Peacekeeping, and Ireland will work with others to ensure that this essential capacity adapts to the 21st century. Ireland also welcomes wider reforms in efforts in the United Nations system. These are necessary if we are to meet the challenges of our rapidly changing world.
Madam president, since the end of the Second World War, Japan has built the peace and prosperity it has today, through the tireless efforts of our predecessors and the goodwill of a large number of countries. In the course of these efforts, Japan itself has consistently acted in the spirit of multilateralism towards addressing challenges facing the international community. However, these challenges cannot be solved by any single country acting alone. Now more than ever, the flag of the United Nations must be held high and under that banner, Member States must mobilize the collective strength of the membership to elaborate new rules and build a framework for cooperation. I am convinced that the United Nations is the only organization capable of taking the helm on a global scale. To this end, as well, reform of the United Nations is essential. The United Nations is a vessel, and the responsibility for determining its contents lies with us, namely the Member States. Rather than lamenting the institutional fatigue of the United Nations, member States should unite with one heart, vigorously advance reform of the United Nations and transform the organization into a more resilient and effective United Nations. Let us move forward, building on the achievements of the current Secretary-General António Guterres. At the same time, the charter of the United Nations, which is now 81 years old, should also be reviewed. Regarding the so-called enemy states clauses, a United Nations General Assembly resolution was adopted in 2005 to delete references to enemy states from the charter of the United Nations, expressing the resolve of the Heads of State and Government of all Member States. In accordance with this resolution, these clauses must be deleted. I would like to strongly emphasize this position, as Japan takes pride and honor in its significant contributions to the efforts of the United Nations for the last 70 years. Furthermore, as a matter of utmost importance, reform of the Security Council is urgently needed. The current structure of the Security Council, whose mandate is to maintain international peace and security, reflects the international situation as it stood in 1945. We need to transform it without delay, into a structure that truly reflects the current realities of the international community. To this end, it is essential to expand the number of both permanent and non-permanent members in order to ensure the legitimacy and representativeness of the Security Council. A majority of member states support the expansion of both categories. Japan is determined to fulfill its solemn responsibility in these UN reforms. Madam president, in the 70 years since we became a UN member state, Japan has consistently contributed to the peace and prosperity of the international community, as a peace loving nation under its exclusively defense oriented policy. Furthermore, we have worked hand in hand with the United Nations on the two indispensable tasks of establishing rules and institutions and providing support on the ground. This policy will remain unchanged in the future. In light of this history, Japan feels a sense of responsibility to safeguard the ideals of the United Nations as our beacon of hope, and to carry that light forward into the future. To that end, with its renewed commitment to the United Nations and multilateralism, Japan will continue to steadily take actions. Now, at a time when the world is in turmoil, the United Nations itself must be reborn as a more resilient and effective United Nations and regain the trust of the international community. Together with this more resilient and effective United Nations, Japan is determined to create peace and prosperity by making the Indo-Pacific and the international community more resilient and prosperous. Thank you so very much.
Thus, through appropriate reforms, the government, in addition to improving political situation, we've improved economic governance, including better management of public affairs and greater domestic resource mobilisation. Me and my country today, I must say, works very hard to mobilize the resources that we need, because the international assistance on its own, however great it is, never developed a country. If we looked today, the level of international assistance and we compare that with the needs for financing in our countries, the places where millions of young people arrive at the labour market in Mali and Burkina Faso and Niger and in Africa, we can see that the international assistance will never be enough, and we need to mobilize our own resources, and we need to have confidence that we will be able to have other sources of funding so that our country can move forward, so our countries will continue counting on their own whilst leaving the door open, who want to work with us.
