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We also advocate for mutual beneficial economic cooperation based on respect for sovereignty for each state, for the equality between the states, and the freedom of choice for the people during the electoral process. In the area of development, we are still far from fulfilling the promise of the 2030 Agenda. With less than four years until the deadline, millions of people remain deprived of basic opportunities: water, energy, infrastructure, and others. Thus, it is important to accelerate the implementation of the commitment made under the SDGs, which requires predictable, accessible, and sustainable financing. It also requires a fair international financial architecture, more fair, sustainable debt relief, greater transfer of technology, international trade that is more balanced, and investments that can transform potential into prosperity, as well as adherence to the principle of common responsibility but differentiated responsibilities. Similarly, in the field of human rights, it is also important to promote a balanced, impartial, and coherent approach based on the principles of universality and equal treatment between the states. Promoting these rights should prioritize constructive dialogue, cooperation, and the strengthening of our institutions. Mr. President, in Mozambique, we are committed to consolidating peace, strengthening democratic institutions, and conducting an inclusive national dialogue led by the Mozambican initiatives that are genuinely Mozambican to deepen reconciliation, national unity, peace, and the reforms that are necessary, with the support of our international partners, while respecting national ownership.
Addressing these challenges is allowing us to focus on the future. Honduras is a conscientious country, a country of law, a country in which we invite you to invest. Anyone who invests in Honduras will be offered opportunities, order, transparency, and clear rules. We are adhering to the International Monetary Fund guidelines. In the seven months that my country has been in office, we have increased our international reserves to the tune of $1.3 billion, and that is an increase of 13%. We returned to the International Center of Arbitration, CIADI, on the 6th of March 2026. We'd been members of that center since 1989, and we returned to resolve our problems with a sense of solemn responsibility. With these steps, we sought to reiterate that in Honduras, rules apply to everyone, and rules are followed. On that basis, Honduras can offer concrete investment opportunities in logistics, industry, energy, infrastructure, agroindustry, mining, tourism, to name just a few sectors. We are the center of America. We stand between two oceans. We are optimizing Puerto Cortés— that is a port in our Caribbean-Atlantic area— and it is the port with greatest potential for growth in the country, and one of the largest, most important ports in Central America. We are investing to strengthen our road infrastructure so that we can create a logistics corridor to join the Atlantic with the Pacific. This project and its location means that we can offer to the world safe, reliable, and efficient supply chains. Honduras is one of the world's key textile exporters. We manufacture the clothes of well-known brands. We also manufacture cable harnesses and automobile parts that are sold around the world. They've come from Honduran factories. Around 200,000 Honduran people work in those industries. These factories, maquilas, and other forms of industry require stable energy at competitive prices. It is for that reason that the National Congress recently adopted a reform to our electrical energy law. That reform had been championed by the Presidency. In light of the above, we invite both national and foreign investment: investment in the development of Honduras's energy sector, investment in the generation, transmission, and distribution of energy. Our land is fertile land.
It is now ten years since Brexit. My country has lived through the disruption it brought, and it has given us a unique perspective that I want to share with you today. Britain is back. We are restoring our stability, building a more dynamic economy a nation that wants to trade with the world and work together to solve the shared problems we face. But we have also learned that we need to adapt to meet the challenge of these times. We need to rebalance power in our country and bring it closer to people. We need to work harder to fight the forces of division and instability which threaten us not just through hard power, but through softer, slower means that sow fear and despair. We need to do more to help people with the everyday cost of living, and seize the opportunities that give them hope for the future. And we need to embrace the incredible potential of technology to improve people's lives.
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No. 4
Burkina Faso09/28 · first at about 11 min3 mentions
Silence in the face of such actions is not prudence but complicity. Mr. president, rebuilding trust must also go hand in hand with the strict respect for the sovereignty of states, must go hand in hand with the development of partnerships and not servitude and go hand in hand with justice over outdated neo colonialist principles. Anything that goes against the instrumentalisation of certain international defence mechanisms to defend human rights, to put political pressure on our countries, like what the European Parliament did to justify a potential neocolonial offensive through resolutions, mis founded resolutions against the Sahel. All of this is unacceptable, Mr. President.
We must balance robust protection for vulnerable communities while safeguarding accountability and legitimate expression. Coordinated interventions by governments, companies, civil societies indeed, all of us are needed to push back against hate. Excellencies. While peace and security, human rights and sustainable development are perennial concerns in this hall artificial intelligence, including artificial general intelligence, has moved from the margins of our discussions to the center. Four years ago, AI was raised in this hall by only five delegations. This year, 128 delegations addressed it, and this number was more than those who spoke on climate change and human rights. Leader after leader recognized the extraordinary potential of AI to transform public services, accelerate scientific discovery advance sustainable development and expand access to knowledge while pointing out potential risks arising from it. Many framed AI as a question of governance. Who designs it, who benefits? Who bears the risks, and who is accountable when harm occurs? A delegation emphasized a principle that should guide us all. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. That is the right starting point. AI governance must be human centred, inclusive and attentive to the needs of developing countries. It must prevent a new divide in which a smaller number of countries and companies control the data, computing power and rules that shape everyone's future.
We aim to build a strong state and a diversified and modern economy that keeps pace with global technological and digital transformations. And accordingly, we are working to employ all successful expertise and innovative experiences in the world of economics, finance and business, in service of a renaissance of economic and financial reform for my country We also do this to provide a safe environment for national and foreign investment. This vision is based on the great potential Iraq possesses. In terms of resources and investment opportunities in the fields of energy industry, agriculture, transport and technology. Not to mention Iraq's exceptional geographical location. Which connects its economy to the world. In this context. Our vision aims to move Iraq to a stage where it can be an effective production partner in the region by gradually reducing the role of the rentier economy. Strengthening open market policies. Developing production and export capacities. And investing in infrastructure and services. On this basis, we have developed the appropriate roadmap To support the private sector. Provide the necessary legal, tax and customs facilities and guarantees for the growth of business and foreign trade. And build effective partnerships with the global market to accelerate achieving sustainable development. In the field of global energy. Iraq's influence is prominent as our government is adopting an ambitious program to increase the production of crude oil in a manner consistent with the size of our proven reserves. Our government is also working to develop gas fields and expand refining capacities and our capacities to produce derivatives, and we are also working to improve our petrochemical industry capacities. Our ambition is for Iraq to be a global hub for energy production and to leverage its potential to promote regional and international security and stability in a sustainable manner. Nevertheless, we express concern regarding developments concerned with freedom of transport and maritime navigation. And the crisis this has caused in terms of the rise of global energy prices. In order to contain the subsequent risks and the consequences on our peoples, we are working to diversify our oil export ports and develop energy lines and corridors linking Iraq, Turkey, Jordan and Syria. In order to reach global markets with the aim of contributing to energy security and diversifying supply routes. Excellencies. Economic diversification on the basis of genuine partnerships is a central strategic objective of our economic policy.
