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Monaco supports the UN80 Initiative to make the organisation more streamlined, more understandable, more efficient and closer to people on the ground. Still, the UN needs resources to function. My country fulfils its financial contributions in full and on time, and we call on all other states to do likewise. But this necessary step is not enough in the light of the changes that have to be undertaken. That is why Monaco calls on the real leaders of the United Nations to rethink the architecture of our system from 2030: bringing on board the public and private sector, civil society and educational and cultural hubs, streamlining processes, preventing mandate duplication, consolidating specialized agencies, regional centres and the secretariat, and guaranteeing small states genuine inclusivity. There is plenty of work to do. The time of the law is patient, but this patience should not be confused with inertia. In the same vein, the principality is in favour of a reform of the Security Council to make it more representative to today's realities, while also preserving its ability to act. And we are also in favour of the revitalisation of this General Assembly, the House of Equality between States. This session will also see the election of the next Secretary-General of the organisation. Monaco calls for a transparent, inclusive and rigorous process. After 80 years, the Principality hopes that women candidates will be seriously considered. The organisation would do well to demonstrate at its helm the equality for which it stands. Ladies and gentlemen there is one area where multilateral trust has recently produced tangible results, and it is dear to the heart of His Serene Highness Prince Albert II, and that is to say, the ocean.
Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres, to whom I pay tribute for ten years of tireless work in defense of the United Nations Charter, international law and multilateralism, heads of state and government, excellencies. Over the past few decades, the international order focused on promoting peace and stability has been essential to prosperity and socioeconomic progress in our societies. Wars and geopolitical tensions that characterize our times have had a terrible human toll, undermining international order and consequently, the chance of prosperity. That is why we must explore every opportunity for dialogue, diplomacy and peace. In the Middle East, the humanitarian tragedy must end, and we must move towards the two state solution, with Israel and Palestine coexisting as two sovereign states in peace and security. The aggressive actions by Iran and its associated armed groups must cease, including attacks on neighboring countries, merchant vessels and civilian infrastructures. Similarly, the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz must end and freedom of navigation must be guaranteed, including safe and toll free passage, including through the Red Sea. In Europe, we must achieve a just and lasting peace that puts an end to the brutal and illegal aggression of Russia against Ukraine. Ukraine is a partner that has the full support of Portugal and European Union. In Sudan, the most dramatic humanitarian crisis we face must come to an end. We must also remain resolute in combating the global threats of terrorism and nuclear weapons. And in the face of the new challenge posed by artificial intelligence, we must find together the right balance between innovation and regulation, one that allows us to harness its potential for the benefit of humanity while preventing it from distorting our very essence. Excellencies, the energy crisis, and the rising fuel prices we are facing due to international conflicts are affecting all our peoples.
Ladies and gentlemen, as Secretary-General António Guterres nears the end of his mandate, we commend his efforts to reform and modernize the United Nations. The next Secretary-General will face a defining task: adapting the United Nations to a world of growing geopolitical rivalry and fragmentation. We expect her or him to carry forward the UN80 agenda and turn reforms into results. The success of UN reforms will be judged not by new structures or new language, but by whether the multilateral system can deliver, uphold international law, and make its rules matter. The future legitimacy of the United Nations will depend on it. Nowhere is this more important than in peace and security. The international community must become better at preventing crises, protecting civilians, and defending the rules it has agreed to uphold. The Czech Republic is ready to do its part. Let me reiterate that we are seeking a non-permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council for the period 2032-2033. If elected, we will contribute actively to its work and shoulder our share of responsibility. We will continue to help preventing and resolving conflicts through political engagement, humanitarian assistance, and practical cooperation. We will stand for the protection of civilians and critical infrastructure, and for accountability when international law is seriously violated.
We need even more multilateralism and even more UN, a stronger UN in defending its principles, more effective in preventing and peacefully settling disputes, more representative in its decision making structures, and closer to the realities of the people. The world needs a UN that strengthens and re-establishes trust. A UN that listens without turning away from the concerns of those people that it serves, who decide without losing sight of those for whom it works and which promises, without forgetting that it needs to keep its promises. International trust cannot be restored just through speeches. It is established through the respect of shared rules. And here we're talking about international law. Unfortunately, we are seeing a worsening of geopolitical tensions and a worrisome return to war at the heart of international relations. Violations of international law and of the United Nations Charter are increasing in number. And the weakness of our responses are akin to a type of tolerance that we seem to be willing to accept. Given this situation, Togo would like to reaffirm its firm belief in international law is not an obstacle to power. It guarantees its legitimacy, its predictability, and its stability. It protects the most vulnerable states and also serves the lasting interests of the most powerful, by preventing uncontrolled clashes by shoring up exchanges, and by establishing trust. Togo thus defends a pragmatic type of multilateralism that transforms commitments into results that scaffolds power dynamics with shared rules and organizes the peaceful coexistence of interests. Mr. president, Togo supports efforts as part of the UN80 Initiative to improve the effectiveness, the coherence and the accountability of our organization.
Mr. president, esteemed Member States. I speak to you today as the Palestinian people faces one of the most dangerous times of its history. This is following long decades of historic injustice, uprooting asylum seeking occupation and the deprivation of its basic right to self-determination, freedom and independence. In the Gaza Strip, our people are being subjected at the hands of the Israeli occupation forces to killing, destruction, starvation and attempts at displacement, as well as a genocidal war that has created an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. It has destroyed neighborhoods, cities, camps, institutions, schools, universities, hospitals, mosques and churches. And it has targeted all the basic necessities of life and the future of entire generations. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, settler expansion is accelerating, the West Bank is being fragmented and Jerusalem is being isolated and judaized. Settler terrorism is escalating under the protection of the occupying forces. While the crimes of land theft, home demolition checkpoints and raids continue under a system of laws, measures and practices, all built on racial discrimination, ethnic cleansing and state terrorism. Ladies and gentlemen. We have long warned the international community, through the United Nations General Assembly and through the Security Council, that these Israeli policies, in violation of international law, would destroy the two state solution, and that this is what is happening now. Today, we warn of an even greater danger ahead, one that requires international action to address it. The danger is no longer limited to undermining the two state solution and preventing the realization of the Palestinian state. It has now come to threaten the very life and existence of the Palestinian people on their homeland. What is taking place in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are not isolated incidents, but rather a malicious colonial scheme aimed at making the lives of Palestinians more difficult in their homeland and forcing them to leave it. We warn you today do not allow another Nakba to occur. Do not allow further massacres like those that occurred in 1948. Do not allow terrorist gangs protected by the Israeli occupation forces to burn Palestinian homes while their occupants are sleeping inside them. Do not allow our children to live afraid and threatened. Once again, I ask before this assembly. How much longer will some states continue to remain silent on Israel, or supply it with the weapons that it uses against our people? The world has witnessed the tremendous cost in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. So what is the international community waiting for in order to protect the Palestinian people, ensure their continued presence on their land and end the Israeli occupation, and implement the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy. This solution guarantees peace for all, instead of the threat emanating from Israeli extremism, which seeks to expand its colonial project towards establishing the so-called Greater Israel and completely erasing Palestinian presence. Mr. president, esteemed member states. We welcomed President Donald Trump's 20 point plan. We also welcomed Security Council Resolution 2803 and the roadmap for implementing the second phase. This was to halt the aggression against our people and their humanitarian suffering, and secure the withdrawal of the occupation forces from the Gaza Strip and begin rebuilding the Gaza Strip. However, regretfully, we have not seen any of this materialize on the ground. The Israeli killing and aggression continue to claim the lives of men, women and children in Gaza. Nearly a year has passed since the adoption of resolution 2803 and the establishment of the Board of Peace. And only one year remains of the designated transitional period before the end of 2027. Therefore, we call for accelerating the implementation of the second phase rather than wasting any more time. The transitional period must not be allowed to become a permanent or open ended situation without any clear time bound political horizon. Rather, it must lead to the reunification of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, under the authority of the State of Palestine and its legitimate institutions, in accordance with the principle of one state one government, one law, and one legitimate entity authorized to bear arms. Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed Member States. The threats and attacks carried out by extremists against Islamic and Christian holy sites, particularly Al-Aqsa mosque and the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron constitute a violation of their historic and legal status and of freedom of worship.
