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And those words give my compatriots and I courage to uphold the Pan-African and anti-colonial heritage that was bequeathed to us by our forebears. Another line in our item petitions God to fill our hearts with true humility and make us cherish fearless honesty. That prayer inspires me today to follow in the footsteps of Doctor Kwame Nkrumah, Haile Selassie, Nelson Mandela and other global icons who have stood at this very podium before me and have spoken boldly and fearlessly about the state of affairs in our world. The words the world may not transform overnight because of the speeches that we deliver here in this August assembly, but history would faithfully record the truths we choose to speak and the silences that we choose to keep When we are granted the privilege of addressing this global town hall. Allow me, therefore, to begin by reintroducing myself to the General Assembly. I stand before you as president of the Republic of Ghana. Yet we too often ascend these heights draped only in the ropes of our titles, forgetting that alongside each of us stands a history, a people, and a legacy I was born in a little town, Damango, which was then a modest community in northern Ghana, and it's now the capital of the Savannah region of my country. I was born to Mr. Emmanuel Adama Mahama of Berlin and Madam Abeba Naba of both of blessed memory. I belong to them and I belong to the foremothers and the forefathers who gave birth to them, who named them, who nurtured them, and who passed down the enduring values by which I live today. I grew up at the crossroads of several Ghanaian cultures. I speak Gonja, which is a language I speak three and Ghana. I am fluent in Hausa, spoken across the West African savanna and the Sahel.
He can certainly count on Luxembourg's full support throughout his tenure. Madam president, the theme that has been chosen for this general debate can hardly be more timely. When I try to paint an honest picture of the world we live in, one thing strikes me in particular trust is under growing strain. Trust between nations, trust between people, and, perhaps most importantly, trust in our ability to work together. And yet, I believe that trust is precisely where we should begin. Not because trust is easy, but because every lasting achievement of the international community has begun with a decision to trust. This is my first address to this Assembly as Head of State of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. I assumed office less than a year ago. It is therefore a particular honor to stand before you today and to reaffirm from this podium the importance Luxembourg attaches to the United Nations and to a rules-based international order grounded in the rule of law. But this moment also makes me reflect on what the United Nations means from the perspective of my own generation. As a relatively young man who has had the privilege of traveling the world, I have been fortunate to meet people from very different cultures, backgrounds, and traditions. These experiences have left me with a simple and lasting conviction. We can learn a lot from each other, and I remain convinced that it is only by working together that we can overcome the many challenges our world is facing today. This conviction is not naive. I am fully aware of the difficulties confronting us, but precisely because the world is becoming more difficult, I believe we must resist the temptation to give up on cooperation. There has never been a time when communication between people in different parts of the world was so easy. Millions of young people have virtual friends and acquaintances across continents through social media, gaming, and countless other forms of connection. We have never been so connected, and yet we seem increasingly unable to trust one another. This should make us reflect. Is it still possible to build a world order in which respect and the willingness to work towards common goals can prevail over the pursuit of self-interest and power? I believe it is, but it will require determination, dialogue and a willingness to look beyond immediate interest. And this is why the United Nations matters. Madam President. Luxembourg has believed in this principle from the very beginning. 81 years ago, still deeply marked by the horrors of the Second World War Luxembourg was among the 51 founding members that came together in San Francisco to lay the foundations of a new international order. At the time, we were the smallest country represented.
Well. It seems that. My turn to preach in this desert where we gather every year came. And I take that as a privilege of the few. Mr. president, dear representatives of the peoples of the United Nations. I've been very positively surprised that a lot of friends wanted to know about what's going on in our country with artificial intelligence.