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No. 7
Liechtenstein09/25 · first at about 13 min2 mentions
President, this week has also seen an intense debate on harnessing the potential of artificial intelligence. But perhaps what we are discovering in these conversations are our own limits to understanding what the potential might be. Reporting from the most powerful and well capitalised AI companies tell us that we are on a precipice, either of a technology fuelled utopia or an apocalypse. Whether we achieve one or the other, unfortunately has been treated as a secondary priority to the AI race, one that has no clear finish line and, for that matter, a dubious prize. Liechtenstein supports the regulation of artificial intelligence. Unless we have a clear understanding of the methods, processes and purposes of the huge variety of AI systems, how can we risk the consequences to human rights, to our environment, to the long term capacities for our critical thinking, and ultimately, to the future of the human species? We are already seeing the impacts on civilians as armed forces increasingly integrate AI capabilities into their targeting systems in warfare. AI tools have to be made for humanity, lest we become the source material for AI systems to use, or merely the victims in its crosshairs.
My dear colleagues, this evening I want to talk about the need for nations to work together on the new challenges that we face climate change, emerging technology and the breakdown of international rules. Eight decades ago, the citizens and leaders of our nations made a solemn promise to future generations. Having known the untold sorrow of two devastating global conflicts in their lifetimes, they vowed to work together to prevent another. The pioneers who built this institution from the ruins of war, proud Australians among them, were also coming to terms with two terrible truths. The horrors of the Holocaust and the unprecedented horror of nuclear weapons. A depth of evil and a scale of destruction beyond imagining even a decade earlier. Yet rather than recoil from that reality, our leaders stood together to face it, learn from it, and most importantly, guard against its return. And instead of surrendering to fear or dealing in retribution, or abandoning their fate to a world governed by force alone, they came together to renew and affirm their faith in humanity, in the essential and equal dignity and worth of every individual, in the sovereignty of every nation and in the capacity and indeed the responsibility of all of us to give the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, life and weight and real meaning by engaging in the dialogue that builds trust and deepens understanding and backing those words with actions. In this moment, we need to lean in and strengthen and modernise the fundamental parts of the UN system that help to build peace and promote economic development and sustainability. Sovereignty, prosperity and peace are never guaranteed. They must be created, nurtured and protected by each generation, supporting the jobs, homes, schools and healthcare that represent the fullest expression of the UN's commitment to the economic and social advancement of all peoples. We know that the surest way to minimise the potential for conflict is to create the prosperity, opportunity and economic justice on which lasting peace depends. That means cooperating on the urgent challenges that confront each of our sovereign nations, and creating solutions that work for our citizens. This was the founding purpose of the United Nations. And for the leaders who have gathered here this week, this remains the test of our time. A test we can and we must pass. Whether it is climate change or artificial intelligence, there is always the temptation to say that our generation is being confronted by issues that our predecessors could not possibly have imagined while dealing with the world they would not recognise. But for all the transformation the past eight decades have brought, the fundamental stakes haven't changed. And just as its values, our values, our ideals, our commitment to dialogue and cooperation proved equal to that task then, we can rise to meet these new challenges now. We can reaffirm our national sovereignty and our shared humanity. We can seize and share and shape the opportunities this moment holds in the interests of our citizens. But we can only do it together. From the very first days of this forum, Australia has always known that. We understand that the UN mission cannot be entrusted solely to the great powers or the biggest countries, or even the loudest voices alone, nor can it be subcontracted to the world's richest companies, or dictated by the pace of technology. Then now and always, shaping a secure, peaceful and prosperous world is a task for all of us. And that world must be driven by the values and aspirations of all of us. We all have a part to play. And that is why Australia is seeking a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2029-2030. The world faces tough times and Australia wants to respond to partner and to make a difference. Should our Security Council bid prove successful, our purpose and approach will be consistent with how we have always conducted ourselves at the UN. We will listen with respect. We will partner as equals. And we will protect what matters most. Mr. President, a safer world is one governed by rules, not by power and force alone. It is a world in which all countries have the freedom to decide their own future. And all countries have their decisions listened to. As a member of the UN Security Council, Australia will safeguard the rules that protect us all by upholding international law, including the UN Charter and the sovereignty of all states. We will amplify the voices of small states and middle powers to ensure a wider range of perspectives shape the Council's decisions. We will work to prevent crises, resolve conflicts and protect civilians through diplomacy, peace building and practical action. Our objective will be to support a more effective, representative and responsive UN that is equipped to address the fast growing challenges of today. Listening, partnering, protecting. Colleagues. The world is changing rapidly. New issues are becoming international issues demanding our full attention. Climate change, where the science foretold of the increase in frequency and intensity of extreme weather events that we are now experiencing. Emerging technology, including artificial intelligence, which is evolving at a furious pace, and the breakdown of trust, civility and social cohesion, which is promoting conflict within and between countries. Clearly, the multilateral system we have all known and benefited from is under immense strain. To promote the peace, to create a world of human dignity, to do justice to the UN's mission, we must embrace change and we must embrace reform. Australia supports the rules and institutions that underpin open trade and connectivity. That order, based on agreed rules and institutions, faces massive disruption. This doesn't mean abandoning multilateralism, it means working to reform it, so it's up to the challenges ahead and building beyond multilateralism, with new coalitions and partnerships to address and solve complex problems.
The Republic of the Congo, is a land of opportunity. It's endowed with natural resources, with critical minerals, with agricultural potential, with tourism potential, which has not yet been developed, our expanding infrastructure and a strategic location at the heart of Central Africa.
Today, I stand here to make clear the Republic of Korea's bold resolve to lead the effort to restore the spirit of the United Nations and reconnect the world as a nation that has risen through the solidarity of the international community. The worldwide popularity of K-culture serves as an example, demonstrating that universal empathy is possible, showcasing the potential of global connection. The stories and content that grew out of Korea's unique experience have become a language of solidarity that crosses borders. Just as culture has connected people across borders, so too can nations reunite in the face of common problems. The Republic of Korea will build on the power of empathy and solidarity that culture has brought to light. We will harness that power to address the common challenges facing all of humanity. To that end, allow me to set out the three visions of the K-Initiative toward fulfilling this commitment.
The time has come to move from promise to proof. I come not only to speak about what the world must do, but to account for what we are doing. Mr. President, last year our Prime Minister, the Honorable Dr. Terrance Drew, spoke of our Sustainable Island State Agenda—SISA— our national blueprint for transforming Saint Kitts and Nevis into a more resilient, sustainable, inclusive, and prosperous society by 2040. Today we return to demonstrate that it is becoming a record of delivery. Earlier this year, our second voluntary national review in the United Nations High-Level Political Forum showed stronger government coordination, closer alignment with Sustainable Development Goals, and tangible progress for our people. Water provides one of the clearest measures of that progress. One year ago, our 2 million gallon per day solar power desalination plant was nearing completion. In February, we commissioned it. Through semi-airborne drone surveys, we have also identified 17 new potential groundwater sources, and in August completed drilling at the first rural site. Together with distribution upgrades, these investments are strengthening water security. In 2022, only 25% of our households had 24/7 water; today, approximately 75% do. This is transformation. On the island of Nevis, we are advancing a 30-megawatt geothermal power development, with drilling expected by early 2027, and Icelandic drillers contracted to begin the process. In Saint Kitts, plans for a 50-megawatt solar PV and battery storage project are well advanced. These investments will reduce dependence on imported fossil fuels and strengthen economic resilience. We are also strengthening food security through climate-smart support for farmers, and healthcare through our locally developed national digital health information system at the Joseph N. France General Hospital. Sustainability must be practical, people-centered, and built to last. Mr. President, there is more to do. But our experience proves that small states are not powerless. With investment, partnership, and political will, small nations can deliver big solutions.