It is Arab in its identity and language, African in its geography, destiny, and belonging, Mediterranean in an intrinsic part of its culture, interests, and partnerships, and Islamic in its civilizational values, which incline toward peace, security, and building bridges with its neighbors. The multiplicity of these circles is not a contradiction but a source of strength, responsibility, and opportunity. From this geopolitical vantage point in particular, we have learned a harsh lesson in recent years. When the state weakens, the vacuum does not remain empty; competing interests fill it, armed groups become active within it, criminal and smuggling networks spread, illicit funds seep in, and institutions themselves become arenas of struggle for influence. At that point, the state does not merely lose part of its security. Its national decision-making begins to lose its independence. This brings us to the essence of what sovereignty means to us. Sovereignty is not merely a flag raised or borders drawn on maps, nor is it slogans repeated while judicial and oversight institutions fail to exercise their roles independently and responsibly. Sovereignty means that national decision-making is free. It also means that our cooperation and integration with United Nations bodies are based on transparency, seriousness, and impartiality, free from selectivity and double standards. Sovereignty means protecting the rights and dignity of the Libyan people from violations, whoever the perpetrator, and ensuring that no one is above the law and no one escapes accountability. Sovereignty means that state institutions are stronger than individuals and groups, and that weapons are subject to the law. It also means that the country's wealth remains the property of the people, not spoils to be divided among parties, networks of interest, or dubious partnerships that exercise some sort of custodianship over the state. Sovereignty means preventing corrupt money from buying influence. It means preventing influence from becoming an immunity that shields corrupt money. If that cycle becomes entrenched, it weakens the state from within and threatens the survival of its institutions.
We now have capable people, institutions, policies that are proudly guiding our national transformation agenda. We must also ask ourselves why we continue to mobilize vital resources to respond to crisis, while investing far less in preventing them. The UN office for Disaster Risk Reduction estimates that every $1 invested in proactive measures, resilient infrastructure or early anticipatory actions saves between 3 to 15 USD in future damages and response costs. Therefore, we cannot remain trapped in a cycle of financing the consequences of the conflict while neglecting the peacebuilding or responding to humanitarian emergencies while underinvesting in resilience and anticipatory actions. Prevention is more cost effective, it's more humane, and it's more sustainable. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Now El Nino is strengthening and is likely to bring another period of significant climate stress across the world, with disproportionate impact on nations like Somalia.
Mr. president, we in Sudan are a peace loving nation, but we also seek a just peace. Therefore, from this UN hall, we reaffirm that comprehensive, lasting and just peace in Sudan in a manner that ensures the non-recurrence of conflict cannot be achieved without ending persistent external interference, halting the flow of weapons, ammunition and mercenaries into Sudan, dismantling the terrorist militia, stopping its attacks against civilians, cities, civilian objects, infrastructure, dams, medical centers and hospitals. Disarming this militia and ensuring that arms remain exclusively in the hands of the state and its established legitimate national institutions. We also call for the support for the steady progress being made by the Sudanese government in the protection of civilians and the peace building process. Mr. president, peace and stability in Sudan cannot be discussed while the destructive war waged by terrorist militia against the Sudanese people continues. The international community's silence and its failure to take steps to deter the atrocities and violations committed by the rebel militia in Sudan, despite the availability of documented and credible evidence and its disregard for legitimate calls to designate it as a terrorist organization and its failure to take decisive measures to stem the flow of weapons, material and mercenaries supporting the terrorist militia across our borders are the factors that prolong the war and encourage the militias continued aggression. Silence regarding the atrocities committed by the terrorist militia in Sudan is not only shameful, unethical and complicit, it is a betrayal of the civilian victims of women and girls who have demonstrated unprecedented resilience in enduring suffering beyond description, and indeed, of an entire people. Mr. president, the call for a comprehensive, nationally owned Sudanese-Sudanese Dialogue to achieve peace represents one of the key pillars of peace and the optimal path for resolving the current crisis. However, a conducive environment must be established to ensure its success and the achievement of its intended outcomes. This should be through the following Parallel and measurable measures to protect civilians, reduce polarisation, de-escalate tensions and contain political estrangement among civilian, political and military forces. Constructive confidence building measures to provide the dialogue with credibility and legitimacy. The dialogue being conducted through a purely Sudanese will free from external interference and free from bargaining, intimidation and coercion practised by some parties, at least at present. The implementation of the provisions of the Jeddah Declaration regarding the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, including fundamental obligations under international humanitarian law, the facilitation of humanitarian action, meeting the needs of civilians and affected persons, and ensuring the safe and voluntary passage of civilians leaving areas of hostilities. Mr. president, past experiences and the wars imposed upon Sudan have taught us that peace is not achieved merely through the signing of peace agreements, without addressing the root causes of the crisis and eliminating its underlying drivers, thereby preventing its recurrence. Rather, peace is a process requiring patience, determination and commitment to addressing the root causes of conflict, removing sources of instability, disarming armed groups, restricting arms possession to the state, and building peace. The state has already begun preparations and creating a conducive environment for this dialogue, aimed at reaching common ground through free discussion and placing the country on the path towards the most appropriate and inclusive political transition that excludes no one except outlaws and traitors.
Today, Central Asia is becoming an example of constructive inter-state cooperation as well as economic, infrastructural and technological development. In this regard, we are ready to share the experience we have accumulated along this path. Distinguished heads of delegations. For the first time in its history, Kyrgyzstan has been elected as a member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2027 2028 term. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my profound gratitude to all countries that supported our candidacy. The support of 142 member states not only confirms Kyrgyzstan's readiness to contribute to international affairs, but also demonstrates the growing role of the Central Asian region in international relations. This achievement is clear evidence that even small states can make a meaningful contribution to addressing global challenges. We fully understand that membership in the Security Council is not a privilege or reward. It is a great responsibility. One year ago, standing at this stage, I stated with confidence that Kyrgyzstan is among those states whose experience enables them to put forward substantive issues for consideration by the Security Council. We do not forget the promises we have made and will make every effort to implement them fully. Therefore, I would like to reiterate Kyrgyzstan firmly adheres to international law, justice and the protection of human rights and supports the multilateral system based on mutual respect, balance of interest and responsibility towards future generations. We intend to work closely with every country and remain committed to productive cooperation. Distinguished colleagues as you all may know, since the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, its member states and leaders have attempted to undertake systematic reforms. Reforms have ranged from expanding the membership of the Security Council to modernizing mechanisms of governance, peacekeeping and the protection of human rights. These initiatives continue to be actively discussed at the international level. However, despite numerous efforts and years of discussion, the institutional structure of our organization continues to face various challenges. Therefore, I believe that expanding the membership of the Security Council is one of the reforms that the international community expects. I consider it fair to grant two permanent seats to the African continent, with a population of more than 1 billion people and one permanent seat to Latin America. Today, the world has changed. At the same time, a number of developed countries have also expressed their aspiration to become members of the Security Council. I believe that the request of this country should be also considered. Another issue, in my view, the weakness of effective mechanisms for ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the organization. The systematic failure to implement the organization's decisions undermines the legitimacy of multilateralism concept, creates the impression that international law is not binding and encourages disregard for international obligations. Therefore, we must expand and strengthen the authority of the United Nations. In this regard, we propose to develop the United Nations mechanism for the implementation of decisions and accountability. First, it is necessary to establish, within the framework of the General Assembly, the permanent Public registry of the implementation of resolutions and obligations by Member States. This registry could include the following information and ensure the implementation of such mechanisms as. First, systematically record and verify the level of implementation of adopted decisions. Second, establish the obligation for Member States to regularly submit report in accordance with the agreed standards. Third, provide analytical reviews on sectors and regions. Fourth, ensure transparency and equal access to information for all states. The registry could be administered by the United Nations Secretariat with the support of independent experts. If decisions of the organization are systematically not implemented, I propose the gradual response mechanisms. The first stage an official notification to the concerned state, followed by consultations with the relevant bodies of the organization. The second stage deployment of a monitoring mission to the country concerned to assess the objective obstacles, preventing the implementation of the decision and to prepare recommendations. The third stage consideration of the case right here at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly to determine the status of the concerned state in terms of its systematic implementation or non implementation of United Nations decisions. The fourth stage, the initiation of appropriate procedures under the charter of the United Nations with regard to states that fail to comply with the requirements. In particular, the matter could be referred to the United Nations Security Council for consideration of restrictive measures provided for under international law, including the first temporary restriction on participation in United Nations programs. The second, recommendations to review existing formats of cooperation and other diplomatic measures, where appropriate. Distinguished colleagues, I believe that when cases of systematic non-implementation of United Nations decisions are considered, the permanent members of the Security Council should voluntarily refrain from using the veto. If a mechanism designed to ensure the implementation of the organization's decisions is systematically blocked by permanent members through the use of the veto, such practice would no longer be consistent with the spirit of the UN charter and the principle of equal responsibility of Member States. Therefore, we should once again consider the possibility of voluntarily restraining to use the veto in matters related to the implementation of the organization's decisions. This approach could promote universality, the equality of all states, regardless of their size, the primacy of diplomacy, and avoid the double standards. In order to implement this initiative, I propose establishing to open a working group within the General Assembly with the participation of the interested Member States. The working group could conduct inter-governmental consultations and prepare a report on possible models for the proposed mechanism. Following these consultations, the General Assembly and the Security Council should consider adopting the relevant resolutions and decisions. The strategic objective of this initiative is to ensure that the decisions of the organization are treated not merely as political recommendations, but as genuine international obligations. Improvement of their implementation would strengthen the rule of international law and reinforce confidence in the United Nations. Kyrgyzstan is ready to initiate interstate discussions on the development of such a mechanism. Starting from the 1st January 2027, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, we intend to formally submit all these proposals to the relevant committee. Distinguished colleagues, I would like to address separately the issues of sanctions. As we have all observed today, sanctions are in some cases, used by individual countries as an instrument to interference to the internal affairs of sovereign states.