We will be resilient, and we will work individually and collectively to transcend our vulnerability. So, Mr. President, we come to this August assembly not as mere petitioners, but as partners to play our part in making our world a better place. I come at this point in the debate, having had the privilege of listening to other leaders who spoke before me. And Mr. President, I must tell you, I was moved by the hopeful vision, the fiery passion, the boundless generosity and caring of many of the speakers. They lifted my spirit and I am determined that that is where my spirit shall remain. I owe it to the people who sent me here to be hopeful. I owe it also to people whom I have never met, who come from places I have never been to, but who nevertheless are my brothers and sisters. And so that brings us to the task at hand. We all know that the United Nations has its flaws, but we must not seek to abandon it. It is what we have made it. Some, no doubt are more culpable than others. But in one way or another we are all involved. We speak of culpability, not merely to point a finger of blame, but to understand better where the solutions may lie. We believe profoundly that more than ever, humanity needs the United Nations. Try to imagine a world without it. Where would we go to have the conversations we are having now and that we are having throughout the week? And that is only the beginning. As a global institution, the United Nations is fundamentally an inclusive space where every nation can play a role in addressing our common problems. A retreat from multilateralism undermines the interests of small states and indeed, of everyone. But we acknowledge that our support for the United Nations must be matched by our willingness to embrace reform, to make it more effective. Trust cannot be built or restored by declarations alone. It is only when ordinary people see that cooperation makes their lives safer, richer and happier that trust will be restored. Mr. president, let us restore trust through organisational reform and greater inclusiveness. The United Nations governance model designed in 1945, cannot adequately address the security and economic challenges of today. Therefore, we join with other nations in calling for reform, specifically of the Security Council, to include a permanent member from the continent of Africa with all the attendant rights and privileges. Failure to do so would only confirm that the current composition is not about governance and fairness, but about power. Further, as we proceed with selecting our next Secretary General, let us be more open and inclusive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is pleased to join other Caribbean community members in endorsing the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodriguez Birkett of Guyana and of the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. We know her as a distinguished diplomat, a principled multilateralist, and a compelling advocate for developing countries and small states. Mr. president, as this is my first time here, like a tourist, I walked the halls of this historic building and admired the impressive portraits on the walls, the impressive portraits of the nine men who have served as Secretary General since 1946. And while I appreciated the outstanding calibre and service of those men, I nevertheless could not resist thinking that after eight decades, surely the time has come for an equally capable woman to be Secretary General.
Mr. President, Secretary-General, Excellencies, distinguished heads of state and government. It is my privilege to convey from this rostrum on behalf of His Excellency Mr. Félix-Antoine Tshisekedi Chilombo, President of the DRC and Head of State, the Congolese vision of the future of our organization. I warmly congratulate His Excellency Mr. Khalilur Rahman on his election as President of this 81st Session of the General Assembly. I also pay tribute to Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock for the work she accomplished during the previous session. Lastly, I pay tribute in particular to Mr. António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, at a time when his mandate is coming to its end. During a decade marked by wars, the pandemic, climate emergencies, and exacerbated geopolitical tensions, he constantly defended peace, human dignity, and international cooperation.
Mr. president. Mr. Secretary General. Excellencies, distinguished delegates, dear friends of Georgia, it's a privilege to stand before this assembly on behalf of Georgia, a nation shaped by centuries of history, resilience and engagement with the changing world. We meet at a time of considerable change in the international environment. Developments in different parts of the world are challenging existing arrangements and raising questions about the future of the international order. In this context, maintaining peace and strengthening international cooperation remain key priorities.
Such a partnership requires a United Nations that evolves with the aspirations of the present and future generations. Institutions that adapt preserve their relevance, those that resist change, imperialism Nigeria remains optimistic because history shows that countries acting with common purpose and determination can overcome obstacles once considered insurmountable. Our generation has the privilege of shaping the future and the responsibility to answer for it Those who follow us will judge our courage in reforming outdated institutions, building cooperation across divisions, protecting the planet, and directing technology responsibly. Mr. president, excellencies, distinguished delegates Nigeria pledges cooperation over confrontation, dialogue over division, hope over fear and partnership over isolation. These choices must shape institutions that respond to the legitimate aspirations of all nations. Restoring trust requires us to honor our obligations to one another and to manage the challenges before us with justice, wisdom and compassion. The world looks to this assembly for leadership, and our debates must lead to action worthy of that expectation. Nigeria believes that the humanity we share is stronger than the divisions we have met, and that cooperation remains wiser than conflict. A reform, inclusive and effective United Nations is indispensable to the peaceful, just and sustainable world that future generations deserve. Whatever our differences, I repeat, whatever our differences, we must remember that humanity is our oldest citizenship and peace is the inheritance we owe every child.