Zambia needs partnerships, investments, innovation, technology skills and sustained development cooperation in order to unlock its full potential. We encourage our cooperating partners to view Zambia through the lens of the peace and stability that defines our country, and to deepen support programs that promote inclusive economic growth, job creation, infrastructure development, human capital development, agriculture, energy, health, and other priority areas of national development. Our message is clear Zambia is at peace, Zambia is open for partnership and Zambia is ready to grow.
AI can be a powerful accelerator of human progress; therefore, we must not close the door to innovation. At the same time, we must address AI’s potential harms, including job losses and widening of the digital divide. We cannot also rule out the possibility that AI, particularly artificial general intelligence, or AGI, could affect human survival. That demands prudent and reliable guardrails, based on scientific evidence, to safeguard the global public interest, while allowing innovation to go forward. Governments must remain at the heart of this endeavour. But governments do not have a monopoly on expertise, capital, technology, innovation or influence. Much of that experience and capacity already lies with businesses, innovators, civil society and others. We need to unlock the doors of the United Nations to those developing and using AI. Not someday. Now. We are falling further behind each day. AI differs from earlier proliferation challenges in one critical respect: it is already embedded in nearly every facet of our lives, in our water systems, electricity grids, health records, economies and militaries. We cannot allow an arms race for control of AI to carry us over the precipice. There is clear precedent for United Nations engagement with world-changing developments. We did so on nuclear non-proliferation; through the Montreal Protocol to protect the ozone layer; and with the United Nations Declaration on Human Cloning in 2005. We need experts, innovators, industry leaders, scientists, civil society, and academia all working together on the issues of our times. (PAUSE) Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, We have an opportunity in this session to show that we have learned from what works; that we are prepared to confront what does not; and that we can build a United Nations capable not simply of surviving change, but of shaping it. To seize that opportunity, we must be realistic enough to confront hard truths, bold enough to reform, and inclusive enough to bring the right people to the table.
I repeat: the Malvinas for us are a national cause. They are also a test of the gulf that can exist between the words of international institutions and the reality upon which they purport to act. Fifty years ago, this very Assembly adopted Resolution 31/49, which calls on parties to refrain from introducing unilateral modifications while the dispute remains unresolved. Fifty years on, the situation has not changed, yet unilateral modifications continue. Today, the Sea Lion Project is moving toward oil extraction on the Argentine continental shelf in the North Malvinas Basin, under British licenses that Argentina rejects as illegal and illegitimate. Any such activity not authorized by the Argentine Republic in this regard constitutes an unlawful act under both international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, and Argentine domestic law. That is why I wish to ask a question: what use is a resolution if, for decades, the other party can act in direct contravention of it, while that resolution remains intact in the archives but powerless in the face of reality? There's no shortage of words or resolutions. What is lacking is consequences. Because an institution that cannot ensure that its words carry weight in the real world loses the most important thing of all: its authority. In these circumstances, those who follow the rules receive no reward for doing so, while those who break them suffer no repercussions whatsoever. That's why the Malvinas are not merely an issue between Argentina and the United Kingdom. They also raise a question regarding the ability of this organization to enforce its own resolutions. Argentina has taken note of that reality, and in the face of the unauthorized exploitation of our resources in the disputed area, we've acted. We've submitted formal notes of protest. We've availed ourselves of the legal remedies at our disposal. We've imposed sanctions on the companies involved and their suppliers. And we've submitted a national sovereignty defense bill to Congress. For far too long, Argentine governments opted for a rhetorical defense. We have chosen a peaceful, practical, and effective defense. I repeat: we have chosen a peaceful, practical, and effective defense. I also wish to reiterate our position regarding the population of the islands. As this very Assembly has determined in numerous resolutions, the principle of self-determination does not apply in this case, since the population was implanted by the occupying power on a territory whose sovereignty is in dispute. That principle exists to liberate colonized people, not to legitimize situations arising from colonization. If the United Kingdom maintains a selective interpretation of the principle of self-determination with regard to the Malvinas Islands, it must also explain how it reconciles that position with the debates on self-determination taking place within its own territory. Once again, we call on the United Kingdom to resume negotiations with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the sovereignty dispute, as required by international law. We also reiterate our invitation to proceed without delay to an exchange of views with a view to resolving the issue concerning the aforementioned dispute over the exploitation of our natural resources. And I want to say something more to the global energy sector. Vaca Muerta represents a historic opportunity, with the potential to become one of the major players in the energy sector in the decades ahead. Come, invest, develop it with us. But there's a limit to this invitation. We will not remain indifferent to those who exploit resources under illegal foreign occupation.
One of my favorite bands when I was growing up was Talking Heads. And little did I know at the time that David Byrne iconic song We Are On a Road to Nowhere would ring so prescient four decades later. For the first time, for the first time in the history of our species, we have created a technology that openly challenges the supremacy of the human mind as the pinnacle of our evolutionary development. I will not dwell on the positive, transformational potential of this revolutionary technology, whether in disease eradication, productivity enhancement or fighting climate change. However, it is simply impossible to ignore the fact that at present, the risks of an unchecked and unregulated advance in artificial intelligence could greatly outweigh its potential benefits. When the people developing the technology tell us openly that, left unchecked, AI could outrun our ability to control the systems, the same people admit that we only understand a tiny fraction of what goes on in these models, alarm bells should ring very loudly for all of us. In simple words, the AI bosses are telling us that they have no idea on how recursive self-improvement, the ability of AI to constantly create better versions of itself, actually works. Add to that the possibility of massive job destruction, the likelihood of unprecedented wealth creation in the hands of very few, and the impact that AI may have on the very nature of human relationships, especially for our kids, and you have all the ingredients of an unprecedented political and social upheaval. The idea that big tech companies will find some voluntary arrangement to self-regulate the development of AI is naive. It flies in the face of everything we know about the history of capitalism. The prize for the winners is simply too great to believe that benign consideration for the well-being of humanity will outweigh the relentless drive of capital to constantly seek better returns. And given that the leading AI models are being developed here in the United States, this is primarily an issue for the US government to address. Fortunately, there are precedents from which we draw lessons. In the 1940s and the 1950s, the American government heavily regulated another technology so powerful that its creators believed it could bring about either a golden age in human flourishing or the end of the world. That technology was nuclear. The same needs to happen now, and it needs to happen fast. AI companies need to be licensed based on specific requirements, adherence to human values, transparency, and most importantly, safety. In order for a new plane to fly, it has to undergo a myriad of rigorous tests approved by the regulator. The same is not true for a frontier artificial intelligence model. At the same time, I take the call by leading AI executives for a voluntary pause in the development of their models very seriously. But only, I repeat only as a temporary measure to buy time for a powerful regulatory authority to be set up. Liberal capitalism has a history of reining in market excesses, whether it was breaking up powerful monopolies, or setting rules and standards to allow the market to operate with an eye on the common good. And the same needs to happen now. And as much as the cooperation of China and the rest of the world is necessary to address this huge challenge, the fate of artificial intelligence and the impact it will have on humanity as a whole will not be decided in Brussels, in Tokyo or Brasilia. It will be decided primarily here in the United States. With great power comes great responsibility.