Um. Turkey does not confine itself to just articulating these principles. With every step we take, we seek a more equitable and more humane international system. Through the Defense Alliance we have established recently with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, based on the principle of regional ownership, we are now both strengthening solidarity among us and aiming to generate solutions to the problems in our region from within the region itself. We are maintaining our efforts with the relevant actors to bring an end to the climate of conflict and to the climate of war that has been ignited in the Gulf. I strongly underline that any dangerous attempt to spread these conflicts, these clashes to neighboring regions, serves no one's interests. As for Gaza, we remain committed to following through on the agreement we signed in Sharm el-Sheikh one year ago. Now we must begin the reconstruction of Gaza as soon as possible. In this regard, I call upon you to exert greater pressure, more pressure on Israel. Let everyone understand and accept the following. Attempts to strangle the state of Palestine will fail. God willing, we shall see those good days when an independent state of Palestine, based on the 1967 borders with territorial integrity and with East Jerusalem as its capital, will be established. Dear friends, after 14 years of oppression, Syria initiated a new path with the December 8th Revolution. Under the leadership of President Sharaa, we are witnessing Syria now moving toward its goal of becoming a safe and peaceful country in spite of all forms of internal and external provocations. We will continue to stand by the brotherly Syrian people on this journey. In another neighboring country, we fully support efforts to strengthen state authority and consolidate stability. We are working with Iraq on strategic transportation and energy projects that will enhance the welfare of our region, particularly among these projects, important is the Development Road Project. As for the Russia-Ukraine war, it is our sincere hope that it comes to an end with Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity being upheld. We continue our contacts with the parties with a view to restoring safety of navigation in the Black Sea, ensuring food security and preventing the war from spreading to a wider region. I would like to particularly emphasize that recent attacks against commercial ships in the Black Sea, regardless of who carries them out, are unacceptable. We believe that freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be maintained. In the Aegean Sea and the eastern Mediterranean region, we wish to see existing issues resolved on the basis of good neighbourly relations and in accordance with international law. Our proposal for an Eastern Mediterranean Conference will contribute to establishing common ground. On this occasion, I once again will repeat the call I had made numerous times in previous UNGA sessions. The sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people must be recognized and inhumane isolation to which they have been subjected must finally come to an end. I call upon the international community to recognize the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and to establish political, diplomatic and economic relations with them. Esteemed delegates. Turkey, thanks to its growing defense industry and thanks to its resilient economy, continues to be an island of stability in the middle of conflicts in its vicinity.
So while others have talked, I have acted. While others have spoken of peace, I have made peace. While others have ignored threats, I have confronted them. While others have talked of courage, America has shown it. While others have promised strength, I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake. Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region. They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity. The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime were ever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation in this hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran, until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve, anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief. Morocco, Bahrain, these are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump in six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The Prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've had it. 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago. In January, at my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolás Maduro.
We renew our call for an immediate end to all hostilities, unhindered humanitarian access and full respect for international humanitarian law. Prevention must be at the heart of international peace and security. Investing in preventive diplomacy, mediation and early warning is not only morally imperative but also fiscally prudent. The cost of preventing war pales in comparison to the cost of rebuilding broken society.
Mr. President, colleagues, on October 25th, 1971, right here in this august hall, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2758 at its 26th session with an overwhelming majority by which UNGA decided to restore all the rights of the People's Republic of China in the UN and recognize the representatives of the government of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate representatives of China to the UN. This is of profound and far reaching significance for both China and the world. Over the past 55 years, China has been a stabilizing force in times of volatility. China is firmly committed to pursuing peaceful development and has the best track record on peace and security among major countries. It is the largest contributor to peacekeepers among the permanent members of the UN Security Council. It also took the initiative that led to the issuance of the first joint statement of the leaders of the five nuclear weapon states on preventing nuclear war. China has been a main engine driving common development. China has created two miracles at home, namely fast economic growth and long term social stability. And over many years, it has contributed around 30% to global growth. China has joined hands with more than three fourths of the countries in the world in pursuing high quality Belt and Road cooperation. It has mobilized over 23 billion USD and carried out more than 2000 projects under the Global Development Initiative. And it has granted zero tariff status to all the African countries and LDCs having diplomatic relations with it, to empower the Global South in pursuing modernization. China has been a progressive force in an era of change. China has always spoken up for the global South, stood up for the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries, and continued to work toward a more just and equitable global governance system. In October, China will host the Global Governance Forum in the Xiong'an New Area. You're welcome to attend the forum and join in the discussion about the way forward in global governance. Mr. President, colleagues. No matter how the international dynamics evolve, China remains unchanged in its pursuit of peace and development and its dedication to safeguarding fairness and justice, and in its commitment to multilateralism. China will join hands with all other countries to build a community with a shared future for humanity and make the world a better place for all of us. Thank you.
At the same time, we must secure our future by ensuring responsible behavior in outer space, reducing space threats and preventing an arms race in outer space. We also urge a renewed and rigorous commitment to Non-Proliferation treaty, the cornerstone of the global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation architecture. Restoring trust in the NPT is imperative if we are to achieve our shared vision of a world free from existential threat of nuclear weapons. Closer to home the Philippines own journey toward lasting peace, exemplified by the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, has taught us an invaluable lesson.
Mr. president and Excellencies, our actions on gender equality continues to address barriers to women's leadership, economic participation and access to justice, digital safety and protection from violence, particularly for women and girls in remote and outer island communities. We are mainstreaming gender across state and national planning, strengthening survivor centred services, expanding women's economic empowerment and decision making and engaging in preventing gender based violence and advancing equality. Mr. president, on youth, I would like to say that our youth are taking active roles in community advocacy, climate stewardship, adaptation and mitigation activities and services across our nation. Building on these achievements, our priorities are clear strengthening youth voices in decision making, expanding skills training and pathways to decent work supporting youth led climate and community action, addressing substance abuse and mental health, and ensuring that young people have the opportunity to lead, to serve and to build a future for themselves and their nation.