It is indeed a great honor and privilege to address this Assembly on behalf of H.E. Dr. Samia Suluhu Hassan, President of the United Republic of Tanzania. H.E. the President asked me to convey her fraternal greetings and best wishes for the success of this Session. Mr. President; Allow me to congratulate you, on your election to preside over the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly. Your immense experience and diplomatic skills give us confidence in your ability to guide the proceedings of this Session successfully. Your election is also a fitting tribute to your great country, Bangladesh, with which Tanzania enjoys excellent relations.
Mr. President of the General Assembly, Your Majesties, Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, Mr. Secretary-General, ladies and gentlemen. It is with profound humility and great privilege that I address this 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly. We congratulate the President of the 81st Session on assuming this office and embracing a theme that is both timely and imperative: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. This theme speaks directly to two of the most pressing questions facing the international community today. Firstly, can we restore trust in our collective systems? And secondly, can we manage the great transformations of our time in a way that leaves no country, no person behind?
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, what form of United Nations cooperation should we establish to support the contemporary transformation of our world? How can we restore trust? Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen, we must look to the future with greater ambition. To ensure lasting and measurable impact over the medium and long term. And to do this, we must move on to a new stage, one of increased solidarity. That is more integrated and better coordinated. Madagascar advocates for a multilateral system that is not only capable of acting, but that is also capable of supporting member states in their efforts to break the cycles of poverty and insecurity. My country aspires to an international order founded on the primacy of international law. And trusts in the virtues of dialogue and diplomatic action. Our commitment to multilateral cooperation remains unwavering. Multilateralism is a privileged forum where states unite in a shared responsibility. Enabling them to define common and appropriate solutions in the face of challenges such as epidemics and climate disasters or armed conflicts arising from contemporary geopolitical rivalries and latent multidimensional tensions. History and future generations will judge our organization according to a single criterion namely our ability to fulfil our original mission, serving all peoples without exclusion or privilege, and in full respect for the sovereignty of nations. It is imperative to restore to the United Nations fully its central role as a guardian of peace, as a strengthened institution capable of restoring order and challenge, and addressing the challenges of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, our challenge today is therefore, to rethink our mechanisms of cooperation through greater synergy between UN agencies and governmental structures in order to optimize the effectiveness of our actions on the ground, but also to provide better visibility of tangible results achieved for the benefit of populations. In this regard, the success of our agenda largely depends on strengthening governance and strengthening institutions priorities that are fully integrated into Madagascar's process of refoundation. We recognize also the absolute necessity of reforming the United Nations so that it may serve all peoples. And in this spirit, we would like to propose the following first. More inclusive global governance. This must begin with a rebalancing of decision making power. First and foremost, by restoring the General Assembly's full political weight and central place in global governance, it remains indeed the only organ where every nation, regardless of power, enjoys an equal and sovereign voice. We must also correct the historical imbalance affecting Africa's representation on the Security Council. Indeed. Africa cannot remain on the margins of decisions. We have 1.4 billion inhabitants. Decisions concerning international peace and security. Africa should be granted permanent representation on the Security Council in accordance with the Ezzelini consensus and the Sirte Declaration, which expresses which express a common position grounded in justice, equity and representation. Representativeness within the African Union. We must also strengthen coherence between programmes implemented by the UN Resident Coordinator offices and national priorities. UN country teams on the ground must listen carefully and respond effectively to priorities defined by host governments. Avoiding one size fits all approaches. Secondly, we need a more accessible international financial architecture for effective development support.