The negative consequences of unjustified unilateral sanctions also affect small countries such as ours, which are at the stage of formation and development. In some cases, such practices led to interference in the internal affairs of independent states and contradict to the fundamental principles of international law. Some major states, in pursuit of their own interests, put pressure on smaller countries, such as Kyrgyzstan, attempting to force them to bargain over certain matters and issuing ultimatums. In this context, I would like to take this opportunity to note the decision made by the president of the United States, His Excellency Mr. Donald Trump, after taking office to halt funding of non-governmental organizations around the world. As a result, interference by NGOs in the internal affairs and policies of the developing countries has practically ceased. President Trump's decisions have created conditions for strengthening the sovereignty of states and enabling them to independently choose their own path of development. Therefore, taking this opportunity, I would like to express my appreciation to Mr. Trump for ending the funding of the NGOs. Distinguished colleagues, decisions to impose sanctions should be taken in accordance with the UN charter and exclusively within the mandate of the Security Council. We believe that the mandate to impose sanctions against the state should belong exclusively to the United Nations. In my view, this is the only possible way to improve the international sanctions system. First and foremost, we should introduce a mandatory mechanisms under which all sanctions and measures are reviewed in advance by the organization. The prior review of sanctions would help ensure that their potential humanitarian, economic and social consequences are taken into account. An important element of the proposed mechanism should be the enhanced transparency and accountability. States initiating sanctions should clearly indicate the legal basis for such measures, explain their necessity and objectives, and define clear criteria and conditions for their eventual removal. I believe it would be appropriate to establish, under the auspice of the United Nations, the Unified International mechanism for monitoring sanctions and reviewing them on a regular basis. Only then can the central role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security be strengthened and its mandate enhanced. This would also help eliminate the risk that sanctions being used arbitrarily by one country against another for political or economic gain. No state should act arbitrarily. The United Nations must be strong. Every country should tremble when the United Nations intends to impose sanctions. Only then, the strict international order can be established in the world. Otherwise, some decisions of the United Nations may no longer be taken seriously, while states simply act according to their own discretion. Every decision of the United Nations should be implemented without delay. If a state fails to implement such decisions and other countries cease cooperation with it, the effectiveness of sanctions will increase. Only then will a decision will be implemented promptly, and the United Nations will become a strong and respected organization. Otherwise, existing sanctions will become a sort of children's toy.
We are, therefore, entering a period marked by a more complex and less predictable distribution of power, in which the risk of potential conflict is greater than it has been for decades. This is no longer confined to conventional armed conflicts between states. Confrontations are increasingly taking the form of economic pressure, technological restrictions, competition for resources and markets, cyberattacks, disinformation, and attempts to influence other societies. Cultural and identity-based divisions are also becoming more pronounced, increasingly exploited for political purposes, and further deepening mistrust among peoples. The boundary between peace and conflict is becoming ever less distinct, while the consequences of confrontation among global and regional powers increasingly affect even those countries that are not directly involved. For small and medium-sized countries just like the Republic of Serbia, such an environment represents an enormous challenge. The space for independent decision-making is narrowing, while pressure on states to choose sides is steadily increasing. At the same time, disagreements among the most powerful actors are increasingly paralyzing the very institutions that should be protecting all countries equally.
Mr. President, the theme of this session—restoring trust, managing transformation, the United Nations that delivers for all— expresses perfectly the challenge that we must collectively address to restore the hope that the UN nurtured when it was created. For the DRC, this session is another occasion to reaffirm its faith in a multilateralism based upon the unwavering quest for peace and justice, which paved the way not to the prosperity of a select few, but to the creation of a true common horizon for peoples and generations of the future. This faith, however, calls upon us to be clear-eyed about the world's transformations, and to ask about the ability of the UN to evolve alongside it. For our peoples have never ceased to believe in the need for international cooperation, a cooperation which, at the most difficult times, can be promptly mobilized but, in other circumstances, may seem to drag its feet when territorial integrity is vigorously defended in one crisis but seems negotiable in another, when the suffering of civilians calls for immediate action in one place but seems less urgent in another. In reality, there can be no lasting trust when the force of our principles varies depending on the peoples, crises or circumstances. In a world in constant flux, the trust of our peoples in multilateralism begins when the law is applied uniformly, regardless of geography, economic power, or alliances. Our transformation ought to be based upon the need to uphold the Charter in its entirety, especially through the respect for the principle of the sovereign equality of states, peaceful dispute settlement, the prohibition of the use of force, respect for territorial integrity, and human dignity. This ought to be the ambition of the United Nations. Mr. President, we cannot speak of restoring trust toward the UN, let alone of a transformation, as long as the UN continues to reflect a world that has ceased to exist. The world of 1945 no longer exists. Digital revolution, energy transition, and climate deregulation are now altering equilibria, and yet the institutions charged with managing these changes too often reflect an order that no longer exists. Artificial intelligence today offers one of the most striking examples of this. It has immense potential, but also poses the risk of new fractures. Its governance should not be the sole remit of certain powers or corporations. Developing countries ought to be able to participate in defining its rules and to access the capacities that determine its use. The DRC supports the UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance, as well as the creation of a global capacity-building fund. The digital divide must not become an intelligence divide. This need for inclusion ought, first and foremost, to be reflected in global governance. Africa has proven itself, over time, to be a demographic, diplomatic, and geopolitical power, a vital one, but it still remains inadequately represented where decisions are being made about the world's future. How can we fail to mention the historic anomaly that is the absence of Africa among the permanent members of the Security Council? The admission of the African Union to G20 is certainly a major step in the right direction. However, it is not sufficient to meet this need for representation. As a member of the Security Council of 2026-2027, we reaffirm our support for the common African position, enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. That is to say, two permanent seats for Africa, with all of the associated privileges, including veto rights as long as they exist, and two non-permanent additional seats, in order to make the Council more representative, more legitimate, and ultimately more effective. This need for representation goes hand in hand with a need for responsibility, and it is in this spirit that the DRC intends to fully exercise its responsibility when it comes to choosing the next Secretary-General, whose mandate ought to be part of the transformation of our organization and help adapt it to the priorities of a world in profound evolution. This same ambition is our driving force within the francophone world, through the candidacy of Ms. Juliana Amato Lumumba for the position of Secretary-General of the OIF, with the vision of a renewed francophonia that is closer to its peoples and capable of strengthening trust between its members and to tackle the challenges we are facing. For the DRC, it is precisely in the gap between the trust we are calling to be restored and the transformation that we hope to manage that the real impact of our international commitments is measured. Our country is at the heart of several of these transformations, and sometimes at the intersection of their very contradictions.