The permanent neutrality of our country, recognized three times by the General Assembly, provides a practical foundation for advancing political and diplomatic methods, preventive diplomacy, mediation, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. We consider it essential to consistently foster a culture of trust and dialogue, and to restore the legal and humanistic foundations of international relations. In this regard, Turkmenistan intends to convene under the auspices of the United Nations Intergovernmental Consultations on the elaboration of a Global Peace Strategy founded on the principles of peace, security, and preventive diplomacy. As a further step in this direction, we propose proclaiming a United Nations decade of dialogue and preventive diplomacy. We believe that such decade would lend a systematic character to the efforts of states to prevent conflicts, build trust and establish sustainable channels of political communication. Turkmenistan will also propose the establishment within the United Nations of a group of Friends of Multilateralism and the sovereign equality of states. Its activities could contribute to safeguarding the fundamental principles of the charter of the United Nations, strengthening dialogue among equals and preventing the emergence of dividing lines in international cooperation. We attach particular importance to supporting the United Nations Regional Center for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia, headquartered in Ashgabat. The year 2027 will mark the 20th anniversary of its establishment. We regard this milestone as a unique opportunity to take stock of the Center's work and identify new avenues for its practical contribution to peace, stability and cooperation in Central Asia. To this end, during the current session, Turkmenistan will submit a further draft General Assembly resolution on the role of the regional center. We trust that the document will reaffirm our shared interest in further strengthening its mandate and operational capacity.
Global progress must uphold the spirit of humanity in relations among nations, safeguard their legitimate interests and respect differences in history, culture and development conditions. Third, we must proactively shape technology governance so that progress serves humanity and our common development. Science, technology, digital transformation and artificial intelligence are opening up unprecedented opportunities, but they are also presenting new challenges. The future of technology does not automatically guarantee equitability, and technological progress must help narrow divides and expand development opportunities, rather than creating new forms of dependency or new sources of conflict. We need to develop inclusive, safe, transparent and accountable principles and governance frameworks to ensure that technologies will be in service of the people while respecting national sovereignty digital sovereignty and the right to development. Developing countries must be able to participate substantively in rulemaking, receive support for infrastructure and digital capacity, and enjoy equitable access to the benefits of scientific and technological progress. Vietnam's hosting of the signing ceremony for the UN Convention Against Cybercrime in Hanoi last year reflects our desire to make substantive contributions to global digital cooperation. Vietnam stands ready to work with partners to strengthen cooperation and build capacity in preventing and combating cyber crime so that people may live safely and benefit from technological progress. We also stand ready to support international initiatives on green and digital transformation, and the development of effective governance frameworks, so that science and technology can truly become drivers of shared development.
The election took place under special circumstances of external information manipulation and a number of external and internal forces had developed and were implementing a plan to seize the state using mass disinformation, hybrid and other tools, and applying also the distribution of mass voter bribes. But the democratic and institutional reforms we have implemented in recent years proved their strength. Armenia's state institutions demonstrated high resilience, preventing state capture, and giving the people of Armenia the opportunity to have their say. The people of Armenia owned up the peace, and we must consistently engage in the further strengthening and institutionalization of peace.
Faced with this tragedy, the Holy See, while calling for strict observance of the international humanitarian law, highlights the urgent necessity to bring hostilities to an end and pave the way for diplomacy. The Holy See encourages every initiative aimed at achieving an immediate, complete and effective ceasefire. The Holy See reiterates its call for an end to the ongoing violence against the Palestinian civilian population in the West Bank, particularly the escalation of hostilities, home demolitions and movement restrictions driving the displacement of Palestinian communities. On the situation in Gaza, the Holy See remains concerned about the dire humanitarian crisis: the widespread destruction, mass displacement and the severe persisting shortages. In this regard, urges the international community to work towards advancing the two state solution with a view to bringing about a just and lasting peace. The Holy See welcomes the signing of the Trilateral Framework Agreement between the United States, Israel and Lebanon aimed at stabilizing the southern borders of the Republic of Lebanon and achieving a just and lasting peace. This agreement in itself represents a significant development. However, the Holy See expresses serious concern regarding the difficulties encountered in its implementation and call on the parties involved to respect fully and enforce the terms of the agreement through concrete actions. Respect for sovereignty and borders form the essential foundation for the implementation of the peace plan. Furthermore, the presence of Christians in Lebanon and throughout the Middle East must not only be safeguarded as the legitimate continuation of a historic presence, but must also be encouraged by international community, since Christians aspire to be an active force for peace, spirituality, and culture within the mosaic of people that make up the Levant, where the Christian faith originated. The Holy See is following with deep concern the situation in the Gulf region, where the conflict has gradually spread and the violence shows no signs of abating. In particular, the Holy See cannot remain silent about the dramatic impact that this conflict is having on vulnerable civilian populations who are being driven into hunger and forced displacement, and who are living in barely sustainable conditions. This conflict has also affected vital infrastructure, maritime transport routes and energy resources that are of strategic importance to the entire global economy, which has an impact on the livelihood of persons all around the world. The Holy See strongly reiterates its appeal for the parties involved to find the courage to engage in dialogue. Only a renewed commitment to negotiation, supported by the international community, can restore the prospect of stable peace and shared development to the Gulf region. The international community must not forget the tragic plight of the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who, for more than nine years now suffer not only from the tragedy of statelessness, but also have been subjected to inhumane and deadly circumstances. These individuals are deprived of their inherent rights in flagrant disrespect, of their human dignity. Their suffering must end. The conditions must be created within their homeland to allow the safe, legal, voluntary and unhindered return. The Holy See renews its heartfelt appeal for an immediate end to the conflict in Sudan, a land that has for too long been ravaged by indiscriminate violence affecting the most defenseless, starting with children and women faced with an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. All parties are urged to initiate, without delay a sincere, constructive dialogue with the support of the international community to facilitate assistance to the population and ensure stability and peace. The Holy See appeals to all key figures in South Sudanese politics to prioritize the well-being of the nation over any partisan interests. Everyone, based on their own responsibility, is called upon to promote action and words that contribute to reconciliation, peace and harmony amongst all South Sudanese. The Holy See is following with deep concern the humanitarian crisis currently unfolding in certain areas of Somalia, where outbreaks of violence and extreme weather events are exacerbating the population's already precarious living conditions. The Holy See urges the international community to generously commit to meeting the immediate needs of the most at risk, especially women and children. The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo is of concern to the Holy See, particularly the protracted crisis in the east of the country and the Ebola epidemic. The Holy See, while expressing full support for the peace processes in the country, encourages a national dialogue and calls for the urgent protection of health and humanitarian workers, unimpeded access to aid, and the strengthening of regional cooperation to address these challenges in an integrated manner. Particular importance must be attached to reconciliation among communities, as it is an indispensable condition for a truly lasting peace. Furthermore, the Holy See is preoccupied by the terrorist attacks, especially in North Kivu and Ituri, which repeatedly target the civilian population, including Christian communities involving killings, abduction and destruction of villages and church structures. The Holy See notes with concern the advance of jihadist groups from the Sahel towards the coastal countries of the Gulf of Guinea. The response cannot be exclusively military. It must include the prevention of radicalisation, the development of border areas, the education of young people, social cohesion and interreligious dialogue, fully valuing the role of religious communities in preventing extremism. The province of Cabo Delgado in Mozambique remains destabilised after almost nine years of armed conflict. The Holy See, while calling for the end of the conflict, remains concerned about the sporadic episodes of violence which prevent internally displaced persons from returning to their place of origins and force them to continue living in a situation of suffering, of food insecurity with no prospects of a better future. In Venezuela, the Holy See encourages every effort aimed at the full restoration of democratic order through peaceful, inclusive means that respect national sovereignty as well as the launch of a process of national reconciliation based on dialogue, the pursuit of the common good, and full respect for human rights and civil liberties. In this context, the sometimes difficult situation faced by detainees in Venezuela as well as the suffering endured by their families, continue to give rise to humanitarian concern and should not be overlooked. The same consideration applies to the pressing need for a swift recovery of the national economy, for the benefit of the entire population, the majority of which continues to endure extremely difficult living conditions. The Holy See continues to follow the situation in Haiti with great attention. The country is currently experiencing a period of serious political, institutional and social instability, as well as a dramatic humanitarian emergency. The Holy See encourages all to prioritise dialogue and the pursuit of the common good, and renews its appeal to the international community to accompany the country with determination and generosity on its arduous journey towards peace, democracy and a renewed confidence in the future. The Holy See is closely monitoring the situation between Cuba and the United States, and calls upon those responsible to foster a sincere and effective dialogue so as to avoid any action that might increase the suffering of the beloved Cuban people. The Holy See is following the situation in Nicaragua with particular concern, and reiterates its constant appeal to pursue a path of respectful and constructive dialogue with the country's authorities for the good of the people and the Church in the country. The Holy See encourages Azerbaijan and Armenia to consolidate the process of achieving a stable and lasting peace in the South Caucasus.