Secretary general. Heads of state, heads of government. Delegates. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I am addressing you as the representative of the smallest member state of this organisation in terms of its landmass and one of the smallest in terms of its population, barely two square kilometers bordering the Mediterranean. And yet, in this forum, there are no small or large states. Here, every one of the 193 members has a voice, one alone and of the same weight. Here the charter only recognizes states equal in sovereignty, equal in rights, but also. And I wish to stress this point equal in terms of responsibility, because the equality that our organization bestows upon us is not a privilege that we enjoy. It is a responsibility that we bear. This responsibility is our shared, unique duty to uphold the law and multilateralism shared. Because no state, regardless of how powerful it is, can preserve peace alone or address global threats alone. Unique because everybody must shoulder it without leaving it to others to honor the promise of San Francisco.
Excellencies. The theme of this session calls upon us to restore trust. But trust cannot be restored by simple words alone. It must be earned through action, through behaviour. We will restore trust when rivers become lifelines of cooperation, not fault lines of conflict. We will restore trust when those who failed the climate, those who fuelled the climate crisis, protect those who suffer most from its devastating consequences. And above all, trust will be restored when the guns are silenced and replaced by handshakes, embraces and smiles. Mr. president, the UN80 Initiative should make the United Nations stronger, more coherent and more effective. The Security Council must become more representative, democratic and accountable. Reform must reflect the interests and aspirations of the overwhelming majority of member states, not the ambitions of a select few. Our motto remains: reform for all, privilege for none. Ladies and gentlemen, we live at a dangerous moment.
Of course, nations have legitimate security needs, but the speed with which the world finds resources for war compared to prevention and development, reveals a grave disorder in our priorities. The credibility of international law also depends on who has the voice in applying it. The credibility weakens when institutions entrusted with the law preserve an unequal distribution of power. The Security Council still reflects the world of 1945. Africa, home to more than 1.6 billion people and the subject of most of the council's work still has no permanent seat. That's not fair. Africa seeks its rightful place because the council cannot be fully legitimate or effective while an entire continent remains permanently absent from its highest level of decision making. No durable global solution on peace, climate, food, energy or technology can be built without African leadership. The common African position espoused in the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration calls for no fewer than two permanent seats, with all the rights and privileges of permanent membership, including the veto if it is retained, and five non-permanent seats. As coordinator of the African Union Committee of ten, Sierra Leone will continue to advance that position. Years of intergovernmental negotiations without realizing the reform has tested the credibility of the process. Before this session concludes, member states should have a consolidated model, which we committed to in the pact for the future. Sierra Leone speaks with the authority of service. During our time on the Security Council in 2024 2025, we worked as a voice of reason and a bridge across Division. We convened the Security Council's first high level debate on redressing historical injustice against Africa, placed conflict related food insecurity at the centre of its agenda and with Guyana, Co-drafted unanimously adopted resolution 2807 on youth, peace and security, strengthening young people's role in conflict prevention and peace building. Mr. president. Representation becomes meaningful when it changes decisions and improves lives.
Attack from reactionary forces that wish to normalize injustices, inequality and underdevelopment or the result of political choices. It is possible to include the poor in the budget and make the rich pay their share. It is necessary to cut privileges and invest in free quality education and health care. There is a legitimate desire for change throughout the world, but change is not the same as going backwards. It's not about taking away rights. It's not about reviving theories of racial supremacy or female subjugation. It's not about recolonizing the global South. Change means moving towards a more participatory future and more achievements. It is about creating and sharing effective public solutions to development. Challenge through a democratic, strong, efficient and capable state. It's about betting on the spirit of solidarity and cooperation with Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean region. Initiatives such as the Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty, launched by Brazil and the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Inequalities, launched by South Africa's team.