Let us do so together. Of course, problems are not confined to my region. There are problems all around the world. Paraguay is noting with deep concern what is happening in the Persian Gulf. When the Strait of Hormuz is closed, it is not the great powers or the wealthiest who pay the price. It is the least protected who pay the price, the most vulnerable among our citizens. The food and energy security of millions of people, depends on keeping that passage open. Therefore, today I make an urgent appeal for the immediate cessation of attacks, for the full reopening of and freedom of navigation through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb, and a return to negotiations. Human dignity, dear friends, does not change when we move from one continent to another. It is always the same. And it is that human dignity that must guide not only our words but also our actions. Hormuz is the problem we face today. But I wish to tell you here that tomorrow's problem could be far worse, infinitely worse. I'm referring to the ominous clouds gathering over the Indo-Pacific, particularly over the Taiwan Strait. What happens there is not merely a regional matter. No, ladies and gentlemen. It affects Japan, the whole of East and Southeast Asia, and above all, it affects the global economy. It affects the microchips that power industry, defense, and artificial intelligence. Anyone pretending that this is far off or too distant to matter simply has not understood the 21st century. If oil was the fuel of the 20th century, microchips are the fuel of the 21st. The stakes of this potential conflict could scarcely be higher. The very future of humanity is at stake. And I want to make one thing clear here: Paraguay is not neutral on this issue. Paraguay stands, and I say this loud and clear, with Taiwan. Not out of expediency, quite the opposite. We stand with Taiwan because of the profound values we share: democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and peace. Seventy years of uninterrupted diplomatic relations are not merely a number or the product of a mere calculation. They are a testament to the real friendship between our peoples.
Tunisia renews its support for regional and international efforts to find a solution to the crisis in Yemen. Mr. president, the abundant human resources, natural wealth and promising potential of Africa make Africa an essential partner in advancing development at the international level. Yet Africa the Africa we want, continues to face intertwined security and economic challenges that require a comprehensive approach. In this regard, Tunisia reaffirms its commitment to the principle of African solutions to African problems, thereby strengthening the ownership of African countries and peoples over the resolution of their crises and reinforcing the role of African mechanisms and institutions in maintaining peace and security. Tunisia renews its support for the reform of the African Union so that it may better fulfill its responsibilities and respond effectively to current challenges. Tunisia also stresses the importance of strengthening the partnership between the United Nations and the African Union in conflict prevention, mediation, peacekeeping, peacebuilding and sustainable development. In this context, Tunisia emphasizes its determination to continue contributing to peacekeeping efforts in Africa, a commitment it has maintained since the first years of its independence. Tunisia also reiterates its commitment to strengthen economic integration across the continent, particularly within the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, COMESA and the African Continental Free Trade Area.
These ambitions are underpinned by Georgia's strong economic performance. Over the past five years, our economy has grown by an average of 9.3% annually, and this momentum has continued in 2026, with growth reaching 7.9% in the first seven months of the year. As the International Monetary Fund projects, Georgia will deliver one of the fastest growth rates in the medium term among regional and European countries averaging 5.4%. With one of the fastest growing economies worldwide, we are actively building an innovation oriented business friendly environment that supports both local and foreign enterprises. Despite the global uncertainty, Georgia's FDI to GDP ratio is one of the highest among peer countries and averaged over 6% of GDP in 2021–2025, highlighting the confidence of investors in the country's growth potential. Georgia's FDI outlook is supported by a pipeline of large, multi-year investment projects across transport and logistics, energy infrastructure, tourism, and real estate. Yet, the true measure of success is how it improves people's lives. Strong economic performance must translate into tangible social outcomes higher output per person, rising real wages, declining poverty, better employment opportunities, and greater economic resilience.
Mr. Secretary General Antonio Guterres, to whom I pay tribute for ten years of tireless work in defense of the United Nations Charter, international law and multilateralism, heads of state and government, excellencies. Over the past few decades, the international order focused on promoting peace and stability has been essential to prosperity and socioeconomic progress in our societies. Wars and geopolitical tensions that characterize our times have had a terrible human toll, undermining international order and consequently, the chance of prosperity. That is why we must explore every opportunity for dialogue, diplomacy and peace. In the Middle East, the humanitarian tragedy must end, and we must move towards the two state solution, with Israel and Palestine coexisting as two sovereign states in peace and security. The aggressive actions by Iran and its associated armed groups must cease, including attacks on neighboring countries, merchant vessels and civilian infrastructures. Similarly, the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz must end and freedom of navigation must be guaranteed, including safe and toll free passage, including through the Red Sea. In Europe, we must achieve a just and lasting peace that puts an end to the brutal and illegal aggression of Russia against Ukraine. Ukraine is a partner that has the full support of Portugal and European Union. In Sudan, the most dramatic humanitarian crisis we face must come to an end. We must also remain resolute in combating the global threats of terrorism and nuclear weapons. And in the face of the new challenge posed by artificial intelligence, we must find together the right balance between innovation and regulation, one that allows us to harness its potential for the benefit of humanity while preventing it from distorting our very essence. Excellencies, the energy crisis, and the rising fuel prices we are facing due to international conflicts are affecting all our peoples.
This lies at the core of Brunei Vision 2035, built upon three mutually reinforcing goals: an educated, highly skilled and accomplished people; a high quality of life and a dynamic and sustainable economy. Together, these goals reflect our conviction that national progress cannot be measured by economic growth alone. A country is strong when its people are strong. That means equipping our people with the knowledge and skills to adapt to change. It also means ensuring they have the security and stability to build their lives with confidence, supported by strong communities quality healthcare and essential services, social protection and a cohesive, resilient society. For Brunei Darussalam, stability and development go hand in hand. Stability gives people the confidence to plan for tomorrow and development gives them the opportunity to build that tomorrow. Both must be sustained by dynamic, diversified and resilient economy that creates meaningful opportunities and quality employment. Together, they create the conditions in which people can realise their full potential. Our ambition is therefore not merely to build a more prosperous country, but a society in which people feel secure in the present, confident about the future and equipped to shape that future for themselves. But progress loses its meaning when people feel less secure, less included or less hopeful about what lies ahead. That is why no one left behind must be more than a phrase. It must be reflected in the choices we make and in the outcomes we deliver. Mr. President, the realities before us are complex, but the principles that should guide us remain clear.
At this stage, this initiative is expected to sequester approximately 1.2 billion metric tons of carbon dioxide annually. As one of the powerhouses of clean energy, with a total potential of 60,000 megawatts, Ethiopia targets to generate 13,000 megawatts by 2030, aiming also to scale up our energy supply across the East African power pool and beyond. In this regard, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam stands as a monumental pan-African clean energy project, providing that our shared waters and resources can generate progress and development for collective regional prosperity. Moreover, adding to Ethiopia's growing portfolio of mega-project executions, the government is investing in an international airport worth 12.5 billion US dollars, which will handle 110 million passengers and about 4 million tons of cargo annually.
Ladies and gentlemen, attacks on information integrity pose an especially troubling challenge to every society. Disinformation, foreign information manipulation and interference and the falsification of history, erode trust, restrict civic space and target journalists and human rights defenders. As a result, human rights, democracy and security suffer. This risk is further enhanced by the development of artificial intelligence. As we all know, AI has a huge potential for transformation, especially in the field of economy. Whole sectors, including those related to defence and security might get radically changed or destroyed almost overnight. As any instrument, AI is also increasingly used by those seeking to cause harm and destruction. My country, Lithuania strongly believes that the future of AI must not be determined by authoritarian control, technological coercion or the malicious use of data. We are therefore investing in trusted AI capabilities, promoting responsible AI deployment and advancing the Vilnius Convention, the world's first legally binding international treaty on artificial intelligence. By demonstrating how shared principles can be translated into concrete legal commitments, we hope to contribute significantly to the United Nations Global Dialogue on AI Governance. Lithuania invites the international community to unite in addressing significant legal, ethical and strategic challenges posed by artificial intelligence. With even major technology companies sending warning signals that control of AI might slip out of humanity's hands, the time is ripe for collective action. Together, we must ensure that AI serves human dignity, sustainable development, and international security rather than becoming a new instrument of inequality, manipulation or conflict. At any cost, human accountability, international law and the peace and security must be safeguarded. Ladies and gentlemen, the credibility of the United Nations depends on its ability to respond firmly to aggression, unlawful conquest, forced deportations and crimes against humanity, and also to coordinate the global response to the growth of AI.