For us, the European Union is not simply a destination we wish to reach, but a value-based journey that we have embarked on. When the European perspective of the Balkans was reaffirmed at the Thessaloniki Summit in 2003, the world looked very different. Multilateralism and international cooperation were expanding back then. The European Union was one of the most attractive political projects in the world and would welcome 13 new member states over the following decade. At the same time, the Balkans was still emerging from the devastation and divisions of the '90s. More than two decades later, we live in a profoundly different international environment. The international order is entering a new and uncertain phase, and this is why enlargement of the European Union is an act of strategic foresight. It is one of the best investments Europe can make in peace, security, and long-term stability. And Montenegro is proud to stand today at the forefront of that process, ready to serve as an example for the other countries, not because our journey has been without difficulties, but because our journey demonstrates something essential: that progress is possible, that reforms matter, and that democratic political culture pays off. Earlier this year, leaders from across Europe gathered in Montenegro for the European Union-Western Balkans Summit. For Montenegro, that gathering carried a meaning far beyond the protocol. It demonstrated how far our country has traveled and how close our European future has become. And it also sent an important message about our region: that the future of the entire Balkan region lies within the European Union. Our region has carried the weight of division for too long, and a new chapter is being written through cooperation, connectivity, economic opportunity, and European integration. And my generation has a responsibility to help complete that chapter. These responsibilities are not important because of the titles they carry. They are important because of what they allow us to contribute: to reconciliation, connectivity, democratic resilience, and the European future of our region. And lasting reconciliation cannot be built on denial, selective approaches to justice, or the glorification of those convicted of war crimes. It requires respect for the judgments of international courts and equal dignity for every single victim, regardless of their identity or background. And in a world searching for proof that cooperation still works, Montenegro is contributing to the vision that the Balkans become that proof. Excellencies, the principle that guides us at home guides us here as well, in this very organization. Our engagement with the United Nations system is guided by the same principles. Montenegro is a reliable, credible, and predictable partner, committed to an effective multilateral system with the UN Charter at its core, aligned with the European Union's Common Foreign Security Policy, and working closely with our NATO allies and EU partners in support of international peace and security.
Building on this conviction, the Kingdom of Morocco, under the leadership of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, believes that the establishment of a lasting peace in the Middle East depends on the establishment of an independent, sovereign and viable Palestinian state, on the borders of the 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital, living side by side with the State of Israel in peace and security. In the face of the tragedy that the brotherly Palestinian people continue to endure, the Kingdom renews its call for respect for the ceasefire in Gaza and for the entry of humanitarian assistance into the strip in sufficient quantities without impediment or interruption. At the same time, Morocco stresses the need to support the Palestinian Authority, particularly in the financial, technical, structural, humanitarian and training fields and to accompany the reforms it is undertaking within its various institutions. Morocco also renews its support for the pivotal role of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. In keeping with its approach of supporting initiatives aimed at achieving peace in the Middle East, Morocco has decided to participate in the International Stabilisation Force in Gaza and to contribute through humanitarian and security initiatives to establishing a climate of peace and security in the region by contributing to the training of the Palestinian police, deploying high ranking military officers to the internal security forces, and setting up a military field hospital, in addition to its readiness to lead a programme to counter extremism. Developments in the West Bank are deeply alarming, including the adoption of certain laws that affect the legal status of Palestinian territory and pave the way for their seizure for the purpose of settlement expansion, as well as the systematic violence perpetrated by Israeli settlers against Palestinian citizens. All these measures point in one direction the displacement of the population and the undermining of the material basis for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. With regard to the city of Jerusalem, Morocco expresses its deep concern about unilateral Israeli measures and the repeated violations of the sanctity of Al-Aqsa Mosque, which constitutes serious transgressions that contribute to fuelling the discourse of extremism and hatred at the expense of the voice of wisdom and moderation. As the chair of Al-Quds Committee, His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, continues his work to preserve the historical, cultural and spiritual identity of the Holy City and its legal status, as well as to improve the living conditions of the inhabitants, combining political and diplomatic action with programmes implemented on the ground by Bayt Mal Al-Quds Asharif Agency, the executive arm of Al-Quds Committee. Mr. president, despite its significant human, natural and civilizational assets, the African continent faces a gap between the scale of the commitments announced for its benefit by the international community and the value of what has actually been achieved on the ground. Contrary to the stereotypical image held by some, Africa is not a continent of conflicts and a hotbed of problems.