The petition has now been referred to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. Mr. president, 64 years after Jamaica proudly raised our black, green and gold flag as politically independent nation, we remain clear eyed about the world around us. We know its dangers, but we also believe deeply in its possibilities. The United Nations must change if it is to remain credible. Jamaica supports the revitalization of this General Assembly. Meaningful reform of the Security Council and greater coherence, efficiency and accountability across the United Nations system. Reform is not an act of disloyalty to this institution. Reform is how we preserve it. Ultimately, however, Mr. President, multilateralism must mean something beyond these walls. For a small state like Jamaica, its value is felt when our people are safer, when opportunity is expanded, when vulnerability does not become a barrier to development, when countries that have acted responsibly are not penalised for shocks they did not create. And when the voice of a small nation carries the same dignity as that of a large one. That is why Jamaica remains committed to this institution, not because it is perfect, but because we're grateful for what it has achieved and we believe in what it can become. Small states can help lead that effort. Our own journey has taught us that vulnerability need not mean helplessness. That discipline creates resilience. That partnership multiplies possibility. And that even in moments of profound crisis, nations can choose to build forward. So let us restore trust through what we do. Let us manage transformation with purpose. Let us bring the same seriousness to preventing crises that we do to responding to them. And let us never lose sight of the simple idea on which this institution was founded, that nations working together can achieve what none of us can achieve alone. That is the United Nations Jamaica believes in, and that is the United Nations we will continue to work towards reforming and renewing.
We carry no larger agenda other than to ensure that the United Nations will do better. Mr. president, as we face a world in which scientists tell us overshooting the 1.5 degree temperature limit that we agreed in Paris is increasingly likely. We all need to wake up and act. Our focus now must be on preventing or minimizing the overshoot. Shortening the time we spend above 1.5, and doing everything possible to fight our way back. As we gather in Tuvalu, Fiji and Türkiye for this year's climate pre-COP and COP, our response to the threat of overshoot must be overwhelming. A much accelerated transition away from fossil fuels is the only logical response. Continued investment in fossil fuels is not only immoral but irrational. Technologies exist which provide secure, stable, zero emissions energy. We are employing them in my own country, where in the next 18 months, renewable energy will cut fossil fuel use in our remote outer islands by 88%, giving many access to electricity for the first time. We must do everything in our power to accelerate the deployment of renewables and to reduce fossil fuel production and consumption with equal speed. This includes shipping, where we have the opportunity at the International Maritime Organization to adopt binding regulations that will place international shipping on a clear path to net zero by 2050, and generate the revenue required to ensure a just and equitable transition. Mr. president, the denials and delays that have slowed the transition away from fossil fuels mean that countries like mine are already experiencing grave challenges. We have developed our national adaptation Plan, working across ministries and with our people to determine how to make a safe future. Adapting is costly and takes time. Even as we've seen schools destroyed by rising seas, salt water poisoning our wells, and disease outbreaks linked to environmental change. This injustice must be addressed. Our communities deserve restitution. The Marshall Islands and vulnerable people everywhere need sufficient, timely and accessible finance for adaptation and loss and damage. Those who have profited to the detriment of the many must pay. We have created homegrown institutions that are ready and willing to respond, like the Pacific Resilience Facility, a regionally managed platform, and the Marshall Islands Adaptation and Resilience Trust Fund, designed to enable donors to support our adaptation efforts. Mr. president, the crisis has the power to divide us or to prove that we all remain willing to achieve common goals. This week, the Marshall Islands convened the High Ambition Coalition, a diverse group of countries committed to a rigorous response to the climate crisis. We are united in the view that the best available science must lead the decisions we make, the importance of a 1.5°C temperature limit, an urgent transition away from fossil fuels, and the need for adequate and accessible climate finance, especially for adaptation and loss and damage.
But our future is certainly not predetermined. Therefore, of course, war is a choice, but peace is also a far better choice. And sometimes the greater courage lies not in starting a war, but in preventing one. Pakistan has made its choice. We have chosen dialogue over confrontation. We have chosen cooperation over coercion. We have chosen peace over war. Mr. president, let this 81st Assembly make it a unanimous choice for ourselves, for our children, and for generations yet unborn. Let us therefore restore trust. Let us therefore preserve peace, and let us prove that even in a divided world, humanity can still choose to stand together.
It begins when young people see a future when solidarity provides food, education, employment and opportunity, and when injustice is addressed before it becomes instability and conflict. In a fractured world, the United Nations must renew both its operational relevance and its moral clarity. It must help forge a new compact between developed and developing countries, connect finance to resilience and support local leadership with global solidarity. Development is, Mr. president, an instrument of peace. The United Nations must invest as seriously in preventing wars as it does in responding after they begin. The diplomacy mediation and development must be central to that work. Throughout every crisis, one principle must remain constant.
Both are priorities during our membership in the Security Council. No discussion of development today is complete without addressing the technology that is reshaping that development. From this podium two years ago, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister called for the adoption of an international treaty governing the development of artificial intelligence. It would ensure that this technology contributes to peace rather than exacerbating conflict. Since then, the General Assembly has taken positive steps. However, dialogue can bring positions closer, but it is not a step that creates obligations. The aim is not to halt a technology that no one has the power to halt, but to ensure that its growth is surrounded by safeguards, just as the international community surrounded nuclear energy with safeguards that preserved its benefits without preventing it. This technology knows no borders. A safeguard adopted by a single state is not a safeguard, just as a rule that applies in a single strait is not a rule. Therefore, we renew our call for a binding international framework to ensure that this technology becomes a driver of innovation rather than division. And this, in our view, is what it means to manage the transformation that you chose as a theme of this session.
The tendency to divert development budgets towards military expenditure in different parts of the world reverses the direction of our journey towards global peace. As a peace loving nation, Bangladesh remains committed to the goals of complete and general disarmament, preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons and arms control. I reiterate Bangladesh's support for any initiative at the United Nations dedicated to establishing world peace and serving humanity. The people of Bangladesh who believe in democracy remain deeply concerned about the plight of the freedom seeking Palestinian people.
Education, employment, infrastructure and the opportunities offered up to our young people are also part and parcel of our efforts aimed at preventing the vulnerabilities, the very vulnerabilities which terrorist groups seek to exploit. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, collective security can only last if we also have economic and financial security. There is indeed another source of fragility at the international level, and that is the fragility of development financing. Many developing countries are facing a particularly difficult equation. They must accelerate their development and at the same time fund their energy transition, as well as adapt to climate change, on top of investing in health, education, the digital sphere and meeting growing social needs. However, these requirements are piling up against the backdrop of a context where access to funding is increasingly costly, where fiscal space is shrinking. Such a situation is no more sustainable than it is equitable. Therefore, Benin calls for ongoing transformation of the international financial architecture, the objective being to allow developing countries to access more accessible, predictable financing financing that is better tailored to their development trajectories.
The countries in the region have experienced the horrors of authoritarian regimes. We have come a long way to restore popular will. Democracy is once again under threat. We witness once more interference in the electoral processes. Dividing the world into zones of influence and neocolonial incursions for strategic resources are anachronistic gestures. The Venezuelan people deserve to define their own destiny. Nicaragua will not solve its problems by preventing the opposition from running in the elections. The crisis in Haiti continues to test the limits of the international community's indifference. In Cuba, the world watches in horror as collective punishment is imposed on 10 million people by an illegal economic and energy embargo.