Africa is not seeking any privileges. It is demanding justice, equity, and representation. We, therefore, strongly reaffirm the need for reform of the United Nations Security Council in order to allow for permanent African representation and more equitable participation by the continent in the international community's decision-making mechanisms. In this regard, Burundi believes that discussions on reform must also address the financial viability of the United Nations system by strengthening the predictability, transparency, and sustainability of its financing. It would not be coherent to entrust the organization with ever greater responsibilities without guaranteeing it the resources necessary for their implementation. We, therefore, call on member states, particularly the wealthiest, to demonstrate responsibility and solidarity in order to preserve the organization's financial stability. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as part of this process of reform, strengthening, and consolidation of our organization, Burundi also wishes to contribute to the debate on the selection process for the next Secretary-General of the United Nations. In the current international context, marked by deep geopolitical divisions and growing challenges to multilateralism, this process must be conducted in a spirit of transparency, openness, and collective responsibility. Burundi believes that this process must be based above all on qualifications, experience, integrity, independence of judgment, diplomatic skill, and the ability to bring together the positions of all member states. We need a true bridge-builder, a leader capable of engaging in dialogue with all parties, of bringing positions closer together even when divergences appear unsurmountable, but also of showing firmness, courage, and independence when it comes to defending the principles of the United Nations Charter and ensuring that the collective interest prevails. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, peace remains the primary condition for development. The African Union is deeply concerned by the persistence of conflicts and crises that continue to cause massive population displacement, destroy infrastructure, and deprive millions of children of their right to education and to a better future.
Mr. president, as we work to correct the imbalances inherited from the last century, we must not allow them to be reproduced in the future. Artificial intelligence opens boundless horizons for growth, knowledge, innovation and improved services. Yet it may also create a vast new divide and power linked to computing capacity, data models skills and financing. Therefore managing this transformation requires the establishment of governance frameworks for artificial intelligence and emerging technologies on the basis that technology is a global public benefit and not an exclusive privilege enjoyed by a limited number of states or corporations. Egypt supports the role of the United Nations and a global dialogue to develop principles that balance innovation and responsibility, protect privacy, guarantee transparency, accountability, non-discrimination, human oversight, respect for international law, technology and knowledge transfer, financing of digital infrastructure and skills development. This would enable developing countries to become producers and developers of technology, rather than merely being markets for its consumption. Artificial intelligence should also reflect the linguistic and cultural diversity of the world Arab and African languages and communities should receive fair representation and data and models. Egypt has launched the second edition of its National Artificial Intelligence Strategy 2025 2030, grounded in its firm conviction that the safe and responsible use of technology and the development of national capacities are inseparable requirements. The same principle governs the green transition. There can be no just transition if ambition is dissociated from fair implementation.
It is our collective responsibility to never allow our region to be overtaken by gangs or criminal networks. We understand that is that is that it is only through partnership, shared intelligence and cooperation that we can effectively tackle the threats they pose to our economies and the livelihoods of our citizens This week, I am pleased to join members of the Shield of Americas in adopting a joint communiqué, which underscores our collective resolve to strengthen the resilience of our region in economic security and multilateral coordination. Mr. president, we stand at the threshold of a new era of technological advancement, artificial intelligence, biotechnology, digital communications and other extraordinary breakthroughs offer the prospect of transforming health, education, agriculture, productivity and public services on a scale scarcely imaginable a generation ago. But a true measure of technological progress will not be how powerful our machines become, but how much more empowered our people become. Technology must not become the privilege of the few. It must become the servant of all humanity. Mr. president, we have before us a new opportunity for sustainable development. Development must not merely make our economies richer.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
Ladies and gentlemen. We meet today as the world undergoes a profound transformation, not only in the balance of power but in the very concept of power, and the ethics of its use. This transformation is reshaping the meaning of security, the nature of alliances, and the capacity of the international order to uphold the foundations and principles upon which and for which it was established. At the heart of these transformations lies a question that transcends the borders of states and continents: how can we build an international order in which the rule of law is an equal right, not a privilege of the most powerful?