We, the donors, should earmark less and allow more flexible use of resources. Norway remains one of the UN's ten largest donors. We will use our funding to support and promote reform because we believe in investing in the UN. We believe that active, constructive implementation of the UN80 reforms is necessary for its future. This will be a key factor when we assess future voluntary contributions to agencies, funds and programmes. Thirdly, the UN is in an institutional crisis. I am a strong believer in this organisation, but I also recognise that over time we have added excessive complexity to our United Nations. Too often when we identify a new challenge or a new idea, we create a new agency, a new convention, a fund or a programme to address it. Which then comes with secretariats, staff, resources and bureaucracies, and on the ground, an average developing country hosts no less than 23 different UN organisations. In the most vulnerable states, the number is even higher. We also have ten human rights treaty bodies and 11 secretariats for global environmental treaties. I pay tribute to the dedicated and serious staff that is representing us all out there, in at times very difficult places. But those who care about the UN must ask, are we improving the delivery or just creating more fragmentation and duplication? The United Nations derives its legitimacy from the sovereign equality of states. Yet many member states are struggling to keep pace and to participate. We must simplify. We must focus. We must improve our capacity to deliver as one and create more impact on the ground. We, the Member States, must give guidance to the Secretary-General in succeeding with the ongoing reform endeavour. At times this might require a solid dosage of tough love. President, the cost of war affects us all. Grain and fertiliser supplies disrupted by Russia's war against Ukraine undermine food security far beyond Europe's shores. Russia's war against Ukraine and the conflict in the Strait of Hormuz teach us the same lesson. When might succeeds over right, we all pay the price.
We cannot continue to walk up the down escalator pretending it is development. Mr. President, we renew our call for the full operationalisation of the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index so that access to concessional financing is not constrained by per capita income, but reflects the real climate risks small island states face and their limited capacity to respond to such large events. We also call for the swift implementation of reforms set out in the Antigua and Barbuda agenda for SIDS. Further, we support the continuing work of the Bridgetown Initiative to reform the international financial architecture, including automatic debt service suspension clauses when disaster strikes, expanded and rechanneled Special Drawing Rights and multilateral development banks that lend like development partners rather than like commercial creditors. Mr. President, we must also accept that affordable, patient concessional capital is not charity to small states. It is justice for states that contribute the least to the climate crisis, yet bear the highest costs.
Somalia also continues to confront international terrorism with determination and with the support of our international partners. We are strengthening our national security institutions, improving force generation, developing intelligence capabilities, and expanding security cooperation with our neighbors and the rest of the world. But the fight against terrorism in Somalia must not be understood as a Somalia's responsibility alone. We stand on the front line for a struggle that directly affects regional and international security. We therefore call for a predictable, sustainable support for Somalia's security transition, including an adequate financing for African Union mission in Somalia. The transition towards full Somali security responsibility must be properly resourced, phased and firmly anchored in capable Somali institutions. Following debt relief, Somalia's economy continues to grow on the foundations of strong reforms. Our real GDP growth this year is 3.1 despite all the global shocks we are experiencing.
restoring trust, managing transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all, resonates well with the moment of time we find ourselves in right now. There is no denying that the architecture of multilateralism and international law founded on the UN charter is under enormous stress, and restoring that trust in that architecture is critical, particularly for small island developing states like Tuvalu, whose sovereignty and future are anchored in that very architecture. Tuvalu, therefore, stands in solidarity with fellow member states in contributing to the restoration of that trust and advancing the necessary reforms and transformation that will enable the United Nations to deliver for all. Mr. president, Tuvalu, like other countries, is being challenged by various enforced transformations that threaten our land, values, knowledge and cultures. Climate change is transforming our physical environment.
This stage must conclude to usher in a new political era based in truth, justice, and the ability to look forward together, and to find, in political dialogue underpinned by respect, a genuine forum within which we can settle the differences which we have as Venezuelans, seeking always, in so doing, to forge ahead for the well-being of the country. I am delighted to announce that Venezuela has begun a process of democratic transition to ensure its rebirth. This is an orderly, institutional, and verifiable process to build a country that is freer for all, more prosperous, and more at peace with itself. This is a process of political, economic, and spiritual change, and a time of structural reforms to ensure Venezuela's rebirth, the rebirth of our nation and our people. We are seeking here to build a country in which no one has to win by riding roughshod over someone else or ignoring them, because all of us, particularly young people that are entering political life for the first time, are Venezuela. We must aspire to a Venezuela whose political class is deeply committed to national interest, placing them above anything else. And this political class must not be held hostage by media algorithms. I know Venezuela intimately. I thank God for the opportunity he has provided me with to experience institutional forums which exist