This organization has done significant work here. Since 1963, the international community has developed 19 universal legal instruments aimed at preventing different terrorist acts. However, after decades of discussion, there is still no legal definition of terrorism that is universally agreed by member states. The UN Office of Counterterrorism itself has recently flagged that the lack of a universally agreed definition begets legal uncertainty, discrepancies among national laws and causes difficulties in international cooperation. The Republic of Colombia believes that the time has come to move ahead. We need a common international definition that is sufficiently clear and precise, compatible with international law and fundamental safeguards, but also useful enough so that states can cooperate effectively in combating acts of terrorism. A serious definition should avoid two extremes. On the one hand, a political disagreement being arbitrarily characterized as terrorism, and on the other hand, allowing an organization to hide murders, kidnappings, bombings, or deliberate attacks against civilians behind a political label in order to evade the legal consequences of its actions. Terrorism must be condemned regardless of the perpetrator, where it is committed or the cause they invoke. The United Nations has repeatedly reaffirmed that terrorism, in all its forms and manifestations, represents one of the most serious threats to international peace and security. Now, a better definition is not enough. States need better tools to combat this phenomenon. We need faster mechanisms for exchanging information and intelligence. We need better judicial cooperation, effective tracing, freezing, seizing instruments for assets related to terrorist financing. And we need closer cooperation to deal with networks that operate simultaneously across different countries. Colombia stands ready to participate actively in that discussion. My country wants to see United Nations, where the effectiveness is measured less by the volume of documents it produces, and far more by the results that it delivers. A UN that is less inclined to multiply processes and more determined to translate international cooperation into concrete action. That is the sort of multilateralism that Colombia is ready to defend, one that respects the sovereign equality of states as the charter itself provides, but one that is also capable of acting effectively when threats recognize no borders. Drug trafficking, terrorism, transnational organized crime and illicit economies are precisely those threats.
Too often the cycle is predictable. A disaster occurs, infrastructure is destroyed, and economic activity collapses. We then mobilise resources to rebuild what was lost, often through borrowing that substantially increases debt to rebuild what we could have made more resilient from the outset. This is not an efficient financial model. The best time to build resilience is before disaster. The best time to finance transformation is before crisis, and the value of resilience should be measured not only by what we build, but by what we prevent from being destroyed. Mr. president, Dominica does not come to the United Nations asking to be treated as a victim of vulnerability. We come asking to be recognised as a partner in transformation. We must finance potential, not merely manage vulnerability. And this is not only about Dominica, it is about whether the global financial system is capable of recognizing a different development model, a model in which resilience is an investment. Nature is an asset, connectivity is productive infrastructure. Clean energy is economic opportunity, and prevention is financially smarter than reconstruction. That is the proposition we placed before this assembly. It is time that the international financial architecture evolves. Dominica joins its voice with those countries that continue to advocate for the use of multidimensional vulnerability as a practical and fair basis in determining access to development finance. We call for greater and easier access to concessional financing and grants for adaptation. We call for stronger disaster clauses in sovereign debt instruments. We call for financing mechanisms that can be activated rapidly when disasters strike. And we call for a fundamental shift in the way the international community views investment in resilience. Every dollar spent preventing the destruction of a road, a hospital, a school, or a water system is an investment in future development. Dominica is prepared to serve as a demonstration country for this approach. We are prepared to work with international partners to show what happens when finance is designed around transformation, rather than vulnerability. Mr. president, Dominica has long spoken of becoming the world's first climate resilient nation. Today I wish to take that ambition further.
What the Palestinian people have endured and continue to endure in terms of suffering, repression and violations, must not become a normalized reality or a protracted crisis managed from one cycle to the other. Securing the ceasefire in the Gaza Strip in accordance with President Trump's and the Sharm el-Sheikh summit peace plan, ensuring full compliance with it, ending daily Israeli violations, completing the withdrawal, guaranteeing the safe and sustainable delivery of humanitarian aid, enabling the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza to carry out its duties and then moving immediately toward early recovery and reconstruction. These are not merely humanitarian steps, they are also the essential gateway to a serious political process that addresses the root causes of the conflict and resolves them. In this context, Egypt reaffirms its categorical rejection of any attempt to displace the Palestinian people from their land, whether from the Gaza Strip or from the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. The international community as a whole bears a clear responsibility to stop systematic Israeli violations of international law. Peace cannot be built on uprooting people from their land, believing that stability can be achieved in the region while ignoring the suffering of the Palestinian people and merely managing the occupation rather than ending it is nothing but illusion. The goal remains unequivocally clear the establishment of an independent, sovereign and territorially contiguous Palestinian state on the lines of the 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital within the framework of the two state solution and in accordance with international legitimacy resolutions. This requires preserving the unity of the Palestinian territory and the Palestinian political system, enabling the Palestinian people to manage their own affairs and build their state, and ensuring that the international community fulfils its responsibility to protect civilians, reject collective punishment and guarantee respect for international humanitarian law. It also requires recognising Palestinian rights as inalienable rights, not as bargaining chips to be granted or withheld according to power balances, political posturing or electoral calculations. Egypt has shouldered its responsibility alongside its partners to secure the ceasefire. It has been the largest provider of humanitarian assistance reaching the Gaza Strip. Egypt will continue to work toward reconstruction and opening a viable political horizon. However, the success of these efforts hinges on an international will capable of transforming legitimacy into decisive international action that moves from managing the tragedy to ending its causes. Mr. president, the experience of our region confirms that managing crises rather than resolving them, does not create stability. Rather, it postpones the explosion and increases its costs accordingly. Egypt remains committed to a clear vision for regional security based on state sovereignty, territorial integrity, respect for national institutions, rejection of the dismantling of states or the creation of parallel entities, and prioritizing political solutions and inclusive national settlements over the logic of force and the imposition of a fait accompli. In every crisis across the broader Middle East, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf, circumstances and details may differ, but the capable national state that embraces all its citizens and legitimate institutions remain the only true foundation for stability. Security is indivisible. The security of one state cannot be built upon the insecurity of its neighbours, or upon threats to shipping, trade and energy routes, or violations of state sovereignty through attacks carried out in violation of international law. Likewise, any regional actor that believes that its political or economic interests can be achieved by undermining national state institutions, supporting militias or promoting separatist agendas and civil conflict clearly becomes part of the problem. Confronting such actors and their practices becomes the responsibility of the international community as a whole. Therefore, regional crises cannot be treated as isolated cases. They must be viewed within an interconnected regional security environment that supports the state's institutions unity and sovereignty, that encourages political settlements and peace building based on the principle of national and regional ownership of solutions ending external interferences and preventing crises from turning into arenas for regional and international competition over the resources and capabilities of the peoples of the region. The protection of states and their sovereignty is inseparable from protecting the resources upon which people's livelihoods depend.
As one of the first supporters of a global alliance for human rights, Estonia feels that human rights should, once again, be at the center of a world we choose to build. Estonia is a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council for a period from 2026 to 2028, and is currently serving as Vice President of the Council. As a country ranked among the world's top three for press freedom, we are committed to promoting media freedom, protecting journalists, and enhancing media literacy. We will continue our strong commitment to women's rights and gender equality, including sexual and reproductive health and rights. Together with New Zealand and Colombia, Estonia is leading negotiations on the Human Rights Council on the resolution on preventing maternal mortality and morbidity. Maternal survival is a question of human rights, not only health care. Estonia stands firmly for ending all forms of violence against children. One of the gravest aspects of Russia's war against Ukraine is the mass deportation and forced transfer of Ukrainian children, which is a systematic and deliberate attempt to erase their Ukrainian identity. It is a war crime and a crime against humanity. We therefore reiterate the call of the General Assembly resolution adopted on the 3rd of December 2025, and demand that the Russian Federation ensure a safe, immediate, and unconditional return of all forcibly transferred and deported Ukrainian children. We thank all our international partners working to reunite these children with their families. In particular, we asked U.S. First Lady Melania Trump for a remarkable humanitarian initiative.
The world today has an unprecedented capacity to meet humanity's most pressing needs. Since the establishment of the United Nations, poverty has declined, access to basic education has expanded, literacy has increased and child mortality has fallen. Yet we are witnessing tyranny, disregard for the vulnerable and violence against civilians in many parts of the world. Poverty and distress are still widespread. For example, Sudan is devastated by war, millions have been displaced and many face famine. For example, Gaza continues to be one of the world's most acute humanitarian emergencies, marked by mass displacement, the destruction of infrastructure and the lack of essential services. For example, Haiti struggles with armed violence and extreme weather events, causing a displacement crisis, a hunger crisis and a health crisis. We must not grow indifferent to wars and human suffering, but instead channel our efforts into preventing conflicts, upholding human rights and strengthening sustainable economies. Our growing material prosperity should not come at the expense of our ethical responsibilities.