Thus, Mozambique reiterates its support for the objectives of the UN Aid Initiative to make this organization more effective, coherent, inclusive, representative, and suited to the challenges of our time. Reform must be embraced as political commitment focused on concrete results. Reforms must also correct imbalances in representation of global governance. In this regard, Africa cannot continue to be in the center of the Security Council agenda while remaining absent from its rank of permanent members. Africa must be a permanent member of the Security Council of the UN. We therefore reaffirm the common African position related to the reform of the United Nations Security Council, based on the Ezoulini Consensus and the Search Declaration, under which no fewer than two permanent seats, with all prerogatives and privileges, including the veto, as long as it exists, and five non-permanent seats, are allocated to Africa. The contribution that Mozambique wishes to make to the debate on this Assembly has the objective of restoring trust through peace, managed transformation through inclusion, and produced results through coherent actions at the national, regional, and global levels. To this, it is important to strengthen international cooperation and equip the UN with greater capacity to address the challenges of the present and make sure that the future generations can have a stronger organization than the one we have received— an organization equal to the challenges of our time, capable of serving the people with dignity, protecting the planet, and promoting a shared prosperity at the international level. Your Excellencies, 81 years ago, the founders of this organization entrusted humanity with a promise of peace, cooperation, dignity, and, most of all, hope. Today, that responsibility falls to us, and the path remains very clear: dialogue, cooperation, partnership, innovation, solidarity, and continued strengthening to the role of the United Nations, and never the use of force in order to impose decisions. This organization is the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility and our commitment to multilateralism to the service of humanity. Mr. President, allow me to conclude by returning to the opening words of our Magna Carta or Charter:" We, the people."
We cannot call upon security in and of itself to bear the burden of peace. Economic recovery needs to be the other pillar. This is why we welcome the decision taken by the administration of President Donald Trump to extend through 2028 the trade preference known as HOPE/HELP. We are deeply grateful for this gesture of friendship, which is an important step for our economic recovery, and we call for it to be extended by ten years. We also want to extend our gratitude to the United Kingdom for the Developing Countries Trading Scheme, and we call upon more countries to put in place similar mechanisms that are capable of transforming access to markets and to opportunities for trade and investment. Haiti needs investment to craft its future. This is why today Haiti is calling for a paradigm shift. We need to move from aid to investment, from assistance to production, from dependency to partnership, and we must gradually transform resources mobilized in order to manage the crisis into investments that can create jobs and sustainable opportunities, in particular for our young people and our women. Because when you no longer hear the sound of the guns, you need to hear the sounds of peace: engines that are starting, construction sites that are beginning work again, bustling markets, women that are running businesses, young people that are working, the laughter of children that are playing, and our streets that again, are rediscovering the rhythm of our music and our life. Those who have had the privilege of knowing Haiti know that this country exists behind the images of crises. There's a people that is welcoming and has a vibrant culture with unique knowledge, with stunning beaches and heritage, and exceptional richness. We need to recreate the conditions so that the world can come to Haiti again to discover it, invest in it, do business there and stay there and come back.
We have no other choice. At no time was this demonstrated more clearly than on October 7th, 2023, the darkest day in Israel's history On that horrific day, thousands of Palestinians terrorists stormed into Israel from Gaza. Now, I want you to know there wasn't a single Israeli then in Gaza. Not a civilian, not a soldier, not one. But it didn't matter one bit. The Hamas terrorists committed the worst slaughter of Jews since the Holocaust. They went house to house, shooting Israeli civilians point blank. They did so with with fiendish glee, with sadistic joy. They live streamed as they murdered. And who did they murder? The very Israelis, their neighbors. Who gave them jobs, who picked up Palestinian children at the Gaza border and drove them to Israeli hospitals for cancer treatment and then brought them back. Can you imagine such monstrosity? This these Hamas monsters, they slaughtered Holocaust survivors. They burned babies alive in front of their parents. They beheaded our men. They brutally raped our women, and