within various sectors of public life. I know where the doors are, doors that must open to usher in a wholesale transformation of Venezuela, and doors through which we must walk to establish new bases for an economy which serves development at a national level, and what we must do to ensure full justice for all, regardless of social or political class. And I know what we must do to develop a justice system and a system of social equality, as foreseen by the father of our liberation, Simón Bolívar, in Angostura. I want us to arise from the rubble and establish the foundations of a new, diverse, deeply spiritual nation, a new republic which is at peace from itself. However, the world is increasingly less integrated and more polarized. The world has taught us that some of the most solid democratic transitions of the modern world were not born from fracture or breakdowns, but from a transformation spearheaded with iron resolve by institutions themselves. This is our inspiration. We do not seek to reproduce a trajectory which belongs to another nation or the past, but we want to move forward on the basis of a universal idea: abiding by the law can serve as a path towards better, stronger law. A nation cannot only be reborn by rebuilding buildings; rather, it is reborn when it rebuilds trust in its institutions. Consequently, I wish to announce and reaffirm, in unambiguous terms, the pillars of this process. One, there will be an orderly legal transition and a transition of the judiciary. We have embarked upon an institutional review process to ensure the state can grow stronger and to provide legal security, which national and international investors require, but it is also required by our citizens. They must not feel trampled upon and dictated to by arbitrary powers. The judiciary must be at their service. We cannot postpone this process. There needs to be the responsible exercise of politics. Venezuela will guarantee that there can be real participation of all political forces in the country in political life. Democracy is not measured by the very existence of elections. Democracy is measured by the quality of the competition which occurs before the election. An election must serve as a solution, not a generator of irreconcilable conflicts. I wish to say the following loud and clear at this General Assembly: in Venezuela, there will be elections. And in that vein, we have begun a political dialogue with sectors of the opposition, which will lead to a process where everyone will compete on an equal footing. The Venezuelan people, with its age-old wisdom, will determine when the correct time for these elections is, and Venezuelan institutions will be prepared to guarantee this inclusive and transparent process takes place. Ours will be a country that is not submitted to economic restrictions of any kind, so that our right to development can be guaranteed.
Mr. President, few situations illustrate so painfully the gap between international commitments and lived reality as that of the East of the DRC. For more than three decades, millions of Congolese have been suffering attacks, forced displacement, and bereavement. Territories have been occupied, families dispersed, women and girls have suffered sexual violence, while children are recruited by armed groups or deprived of education. At the same time, the looting of our resources continues to fuel international trade. My country continues to face a war of aggression led by Rwanda through its proxy, the AFC M23, in violation of its sovereignty, our sovereignty, and our territorial integrity, as documented by the UN. The atrocities committed by other armed groups, especially the ADF and CODECO, are exacerbating this humanitarian crisis even further. To combat this challenge, the DRC has chosen the path of diplomacy without ever abandoning its rights. The peace agreement signed in Washington on June 27, 2025, the commitments made as part of the Doha process, and the roadmap coordinated by the African Union have opened up prospects that we have constantly supported. I commend the United States, Qatar, the African Union, African facilitators, regional partners, and all those who are sincerely striving to restore peace. However, for the sake of truth, we must recognize that for millions of Congolese, this peace remains only a promise. Resolution 2773 of the Security Council has laid out an unambiguous path. It calls for an effective cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Rwandan forces from Congolese territory, an end to all support for armed groups, the disengagement of the AFC M23, the dismantling of parallel administrations, the restoration of state authority, unhindered humanitarian access, and the safe and dignified return of displaced persons and refugees. But we don't need new texts to replace those that have already been adopted. What we need is their implementation. With regard to the issue of the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda, the FDLR, long cited by Kigali to justify its military presence on our territory, the DRC is shouldering its responsibility. The protocol signed by the political and military leadership of the FDLR on May 30, 2026, provides for the disarmament, demobilization, and containment of their combatants, with a view toward their repatriation or resettlement without prejudice to potential judicial prosecution for serious crimes, until the movement is disbanded. The repatriation on September 8, with the support of MONUSCO, of 120 persons associated with the FDLR, is a first testament to the protocol's implementation. The issue of the FDLR, therefore, should no longer serve as a pretext for maintaining foreign military presence in our territory. The coordinated implementation of the mechanisms of Washington, Doha, and the African Union must be subject to a precise time frame, independent verification, regular information exchange, and clear consequences in case of violations. In this context, MONUSCO maintains a vital role in protecting civilians, monitoring the ceasefire, and supporting agreed-upon mechanisms. Any change to its presence must be determined by the conditions of security on the ground, the strengthening of national capacity, and the guarantee that no vacuum of power will remain to the detriment of populations. The DRC, for its part, will continue to fully shoulder its responsibility, especially through pursuing reforms of its defense and security