If AI is available only to a few, new divisions will appear. Entire communities may be left behind. The growing use of AI-powered weapons and autonomous systems also requires urgent attention. One principle must remain clear: machines should never be allowed to make life or death decisions on their own. Just as the international community developed rules for nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, we also need strong international frameworks for these new technologies. The United Nations can and should play a leading role in this effort. AI is not only a potential threat on the battlefield; it is already having a negative impact on society, especially in education. An entire generation of young people is being affected. Recent assessments show declining test scores across the vast majority of countries. This is a concerning trend that deserves open and serious discussion on international platforms such as the United Nations. At the same time, we should not see AI only as a risk. It can be also a tool for peace. It can help us analyze information, identify patterns, and overcome language barriers in real time. It can support better decisions, faster responses, and more effective prevention. With responsible use, proper human oversight, and good governance, we can move this technology away from the battlefield and toward diplomacy, mediation, and conflict prevention. And prevention matters. Every conflict we prevent saves lives. It protects development. It preserves human dignity. Once violence begins, every solution becomes harder, more costly, and more painful.
Two days ago, Abu Dhabi also hosted the opening of the 15th UN Congress on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice, which highlights the need to keep pace with the rapid technological advancement and to protect societies from the impacts of crime, violence and exploitation. At the same time, we are investing in the values of tolerance, peaceful coexistence and inclusion through partnerships that bring together diverse nationalities and religions. We are building a society in which women participate fully, equally and meaningfully, and in which young people are genuine partners in shaping their future. In conclusion, Mr. President, my country will remain committed to the path of moderation, the rejection of violence and extremism, and the investment in people and in the vast potential with which our region is so richly endowed.
The climate emergency demands action. Development demands investment and peace and humanitarian crises demand solidarity. The digital transition and artificial intelligence also offer new opportunities to accelerate development and improve the capacities of our states. Their potential, however, will only be fully realised if we are able to bridge the digital divide, facilitate technology sharing and build the capacities of developing countries.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, imagine if nuclear weapons were developed by private companies. If stockpiles were located on company grounds and launch codes locked away in a safe in a CEO's office. It's a disturbing thought. When a technology has the power to fundamentally change the world, possibly even determine the fate of humanity, we need to ask who controls it? Who sets the rules? Who's accountable? Today, humankind faces another technological revolution that raises exactly this question. Engineers have developed a technology that does not need to be launched from a rocket or a submarine to change the course of history. I am, of course, talking about artificial intelligence, a technology with seemingly unlimited power. In the wrong hands, it can upend our economies and threaten our livelihoods. It has the potential to erode trust within our societies by spreading information that appears real, but is in fact fake. AI can endanger the infrastructure that keeps our societies running. And ultimately, it can influence decisions that determine global peace and security. At the same time, artificial intelligence holds extraordinary promise. It can accelerate scientific discovery improve health care and education all over the world, provide opportunities for economic development, overcome inequalities, and help us address challenges that no country can solve alone. Just imagine a world where, with the help of AI, we can prevent famine and cure cancer. This is precisely what makes AI so powerful, for better or for worse. But there is a critical tension. Only two major countries are home to the companies holding the vast majority of all global AI patents. That puts an enormous amount of influence in the hands of a very few. Such power carries responsibility not only towards customers, shareholders or governments, but also to humanity. And wherever power becomes global, responsibility must become global, too.
Senegal also believes in the transformative potential of new technologies, including the development of AI that is based on robust morals and ethical code, based on the principle of responsibility and inclusion. The launch of our first satellite illustrates our desire to make space AI and digital tools instruments that serve and foster human development. President. Dear colleagues, we are all well aware of the challenges linked to the very life of our organisation.
It is less about doing things for others than doing things with them. This principle takes on particular significance in the face of current technological revolutions. AI is the most obvious illustration of this. It offers considerable new possibilities in science, the economy, medicine, education, and the management of resources. But it also highlights the risk of a new divide between those who have the skills and infrastructure needed to participate in this transformation, and those who are likely to feel only its effects. We must ensure that technological progress broadens opportunities without widening the gaps. This means that as many countries and societies as possible must be able to benefit from advances in AI, develop their skills and contribute to the debate on the rules that will govern its development and use. This is exactly the aim of the Geneva AI summit, which will take place on the 21st and 22nd of June 2027 under the motto Bridging Innovation and Trust. These two concepts must go hand in hand. Innovation in which societies no longer have confidence risks being rejected. Conversely, rules that would prevent all innovation would deprive us of enormous potential. Our responsibility, therefore, is to strike a balance to enable progress and promote its benefits, while creating the conditions for the reliable and responsible development and use of these technologies. Artificial intelligence thus reminds us of a simple truth. Certain changes are so far reaching and so fast moving, that no single state can manage all of their consequences by itself.
I would also like to express our appreciation to Miss Annalena Baerbock for her leadership of the General Assembly during its previous session. Distinguished participants. The current international environment requires all states to demonstrate a high degree of responsibility, political foresight and readiness for concerted action. Rising conflict potential, the erosion of trust, economic instability, climate risk, and the rapid development of new technologies are becoming increasingly intertwined, directly affecting the security and well-being of peoples. In these circumstances it is particularly important to uphold the common purposes enshrined in the charter of the United Nations, ensure respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, their sovereign equality and non-interference in the internal affairs, and strengthen the rule of international law. Turkmenistan firmly believes that the United Nations must continue to serve as the universal and legitimate foundation of international cooperation, and as the principal mechanism for reconciling interests and developing solutions in the areas of peace, security and sustainable development. It is from this perspective that our country approaches the work of the 81st session of the General Assembly. Ladies and gentlemen, ensuring international peace and security remains a key priority for Turkmenistan.