Mr. Secretary General, the more I reflect on the theme of this session of the General Assembly Restoring Trust and Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all the more convinced I become of the wisdom of that choice. Without mutual trust, peace and security cannot take root among states, nor can cooperation among them flourish. More than 80 years ago, the United Nations was founded on the promise that the force of law would replace the law of force. Yet we still live in a world of multiplying wars and conflicts, a world that spends more on armaments than on development. Civilians remain the primary victims, while millions face displacement, hunger and deprivation. The problem is not the absence of rules. It is their selective application, if not their outright non-application. The sovereignty of states cannot be untouchable in one place and negotiable in another. Nor can the rules of international law apply to some, but not to others. Restoring trust requires respect for international law. It requires investment in preventing conflicts before they erupt, and in development before poverty and deprivation become a source of violence, extremism and terrorism. Development, too, is a matter of peace.
And this commitment comes at a time when the United Nations itself is facing a profound test. Eight decades after its foundation, the challenges confronting this organization are increasingly complex and interconnected. Conflicts are eroding trust in the international system. Climate change is testing the resilience of states and of societies, and artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies are creating risks at a speed that national frameworks alone cannot adequately address. So the answer cannot be less multilateralism. It must be more effective multilateralism. And Montenegro, therefore, strongly supports the UN reform agenda and the ambition to build a United Nations that is more effective, more agile, more accessible, more financially sustainable, and fit for the challenges of our time. This reform must strengthen the UN's ability to deliver where it matters most: in preventing conflict, protecting human rights and freedoms, advancing sustainable development, and responding effectively to humanitarian crises. This responsibility also extends to the Security Council itself, which must become more effective, representative, accountable, and transparent. And the exercise of the veto must carry the weight of conscience above all when the world is confronted with mass atrocities and the large-scale loss of civilian life. The Charter of the United Nations must remain our common reference point, and Montenegro will be a constructive partner in those efforts. Excellencies, Montenegro remains committed to supporting Ukraine and welcomes all credible diplomatic efforts aimed at bringing the war to an end.
I also commend the tireless efforts of Secretary General Antonio Guterres. Since he assumed the leadership of our organization amid the major divisions the world has experienced over the past decade, he has emerged as a voice of wisdom, consensus and pragmatism, defending tirelessly and courageously the United Nations system and international law as the two fundamental pillars for the maintenance of international peace and security. Mr. Guterres has remained a symbol of multilateral diplomacy and of international cooperation in overcoming the turmoil and obstacles facing our world today. Mr. president, the most apt description of our international reality is the one expressed by His Majesty King Mohammed the Sixth, may God assist him, when His Majesty said, and I quote, the world is changing at an unprecedented pace and certainties are steadily receding. This has led to a blurring of standards and concepts. Alliances have become open to question. International law is frequently violated. And its capacity to regulate international relations faces numerous challenges. End of quote from His Majesty the King. We are therefore facing a world whose fundamental features are the following. First, the escalation of acute and diverse international crises military, economic, energy related and environmental. Second, the spread of confrontational tendencies as a key determinant of relations between states. Third, the difficulty of predicting the outcome of crises. We know when they begin but not when they will end. Fourth, the diminishing capacity of existing regulatory structures to play the role in preventing and managing crises in this complex international context. Mr. president, I wish to focus on three areas to which the international community must accord priority. First, confronting non-state armed groups as a threat to international security and stability.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General and distinguished delegates when it comes to peace on the Korean Peninsula, the Republic of Korea knows firsthand the change that the United Nations has brought about. 35 years ago, the two Koreas were admitted to the UN as members on this very stage. It was a crucial turning point that laid the foundation for peaceful co-existence, freeing us from the relentless rivalry and confrontation that followed our division. One year ago, I stated from this stage that the Republic of Korea would begin a new journey toward peaceful coexistence and shared growth on the Korean Peninsula. Today, as we set out on this new journey, I would like to present to the international community the three blueprints for the road to peaceful coexistence on the Korean Peninsula. First is inclusive peaceful coexistence built on mutual respect. Based on the respect for each other's systems and acknowledgment of our differences, we will explore ways for shared growth through cooperation. We will continue to respect the North on the international stage and seek cooperation wherever possible. We hope that opportunities will emerge for us to work together in the international community in areas such as public health, disaster response and the climate crisis. Second is stable, peaceful coexistence that renders conflict unnecessary. We will work to institute mechanisms for preventing crisis and managing conflicts. Reestablishing basic channels of communication, and building trust will be the first step toward a stable, peaceful coexistence. Third is responsible peaceful coexistence contributing to world peace. We will go beyond building a Korean Peninsula free from war and nuclear weapons to promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia, while actively contributing to global efforts to build a world free from war and conflict. The most critical task is to bring an end to this decades old war on the Korean Peninsula and establish a lasting peace regime. For decades, the two Koreas, along with key countries such as the US and China, have recognized the need for a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula and discussed ways to achieve it. Fortunately, President Trump's resolve has recently created a hard won opportunity for change. I hope the long suspended dialogue between North Korea and the US can resume without delay. We will lay the groundwork for this to develop into a dialogue among the parties aimed at ending the war on the Korean Peninsula and transitioning to a peace regime. I am confident that the dialogue for establishing a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula can provide a valuable framework, not only for normalizing relations among the parties concerned, but also for fostering shared growth through multilateral cooperation and promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia.
We believe in alliances, and above all, in nations. Argentina speaks from the experience of a country that knows its own mistakes. We know the cost of isolation. We know the cost of destroying a currency. We know the cost of turning the state into a permanent obstacle to human initiative. For a century, we tried almost every conceivable way of preventing our own greatness, and we survived. Not unscathed, but we survived. Perhaps that is why today we understand something that other nations may forget: decline is not destiny. It is the result of repeated decisions. And if a course can be chosen, it can also be changed. And that is what Argentina is trying to do. We have the energy that the world will need. We have food. We have critical minerals. We have human talent. We have the South Atlantic, and we are a natural gateway to Antarctica. And we have something that for far too long we lacked: the will to transform our potential into national power. We want an Argentina that is prosperous, influential, and powerful. Not to subjugate others, but to be free. Not to conquer others, but so that our destiny may be decided by Argentines themselves. That is why I say to the free men and women of the world, to scientists, entrepreneurs, and creators, to those who have dreamed of a land where they can make a new beginning: look south. There you will find a vast land of fertile fields, oil, minerals, and human talent. A land that has welcomed millions who crossed oceans in the hope that their children would live better lives than they had, and who built one of the most prosperous nations on Earth. We have a responsibility to live up to that legacy. We do not know exactly what the world now being born will look like, but we do know what kind of nation we want to be when it arrives: a free nation, a prosperous nation, a sovereign one, a nation capable of defending what is its own and open to the world. A nation unafraid, once again, to utter a word that for far too long seemed forbidden: greatness. No nation is guaranteed a place in history. It is built generation after generation, through work, through freedom, and through the determination of a people who refuse to accept that their best days are behind them. We believe that Argentina still has a great story ahead of it. And we have decided to go out and claim it. May God bless all peoples of the world. May God bless the Argentine Republic.
Mr. president, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security, one of the foremost purposes for which this organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge. At that critical moment, the preventive diplomacy of the United Nations working in partnership with African Union and ECOWAS, helped uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with The Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displaced populations and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest costs, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crisis remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of a shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate, timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peace building that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore not only be how to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human political and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and preventive diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. president, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence, societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The Gambia has experienced the value of peace building firsthand. Since our democratic transition, the Peace Building Commission and the Secretary-General's Peace Building Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally led efforts to strengthen institutions, advance transitional justice and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peace Building Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the Peacebuilding Architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peacekeeping operations, and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including Gambian military and police personnel who have contributed with distinction, international peace and security. Their safety and security must remain a priority, alongside performance, accountability and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organisations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. president, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to The Gambia. Together with continued instability across part of the Sahel, it reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards de-escalation, dialogue and a durable political settlement. In the Sahel and other conflict zones, our response must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance, institution building, education job creation, development and climate resilience. Mr. president, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, etc. continue to pose greater insecurity.