institutions, through bolstering state authority, and through reconstruction on territories affected by the conflicts. And because the peace sought after in the subregion ought to go hand in hand with cohesion within our nation, the President of the DRC launched on August 28 a national dialogue for peace, cohesion, and the rebuilding of the state. This dialogue is open to the political and social forces that are committed to the Republic, our constitution, our territorial integrity, and to the rejection of violence. It does not aim to circumvent institutions nor to distribute power. It ought to help us address the structural causes of our vulnerabilities, to consolidate national unity, and to build a state that is more just, more involved, and more protective. Our hand remains outstretched toward all of the children of Congo that choose peace, Republican debate, and loyalty to their homeland. We Congolese speak to each other with frankness and responsibility, but no internal dialogue can transform an external aggression into a simple domestic dispute. At the same time, no external aggression should absolve us of correcting our own weaknesses. National cohesion and the defense of our territorial integrity are not mutually exclusive but mutually complementary. Because the peace that we seek cannot be limited to a ceasefire, it ought to also help our country regain full control of its future by transforming the wealth that has too often gone to fuel conflict into tools for development and shared prosperity. Mr. President, it is another paradox that my country's experience is showing the world, that some of its resources that fuel conflicts on its territory are also those that a growing proportion of the transformations of the global economy depend upon.
Mr. Secretary-General, as you approach the conclusion of your stewardship of this great organization, Africa recognizes your steadfast advocacy for a fairer international financial architecture, greater African representation, and a stronger voice for the Global South. You have reminded the world that dignity, equality, and representation are not favors, but principles to be upheld. And perhaps the greatest tribute to your stewardship will be to turn the reforms you championed into reality. Distinguished delegates, 81 years ago, the founders of this organization looked upon a broken world and chose not to preserve the order that had failed them.
Yes, but now it must also be digital. The change must then be reflected in the way we work together to achieve our different and common goals. I know that I am preaching to true believers, Mr. President and Mr. Secretary-General, when I say that there must be no letup, no slowing down in the relentless drive for reform of how this United Nations and its agencies does its business and delivers its services, to take our foot off the gas would be to let down the millions who need this United Nations to do better, be better at tackling the problems that blight their lives. That is why the goal of this General Assembly, a United Nations that delivers for all, is so important and so urgent. If we are to have any hope of renewing the trust of the citizens we serve in global institutions and the global order. We have to show that those institutions, this institution, can indeed deliver in ways that change tangibly lives for the better. We must never lose sight and never lose faith in the values that brought us together in the first place. As nations united. Malta is and always, of course, will be a passionate advocate and promoter of and passionately committed to multilateralism. At the core of all we do must be the code and conscience of the founding charter of this United Nations. But the implementation of those values, the way we turn those fine words into fine actions, must always be a process of constant evolution. We can never stand still if we are to keep cooperation alive. So Malta remains thoroughly committed to the implementation of the Pact for the Future and all of its associated actions. Reforms must, yes, remain Member State driven and firmly anchored in the intergovernmental process, and efficiency must not come at the expense of effectiveness on the ground. Malta solidly backs a strong and effective Resident Coordinator system as the key anchor of UN action at a country level, and I can't reiterate often enough or restate strongly enough, that the only effective antidote to the cancer of cynicism and suspicion is effective and concerted action to tackle the greatest threat to our people and our planet. And alongside spreading conflict and the dangers of uncontrolled technology, the greatest threat to us all, and especially island nations like Malta, is man made climate change.
We propose partnership instead of dependence. It is in this spirit that we view our role in the global economy and our engagement in international initiatives. Ladies and gentlemen, today Poland is the world's 20th largest economy. Our path to becoming a developed nation was not a matter of chance, but the result of consistent reforms, including the fight against corruption, responsible policies, and the efforts of the entire society.
The resources exist. What is missing is the will. The time to act is now. Sir, Solomon Islands is due to graduate from least developed country status in 2027. As part of our preparations, my government is pursuing an ambitious and proactive agenda that uses public private partnerships to unlock investments in transformative projects, special economic zones and key sectors. A second tuna cannery at Bina Harbour, upgraded airports, agricultural treatment facilities to support trade and expanded road networks and maritime ports will shift the trajectory of our economy. At the same time, my government is strengthening our financial institutions and frameworks to improve revenue collection and accountability so that we can sustain our development priorities. These reforms reflect our commitment to a strong and resilient economy that delivers decentralised, people centred development across the country. Our ambition is clear: to graduate from LDC status with confidence, to strengthen the foundations of our economy, and to ensure that development delivers lasting opportunities for every Solomon Islander. Mr. president, as the UN marks its 81st anniversary, it must continue to evolve to meet today's challenges while remaining faithful to its founding principles.