End of quote. The implementation of the TRIPP project is thus becoming reality with tangible steps. The Framework Agreement on Strategic Cooperation on the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity Project signed between Armenia and the United States of America, will soon be ratified by the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia. We are currently working with the United States Government to establish the TRIPP Development Company and to sign a shareholders agreement. Accordingly, Armenia will initially have a 26% stake in the TRIPP Development Company, and the United States will have a 74% stake. The agreement provides that in the event of its extension, in the 50th year, the Republic of Armenia's share will become 49% without additional investment. One of the practical expressions of the TRIPP project will be the implementation of paragraph three of the Peace Declaration adopted by me and the President of Azerbaijan on August 8th, 2025, and signed by the United States President as a witness. Paragraph three of that declaration reads, quote, we reaffirmed the importance of the opening of communications between the two countries, meaning Armenia and Azerbaijan for intra-state, bilateral and international transportation for the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in the region and its neighborhood on the basis of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and the jurisdiction of states. These efforts are to include unimpeded connectivity between the main part of the Republic of Azerbaijan and its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, through the territory of the Republic of Armenia, with reciprocal benefits for international and intrastate connectivity for the Republic of Armenia. End of quote. The implementation of the TRIPP project will be of historic importance for the Republic of Armenia. For the first time since the early 90s, Armenia will get railway connection with Azerbaijan and thus also with Russia, Central Asia and China. However, it should be emphasized that after the peace summit on August 8th, 2025, Azerbaijan opened its railway to Armenia and now we have a railway connection with Azerbaijan via the territory of Georgia. The implementation of the TRIPP project will create a direct railway connection between Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as a railway connection from Azerbaijan to Azerbaijan via the territory of Armenia and from Armenia to Armenia via the territory of Azerbaijan. Because Armenia does not have a railway connection between its northern and southern regions, and in practice this is possible only via the territory of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan. While Azerbaijan does not have a railway connection with its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, and this is in practice possible only via the territory of Armenia. In the near future, we will restore the railway sections of Meghri and Yeraskh in the Republic of Armenia, which existed during the Soviet Union and were later destroyed, and the railway connections I mentioned will be opened. But this will also have huge international significance because, in parallel with the construction of the aforementioned railways, we are waiting for the opening of the Armenia-Turkey railway. Together with the TRIPP project, this could become one of the most important events in the field of international logistics in recent decades because thus, a new railway connection will be opened between China, Central Asia, Turkey and the European Union. All this opens up another crucial opportunity for international logistics, because the restoration of the railway connection between Armenia and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of the Republic of Azerbaijan restores the railway connection also between the Persian Gulf and the Black Sea. This is an important nuance because it shows why and how the implementation of the TRIPP project promises great benefits to all countries in our region. And these potential benefits can thus become a cornerstone of long-term stability and peace, especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan. After almost 35 years of conflict, we are now discussing issues of building pipelines, power lines and roads in addition to the east-west railway within the framework of the TRIPP project. And this will enable not only the Republic of Armenia, but also the entire South Caucasus to become a Crossroads of Peace.
Azerbaijan has emerged as a key transport and logistics hub between Europe and Asia, contributing to major regional connectivity initiatives, investing in modern transport infrastructure and expanding cooperation with regional partners. Since 2022, we have witnessed an increase in cargo volumes along the Middle Corridor by almost 90%. Strategic infrastructure projects along the Middle Corridor spearheaded by Azerbaijan, including the Baku International Sea Trade Port and the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway, are helping to create more resilient, diversified and sustainable supply chains between Asia and Europe. This growth demonstrates the Middle Corridor's considerable potential as a key driver of regional connectivity, trade facilitation and sustainable economic development.
It is carefully designed electoral reform that protects every citizens while ensuring that a basic principle of legitimate political representation of the constituent peoples is restored. Croatia will not tire of explaining why this reform is crucial for the entire country to reach its full potential, and we will not tire of opposing those political forces whose short sighted pursuit of political gains jeopardizes equality of constituent peoples and the long term prosperity. Our own history confirms that transformation succeeds when it is rooted in inclusion, responsibility and reform. Over the past decade, Croatia has doubled the size of its economy in nominal terms, while reducing its public debt to GDP ratio by 30 percentage points from its pandemic peak. Six consecutive sovereign credit rating upgrades have brought us into the A category. We have tripled our defense budget, with approximately one third of that spending allocated to military modernization. In a changed security environment, we are strengthening our security and ensuring we are better equipped to support international stabilisation missions abroad. Reforms we are pursuing domestically are increasing our overall resilience and giving us increased capacity to engage in a world which is rapidly changing. Ladies and gentlemen, the international system stutters when the distance between declaration and delivery becomes too wide.
Care is free and drugs are free too. And we are the first in the world to achieve this feat. The vision of our first Lady, Gabriela Rodriguez de Bukele, uh, is a profoundly human one. And that is that every boy girl, each and every young person, deserves to grow up in liberty to fully develop their potential and to have real opportunities to build the life that he or she wants for him or herself.
Beyond the immediate human tragedy, these conflicts exert a heavy economic toll. They divert resources that are urgently needed for development into military expenditure. They also drive up energy and transportation costs, disrupt global supply chains, and exacerbate the rising cost of living felt by people everywhere. Peace remains the indispensable foundation upon which all development is built. Where there is war, development is reversed. Where there is instability, investment withdraws. Where there is fear, human potential is lost. The Kingdom of Eswatini remains deeply concerned by the continued conflicts and humanitarian crises affecting various parts of our world. We call for the continued pursuit of diplomatic and political solutions to these conflicts. While war may create temporary victors on the battlefield, only through dialogue can sustainable peace be established. The United Nations must remain the place where the door to dialogue never closes. On the African continent, continued instability validates the urgent need to strengthen African-led peace processes. There is also a need to support the capacity of African regional organizations to prevent conflict, mediate disputes, and build sustainable peace. The Kingdom of Eswatini believes firmly that peace in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa must be anchored in preventive diplomacy, fully supported by the United Nations. We call upon the UN to ensure that countries respect peace agreements that have been signed to avoid drawing back on the gains already made, thus causing more destruction to infrastructure and innocent lives. The UN should provide oversight to ensure follow-ups and monitor compliance on these agreements to last forever.
Mr. president, development also requires peace and security. For Jamaica and our wider Caribbean region, transnational organized crime remains a serious threat. Last year, from this very podium, Prime Minister Andrew Holness called for a global war on gangs, a coordinated international effort capable of matching the reach, financing and sophistication of transnational criminal networks. Jamaica reiterates that call today. Illicit firearms do not manufacture themselves in our communities. They cross borders. Criminal money crosses borders, criminal networks exploit technology and operate across borders. Our response must therefore also cross borders. We call for stronger cooperation in firearms tracing and interdiction, intelligence and information sharing, financial investigations, and law enforcement capacity building. We also urge major arms-exporting states to strengthen export controls and post delivery verification. At home, Jamaica has invested heavily in our security forces, strengthened legislation, enhanced intelligence gathering oversight and transformed policing. The results are remarkable by any standard. In 2025, Jamaica recorded its lowest number of homicides in more than three decades. And in 2026, with even further reductions, the Global Peace Index ranked Jamaica the most peaceful country in the Caribbean. We recognize that there remains work to be done, but the direction is clear and our objective is not merely fewer crimes. It is a durable ecosystem of peace in which every Jamaican can feel safe, raise a family, do business, and fulfill his or her potential, and retire in Paradise. Mr. president, nowhere in our region is the challenge of criminal gangs more devastating than in our CARICOM sister nation of Haiti. Jamaica stands firmly with the Haitian people.