That is why today I reaffirm our support for the full and meaningful participation of the Republic of China, Taiwan, in the United Nations and its specialized agencies. Taiwan has concrete contributions to make to peace, development, and human rights. Excluding it doesn't serve to strengthen the system. It deprives the system of capacities that could benefit us all. And it is a stain on the United Nations. But let's make no mistake: the problem is not Taiwan alone. What's happening there, in that part of the world, is simply too dangerous for us all. Dear friends, let us not stop at words or slogans. Let us move to concrete action. I assure you that at this negotiating table, at the table for peace and concord, Paraguay will be on the front row, ready to help. But the world's problems do not end in a single region or place. They go to the very heart of the international system. The United Nations— and I am neither the first nor the last to say so—needs renewal. It needs fresh impetus. And the admirable theme of this assembly calls for a United Nations for All. An admirable theme, certainly. But I fear that it's not enough. So I ask you today, respectfully but firmly: how can we have a United Nations for All when it is led by a security council of the few? Worse still, this is a council that was designed 80 years ago, for another era, for another scenario, another entire set of circumstances. One that all too often demonstrates it is simply unable to address today's problems. That original design, a product of its time, has achieved much, without any doubt. And today I recognize and celebrate those achievements. We all should. Nonetheless, as the great Nobel laureate Bob Dylan would say, things have changed. And the organization, dear friends, has to change too. Different problems need different solutions. Otherwise, this magnificent idea, the United Nations, will simply be overtaken by events and will be reduced to a forum for beautiful speeches with very little action for ordinary people. Some have concluded from all of this that multilateralism has failed. Paraguay reaches a different conclusion. The United Nations remains indispensable. It is the only system that enables all the countries of the world to coexist. But it must become more effective at preventing conflict, protecting people, and ensuring respect for the rules that states themselves have agreed upon. Our commitment to peace is summed up in the words of a distinguished Paraguayan, Manuel Gondra:" Since we cannot ensure that the just are always strong, we must strive to ensure that the strong are always just." Paraguay wishes to shoulder greater responsibilities within the system. But this system, as it stands, simply isn't working. That is why we believe that the selection of the next Secretary-General will be a fundamental decision. The time has come for that leadership to come from Latin America and the Caribbean. Our region has a vocation for peace, dialogue, and multilateralism. And it has candidates that are capable of taking up that responsibility. We need a Secretary-General who restores the organization's political leadership, one that strengthens preventive diplomacy, acts before crises become irreversible, and one that listens to the states and the peoples whom this organization serves. In short, the Security Council must cease to be a pretty snapshot of the world as it was in 1945. It must listen more closely to this assembly and must not remain paralyzed when peace is threatened. We need a UN for 2026 or for 2050, not one for 1945. Only then will the United Nations be able to truly deliver for all of its members.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate, and where might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
We know that we are at our strongest when we unite with others, when we reach across borders to solve shared problems. Standing here today, I am reminded of the huge human progress that this organisation has led, like the eradication of smallpox or the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. That is the kind of promise and hope that led Britain to host the very first meeting of this General Assembly in London, and led to the world to create this institution, these United Nations, our United Nations. That is the level of ambition that we need now to renew the UN for our times, to tackle challenges like improving global health and preventing future pandemics, to end the wars that are causing so much suffering and instability, including the terrible conflict in Sudan, and to tackle climate change.
Mr. president, at the end of August, the Vanuatu government initiated proceedings against France before the International Court of Justice concerning sovereignty over Umaenupne and Umaeneg/Leka islands, or Matthew and Hunter, as they called in English, and the maritime boundaries between Vanuatu and New Caledonia. These islands are integral part of Vanuatu's territory, grounded in customary governance, long standing historical connections indigenous ownership and is seen as part of our duty as ancestral custodians to protect and preserve. We recognise France as a steadfast champion of the international rules based order and under the leadership of President Macron, a strong supporter of international judicial institutions. France has stood alongside Vanuatu in advancing global climate action, including through its support for initiatives before the International Court of Justice. We greatly value this partnership and France leadership on issues of international importance. It is in the same spirit of mutual respect and commitment to international law that we respectfully invite France to consent to the jurisdiction of the court. Mr. president, trust is important for the United Nation's credibility. It cannot be restored through declarations alone. Trust must be earned through action. People will trust the United Nations when they see it preventing conflict. They will trust it when international law is respected. They will trust it when humanitarian assistance reaches those who need it. They will trust it when development commitments become real projects. They will trust it when climate finance reaches vulnerable communities. They will trust it when small states are heard and they will trust it when the international system treats all nations with equal dignity. For Vanuatu, restoring trust also means restoring confidence in multilateralism itself. We must resist the temptation to conclude that because the international system is imperfect, it is therefore irrelevant. The UN80 reforms currently implemented are paramount to rebuild trust again at the United Nations, and therefore needs to be managed diligently. Vanuatu supports efforts to strengthen the United Nations. But reform must preserve what is most important the principle of sovereign equality. The United Nations cannot become an institution where the voices of the most powerful states dominate, where smaller states are expected merely to follow. Reform must strengthen General Assembly. It must make international institutions more accessible to developing countries. It must address the financing and capacity constraints facing small delegations. It must strengthen preventive diplomacy. It must improve the implementation of international decisions. It must ensure that the development pillar remains resourced and that the implementation on the ground is effective and efficient. And it must ensure that international law remains central to the international system. Vanuatu calls for UN Security Council that is more representative, transparent and accountable, with membership and working methods that reflect today's realities and give all regions a meaningful voice. But reform cannot be limited to institutional structures. The deeper reform we require is political and renewed commitment by member states to the principles we have already agreed to. That charter does not need to be reinvented. It needs to be respected. Mr. president, excellencies, for Vanuatu, the United Nations Charter remains our compass. It tells us that the nations are sovereign equals. It tells us that disputes must be settled peacefully. It tells us that the force must not be used against the territory or political independence of states. It tells us that the nations must cooperate. And it reminds us that the ultimate purpose of the international system is not power for its own sake. It is peace, justice, human dignity, development, and cooperation. And it is a better future for succeeding generations. These principles are particularly important to Vanuatu because we know what independence means. Our independence is not merely the absence of colonial rule. Independence means the right of a people to determine our future. It means sovereignty. It means dignity, it means equality, and it means having an equal place in the family of nations. That is why Vanuatu will continue to defend the multilateral system. That is why we will continue to defend international law, and that is why we will continue to speak for the principle that every nation, regardless of size, matters. Mr. president, we meet at a critical moment in international affairs. There are wars that remain unresolved. There are communities facing humanitarian catastrophe. There is growing geopolitical rivalry. There is economic uncertainty. There is climate disruption. There is technological transformation. And there is declining confidence in the international institutions. Yet I remain convinced that this is precisely the moment when we must choose cooperation over confrontation. We must choose dialogue over division. We must choose law over force. We must choose solidarity over indifference. And we must choose multilateralism over fragmentation. Vanuatu comes from a part of the world where our ancestors navigated vast oceans using the stars, the winds, the currents and the knowledge passed from generation to generation. Today the international community is navigating another uncertain ocean. We need a compass. The United Nations Charter is that compass. It provides the principles by which we can navigate a world of competing interests while preserving our common humanity. The theme of this 81st session Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all reminds us of what is required. But ultimately, restoring trust will depend not on the words we adopt here, but on the actions we take when we leave this hall. Let us therefore, build a United Nations that is strong enough to prevent war, fair enough to protect the vulnerable, courageous enough to defend international law, and inclusive enough to give every nation a meaningful voice. Let us build a United Nations where the concerns of a small island nation in the Pacific and all over the world can stand alongside those of the largest powers of the world. Let us not allow division to rule our era. Instead, we choose cooperation. We choose peace. We choose justice. We choose solidarity. And we choose to renew our faith in the idea that together, nations can build a world. We can build a better world.