Mr. president, at the end of August, the Vanuatu government initiated proceedings against France before the International Court of Justice concerning sovereignty over Umaenupne and Umaeneg/Leka islands, or Matthew and Hunter, as they called in English, and the maritime boundaries between Vanuatu and New Caledonia. These islands are integral part of Vanuatu's territory, grounded in customary governance, long standing historical connections indigenous ownership and is seen as part of our duty as ancestral custodians to protect and preserve. We recognise France as a steadfast champion of the international rules based order and under the leadership of President Macron, a strong supporter of international judicial institutions. France has stood alongside Vanuatu in advancing global climate action, including through its support for initiatives before the International Court of Justice. We greatly value this partnership and France leadership on issues of international importance. It is in the same spirit of mutual respect and commitment to international law that we respectfully invite France to consent to the jurisdiction of the court. Mr. president, trust is important for the United Nation's credibility. It cannot be restored through declarations alone. Trust must be earned through action. People will trust the United Nations when they see it preventing conflict. They will trust it when international law is respected. They will trust it when humanitarian assistance reaches those who need it. They will trust it when development commitments become real projects. They will trust it when climate finance reaches vulnerable communities. They will trust it when small states are heard and they will trust it when the international system treats all nations with equal dignity. For Vanuatu, restoring trust also means restoring confidence in multilateralism itself. We must resist the temptation to conclude that because the international system is imperfect, it is therefore irrelevant. The UN80 reforms currently implemented are paramount to rebuild trust again at the United Nations, and therefore needs to be managed diligently. Vanuatu supports efforts to strengthen the United Nations. But reform must preserve what is most important the principle of sovereign equality. The United Nations cannot become an institution where the voices of the most powerful states dominate, where smaller states are expected merely to follow. Reform must strengthen General Assembly. It must make international institutions more accessible to developing countries. It must address the financing and capacity constraints facing small delegations. It must strengthen preventive diplomacy. It must improve the implementation of international decisions. It must ensure that the development pillar remains resourced and that the implementation on the ground is effective and efficient. And it must ensure that international law remains central to the international system. Vanuatu calls for UN Security Council that is more representative, transparent and accountable, with membership and working methods that reflect today's realities and give all regions a meaningful voice. But reform cannot be limited to institutional structures. The deeper reform we require is political and renewed commitment by member states to the principles we have already agreed to. That charter does not need to be reinvented. It needs to be respected. Mr. president, excellencies, for Vanuatu, the United Nations Charter remains our compass. It tells us that the nations are sovereign equals. It tells us that disputes must be settled peacefully. It tells us that the force must not be used against the territory or political independence of states. It tells us that the nations must cooperate. And it reminds us that the ultimate purpose of the international system is not power for its own sake. It is peace, justice, human dignity, development, and cooperation. And it is a better future for succeeding generations. These principles are particularly important to Vanuatu because we know what independence means. Our independence is not merely the absence of colonial rule. Independence means the right of a people to determine our future. It means sovereignty. It means dignity, it means equality, and it means having an equal place in the family of nations. That is why Vanuatu will continue to defend the multilateral system. That is why we will continue to defend international law, and that is why we will continue to speak for the principle that every nation, regardless of size, matters. Mr. president, we meet at a critical moment in international affairs. There are wars that remain unresolved. There are communities facing humanitarian catastrophe. There is growing geopolitical rivalry. There is economic uncertainty. There is climate disruption. There is technological transformation. And there is declining confidence in the international institutions. Yet I remain convinced that this is precisely the moment when we must choose cooperation over confrontation. We must choose dialogue over division. We must choose law over force. We must choose solidarity over indifference. And we must choose multilateralism over fragmentation. Vanuatu comes from a part of the world where our ancestors navigated vast oceans using the stars, the winds, the currents and the knowledge passed from generation to generation. Today the international community is navigating another uncertain ocean. We need a compass. The United Nations Charter is that compass. It provides the principles by which we can navigate a world of competing interests while preserving our common humanity. The theme of this 81st session Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all reminds us of what is required. But ultimately, restoring trust will depend not on the words we adopt here, but on the actions we take when we leave this hall. Let us therefore, build a United Nations that is strong enough to prevent war, fair enough to protect the vulnerable, courageous enough to defend international law, and inclusive enough to give every nation a meaningful voice. Let us build a United Nations where the concerns of a small island nation in the Pacific and all over the world can stand alongside those of the largest powers of the world. Let us not allow division to rule our era. Instead, we choose cooperation. We choose peace. We choose justice. We choose solidarity. And we choose to renew our faith in the idea that together, nations can build a world. We can build a better world.