then they murdered them. Altogether. They slaughtered 1200 Israelis that day. I want to give you an idea of what this means for a country of 10 million. Proportionately, this is equal to 40,000 innocent Americans slaughtered in less than 24 hours. That's 16 times nine, 11 16, nine, 11. That occurred not very far from here. On that darkest of days. Our enemies expected us to collapse. Well, we didn't collapse. Instead, we rose and fought like lions. For the past three years, our heroic soldiers have fought day in and day out in a seven front war. Do you know any other country the size of new Jersey capable of fighting a seven front war? And for three years, seven fronts Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, Iran, militias in Iraq, militias in Syria, Palestinian terrorists in Judea Samaria. They all ganged up on us to wipe us off the face of the earth. They failed because instead of collapsing, we delivered crippling blows to all of them. With our great American friends, we crushed Iran's army, navy, air force, and nuclear facilities. Israel hammered Hamas, we pummeled Hezbollah. You remember the beepers? Remember these things. Remember them? Yeah. Well, I can tell you this. Hezbollah certainly remembers them. Guess what happened to the bulk of the Hezbollah's vast arsenal of 150,000 ballistic missiles and rockets, all aimed at our civilians. They're gone. Hezbollah's leaders dead, their spirit broken. The arch terrorists, the worst mass murderers on earth. Not only killing Israelis, killing Americans, killing Brits, killing citizens of hundreds, dozens of countries. Khamenei, death, Sinwar, Haniyeh, Nasrallah and thousands of other terrorists who sought to destroy us. They're all gone to. The remaining terrorists are desperately trying to regroup. Every day they try to murder our people. And in particular, they try to murder our people in our historic homeland in Judea. By the way, that's where the word Jew comes from. Judea. That's our land. They try to murder us. Thousands of attempts per year on families, peaceful families driving along the roads. They shoot at pregnant women. They shoot entire families. Of course, none of this is covered in the international press or in the social media. None of it None of it. What they cover is a handful of young juvenile delinquents, about 150 in number who go, who throw stones who chop down olive trees. Occasionally they do. They fire up. They lit some fires. I can't stand that. I won't stand for vigilantism. We're a country of law. So we put our Shin Bet on them. But that's what they call settler violence And the number of casualties a year, maybe two. Three in the total time that this is being discussed, maybe 2 or 3 dead compared to the thousands of terrorist attacks against the peaceful settlers, honorable people, law abiding people. What a distortion. It's an obsession. I hear this discussion here. I mean, leaders of countries seriously talk about that. And they say it with such importance. We can't stand settler violence. You don't know what you're talking about. And listen, two days ago, two days ago, two days ago. I say this to my colleague Emmanuel Macron. Two days, three days ago, a French citizen, Netanyahu shukran, a father of six, was gunned down when he visited a spring with his 16 year old son and a Hamas terrorist in Judea. Samaria comes and fires point blank at him in the last words he uttered flee, flee, son, save yourself. That was three days ago. Two days ago, in Judea, Samaria, a reserve officer, a reserve soldier near your leader was mowed down by a drive down terrorist Palestinian terrorists. He's fighting for his life now in a Jerusalem hospital. I visited the family right before I boarded the plane to come here. Najjar, a father of four, is the son of Yahia Lider, our brilliant ambassador to the United States. Three years ago, Israel's oldest son, Moshe, a father of six, was killed while clearing a booby trapped building in Gaza. You killed my brother. Your pain is immeasurable. The entire people of Israel and many outside of Israel are praying for Neerja's life. But despite the pain, despite the agony, we do not give in. In a recent post before he was attacked, Najjar wrote this. Listen to this. We have no other country. It's a privilege to defend it to an area and to all the heroes of Israel. I pledge a sacred vow. Your sacrifice will not be in vain. We will continue to defend our state. We will continue to win because we have no other choice. In this battle against the barbarians. We've had no greater partner than President Trump, I thank him. I thank him for his bold leadership. He boldly confronted an enormous danger to America, Israel and the world decades ago. He understood that if left unchallenged, the fanatic ayatollahs who chant Death to America, death to Israel would eventually carry out their mad fantasies. So Israel and America acted together not only to protect ourselves, but to save civilization. Brave American pilots, alongside brave Israeli pilots, flew joint missions over the skies of Iran. America and Israel also worked together to bring back our remaining hostages. We brought back every last one of them. You ask, why are we winning?