We look forward to your stewardship of this assembly, and we move to restore trust and indeed to carry reforms from proposals to implementation. But reform cannot be selective. We cannot move swiftly to reorganise offices and reporting lines while allowing the most consequential questions of power and representation to remain unresolved. Transformation and development. Peacekeeping and humanitarian aid cannot succeed if member states are unwilling to fund it. Let's be very clear no organizational chart can overcome the refusal of states to respect decisions that they find inconvenient. We cannot continue to ask international organisations to do more, while failing to provide them with the resources necessary to fulfil the mandates that we ourselves have agreed. And if member states believe in the institutions that they have created, then we must also be prepared to sustain them. Barbados has consistently met that responsibility, and I give this body the assurance that we will continue to do so. Our commitment to multilateralism, to an international rules based order, must be measured not only by what we ask of these institutions, but by our willingness to support them. So yes, let us improve the machinery, but let us also reform the exercise of power. The Security Council still has 15 members, five of them permanent and armed with that veto. Africa, with 54 states has no permanent seat. And you've heard speaker after speaker after speaker come to this platform to say that this must change. Small island developing states equally confront threats that now reach squarely into the council's mandate from climate insecurity and illicit arms flows to organised crime and displacement. And yet, despite constituting one quarter of the world's states, we have no assured representation within the councils. This, to my friends, must change. And the world we know has already changed. The council has not changed with it. But reform is not only about who sits at the table, it is about how power is exercised. Barbados is therefore joining 123 other member states in supporting the Franco-Mexican initiative on the use of the veto in the cases of mass atrocities. Its principle is fundamental where populations face genocide, crimes against humanity, or large scale war crimes, the veto should not be allowed to paralyse the Security Council when action is most urgently needed. This is why people are losing trust in the United Nations and its council. Mr. President, it's not fair to the majority of member states who still believe in the promise of this body, even as we call for greater equity with the reform of the Security Council.
We cannot simply accept this new order of impunity which some are trying to erect. This is why at the Security Council, France supports reforms aimed at bolstering its effectiveness. We must open up to new members, new regions, first and foremost Africa. But in terms of the substance, the Security Council must be able to take action in the face of mass violations of international law. Who can accept a procedural deadlock when we see barbaric acts being committed? The Franco-Mexican initiative on regulating the veto in the case of mass atrocities being committed is needed more than ever, and I'm delighted that it now has the support of 128 member states. The campaign will continue and we are seeking to secure the commitment of each and every permanent member of the Security Council for this initiative. But it's not enough invoking the law, invoking our values in order to uphold the obligations we all signed up to when we joined the United Nations.
So, Melania, thank you very much. Great job. Great job you're doing. Led by Ambassador Michael Waltz here at the United Nations, we have also worked with many countries in this room to implement the most sweeping U.N. reforms in history. We cut the U.N. budget for the first time ever, slashing it by 15% in 2026 and eliminating more than 4000 positions from the U.N. bureaucracy. The United Nations has great, great potential. I've said that for many years, but it must stop imposing the far left agenda of globalist bureaucrats who nobody ever elected. Last year, my administration was forced to intervene to stop an obscure U.N. body, the International Maritime Organization, from secretly establishing a first ever global carbon tax, very expensive tax to raise international shipping costs by 10 to 20%. And maybe more than that. There is no global government. And while I'm president, there will be no global taxes. The United States is equally opposed to the out of control. Thank you. Thank you very much. The United States is equally opposed to the out of control institution known as the International Criminal Court. We will never allow U.S. service members or anyone else to be investigated or given show trials by an anti-American tribunal with no jurisdiction over us or an evil group of people. I call on all nations that are members of the ICC to officially resign from this rogue institution immediately.