Whether in the Security Council or in the international financial system, institutions built for another age are being asked to govern a completely different world that we live in today. Restoring trust requires more than defending those institutions. It requires having the courage to reform them. This is not a conversation we are beginning today. For decades, member states have debated how to make the Security Council more representative, legitimate, and effective. In 2008, after years of discussion, this General Assembly moved Security Council reform into intergovernmental negotiations. Those negotiations began the following year. Seventeen years later, we are still negotiating. The central question remains before us: membership, the veto, regional representation, the size and working methods of the Security Council, and its relationship with this General Assembly. The world has not stood still while we have been debating these issues. In the Pact for the Future, member states agreed that redressing the historical injustice against Africa must be a priority in the Security Council reform. We should not accept that reform is impossible because it is difficult. This organization has changed its architecture before. In 1963, this General Assembly adopted amendments to enlarge the Security Council. The council grew from 11 members to 15 because member states recognized that the institution had to respond to a changing membership. What was possible then, ladies and gentlemen, is possible today. Reform must deliver equitable and permanent representation with all the prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership to Africa and other deserving regions. Political reform and financial reform are not separate projects. They ask the same fundamental question: whether the institutions that govern our common future will reflect the sovereign equality they proclaim or preserve inequalities inherited from another age. More than half a century ago, this General Assembly called for a new international economic order founded on sovereign equality, interdependence, and cooperation among states. We need not recreate the debates of another era. But we must ask the question they left unfinished: what does equality among nations require in the world of today? It requires a world in which no continent is permanently excluded from the highest decisions on peace and security. A world in which international law does not change with the identity of the state to which it is applied. A world in which a nation's prospects are not determined by how expensive the world has decided its capital to be. It requires that no child lose a classroom because debt service came first. That no mother finds an empty clinic because essential investment became unaffordable. And that the resources of developing countries became foundations for their prosperity rather than pathways for extraction.
Trust is not a sentiment that can be created by adopting a resolution. It is an outcome. It is built when an institution delivers on the purpose for which it was established. That is why reform of the United Nations is necessary, so that the organisation can become more capable, so that it can deliver greater results, and certainly not to replace the responsibility of national states, but to act where collective action is needed. Multilateralism does not begin in New York. It begins with the quality of the states that come to New York. Excellencies, we are a small sized country, but we refuse to let the smallness of our territory define the scale of our ambition. Our ambition is to become a serious state, a state that its allies can trust, a state in which young people can plan their future. A state that respects the diversity and multicultural character of its society, a state confident enough to defend its own identity without denying the identity of the others. A state that knows its history but is not imprisoned by it, and a state that does not expect others to build it in its place. That, to me, is modern sovereignty. Not isolation. Capability. This year Secretary General Antonio Guterres reminded us that the Charter begins with the words: We, the peoples. And he added, not we, the powerful, not we, the victors. In those words lies the reason why a small sized European country continues to believe in this organization, even when it is disappointed by it. Because the alternative to a world governed by rules is not a world in which everyone is free. It is a world in which the strongest are the freest, and everyone else depends on their goodwill. Such a world may appear effective for a moment, but it is never stable. Some decades ago, the United Nations came to our country with a new idea that the international community does not have to wait for a violence to begin before it acts. Today, we once again need that same political wisdom. We must not wait for a technology to create new inequalities before we establish rules. We must not wait for young people to leave before we build societies in which they see a future worth staying for. We must not wait for institutions to lose all public trust before we reform them. And we must not wait for the world to become fully divided into opposing blocs before we rediscover the values of a dialogue. That child with whom I began will be 14 years older when the world enters 2040. None of us today can promise that child a peaceful world, nor a world without crisis, nor a world without competition. But we can leave that child something else. A world in which power is not the only argument, a world in which knowledge is not the privilege of the few, a world in which alliances create security rather than new lines of fear. A world in which technology serves humanity, a world in which a small state has the right to the same dignity, to the same rules, and the same voice as the great powers.