Mr. president, we express our country's grave concern as the world continues its slide toward uncertainty and division. The erosion of trust among nations is rapidly reshaping the international order. Our collective inability to prevent conflicts, our collective indifference toward humanitarian crisis, and our collective reluctance to seek common solutions to shared challenges are all becoming normalised. Trust cannot be restored when international law is applied selectively and commitments remain unfulfilled. Our response must be grounded in the fundamental values we have affirmed together freedom, equality, justice and respect for human dignity. President Tokayev has repeatedly underscored the indispensable role of the United Nations as a single universal platform, uniquely capable of bringing the states together to address the challenges we face. But to fulfil its potential, UN must be able to act, adapt and deliver. We fully support the UN-80 initiative. The success of the reform should be measured not by what is cut or reorganised, but by whether the United Nations prevents conflicts more effectively, responds more rapidly to crisis and delivers better results for all member states. Central to this renewal is reform of the Security Council. Broader representation of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the Council, as well as greater voice for developing countries and for middle powers, is a moral imperative. Equitable geographical representation must apply throughout the United Nations system as a condition of legitimacy and credibility. The selection of the next Secretary-General will be one of the defining moments of this session, and Kazakhstan supports a transparent, inclusive and merit based process conducted in full accordance with the Charter. Mr. president, the international security environment continues to deteriorate. World military expenditures reached a record $2.9 trillion in 2025. Our small planet is home to more than 12,000 nuclear weapons, each one capable of untold damage and sorrow. Every year we seem to lose more biodiversity, yet gain more armaments. For Kazakhstan, nuclear disarmament in particular is not an abstract doctrine. It's a responsibility born of national experience. This year marks 35 years since the closure of the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site 30 years since the CTBT opened for signature, and 20 years since the signing of the Treaty on Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in Central Asia. Our experience of renouncing the world's fourth largest nuclear arsenal did not weaken our state. To the contrary through international trust, it strengthens sovereignty, enhanced security and promotes development. Today the trust is again in danger. New START has expired, while the 2026 NPT Review Conference ended without substantive outcome for the third consecutive cycle. Nuclear weapon states must never confuse the absence of agreement with the vacuum of obligation. They remain responsible until we secure a world free of nuclear weapons. Kazakhstan advocates the relaunch of high level dialogue among nuclear powers, and is ready to host one of their next meetings. We will also continue advancing our earlier proposal to strengthen the BWC through establishing an international agency for biological security. Distinguished delegates. Peace and stability are prerequisites for sustainable development. We stand firmly for diplomacy and dialogue, and against the escalation of tension and the use of force.
Malawi welcomed the transformative potential for AI as an expression of human ingenuity, and as an increasingly important tool for creating sustainable development. For developing countries, including Malawi, AI offers opportunities to strengthen agricultural productivity and food security, improve healthcare and education, enhance climate resilience and disaster preparedness, expand financial inclusion and improve the efficiency of public service. Malawi believes, however, that technological advancements must remain human centred. Artificial intelligence should complement and enhance human capabilities rather than diminish the indispensable role of people in shaping their own development. At the same time, Malawi recognises that the rapid expansion of artificial intelligence presents significant challenges, particularly for developing economies with fragile labour markets and limited technological infrastructure. Automation could disrupt employment and widen existing inequality, while unequal access to computing capacity, data, digital infrastructure skills and financing risks, creating a new technological divide between and within countries. Malawi, therefore, calls upon the United Nations to continue promoting an inclusive, ethical and development oriented global framework for AI governance, one that safeguards human dignity and employment, builds the technological capacities of developing countries, facilitates equitable access to AI technologies, and ensures that the benefits of innovation contribute directly to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. No country should be left behind in the emerging AI driven global economy.
I am appearing once again before this assembly on behalf of the Republic of Panama, a nation whose own geography defined its destiny. It's the bridge of the world and connects continents, cultures, and markets. At a time in history in which geopolitical fractures threaten to polarize us in a dangerous manner, Panama reaffirms its historic vocation to bring people together and seek common understandings. I must say that polarization is coupled with a large mass of people who feel that international organizations have forgotten the values and priorities of the majority of citizens. I'm referring to those who wish to progress in peace, to be able to work and return home safely. Also, those who defend the institution of the family that has its own credo and a culture forged throughout the centuries that today is being called into question. The majority feel under pressure due to the actions of progressive multiculturalism, that a large part of society is not prepared to accept, almost under coercion. I'm a president that comes from a great nation, a crucible of different cultural heritages that forged a society that's open to the world, with a strong belief in peace. This was all achieved over many years without any imposition, so this means that it happened naturally. I'm convinced that the United Nations has immense potential in a world with so much volatility and such strong asymmetries. But it needs to take up, again, its leadership in order to engage in preventive actions and corrective actions. I am a person who believes in and defends multilateralism, and I am convinced that peace and prosperity of nations must be grounded in international law as a guiding principle of relationships between nations. And these theoretical arguments must also be expressed with palpable results. We must recognize now that citizens do not believe that these types of meetings are that beneficial for them. And herein lies one of the reasons why we must restore trust. I want to give you a concrete example just to illustrate what I'm saying.
They're increasingly technological. Mr. President, digital connectivity and rapid technology advancements are transforming how we live. They offer significant opportunities for big ocean sovereign states, BOSS, but they also risk creating new inequalities and dependencies. Those who benefit last from global change often bear its highest costs. We continue to live with that injustice through climate change. We cannot again be asked to adapt only after systems have been built and the rules written. For Tonga, submarine cables and satellite links are foundational infrastructures that connect our islands to global opportunities. But connectivity alone is not enough. Digital skills and secure, resilient systems must support it, and we will protect our children online and retain sovereignty over our national data. Tonga does not need to be first in artificial intelligence, quantum computing or every technology that follows. But Tonga will not simply endure global transformations. It will exercise sovereignty by helping shape the rules and norms around it. Tonga is looking beyond conventional development models. We are seeking to unlock new forms of finance through responsible valuation of our natural assets, our ocean assets, while exploring the potential of frontier technologies such as quantum science. We will form the right partnerships. We will direct innovation towards our priorities. But the Pacific's data, ocean biodiversity, critical minerals and traditional knowledge must not power the next technological revolution while returning only a fraction of their value to our people. Mr. President, from experience, Tonga knows its challenges and we will meet them with determination that has always defined our people. We also know our strengths as a BOSS. We are not asking for charity. We will do our part. We will simply ask that others do theirs. Meet the 1.5°C threshold.
The algorithm did not develop hatred. It discovered how to activate ours. This is systematic fraud as a service. Election interference no longer requires one television station or one piece of propaganda repeated to an entire population. It can now operate at the resolution of each and every one voter. Two neighbors may stand in the same street, vote in the same election, and inhabit entirely different realities, each manufactured specifically for each of them. When that happens democracy does not merely lose a debate or just an election turn. It loses the common ground on which debate is possible, and it loses the turn to have it. Sovereignty no longer erodes only at the border. It erodes in the feed. In the 20th century, sovereignty meant control over land, territorial waters and national airspace. Today in Europe, we are running like crazy to add more and more and more from the money we don't have, to protect our land and to protect our skies for a potential future war. But somehow we are forgetting that in the century we are living, it must also mean the capacity of a free society to defend the conditions under which its citizens form their own judgement.
SIDs need finance, technology, capacity and institutions that would recognize vulnerability and work with us. The SIDs Centre of Excellence will help turn ABAS commitment into practical solutions through the better data in innovation, investment and support for sustainable development. ABAS must move from commitment to implementation and SIDs must move from vulnerability towards resilient prosperity. Mr. president, international financial architectures must also change. The fourth International Conference on Financing for development, in which was held in Sevilla, Spain, placed debt and development finance close to the centre of the international agenda. That progress must now become action. Small states cannot develop sustainably when they must repeatedly borrow to rebuild. We cannot fulfil the promise of ABAS when carrying unsustainable debts. Nor can we build resilience when the cost of capital itself penalises vulnerability. For too long, the international financial architecture has asked vulnerable countries how much debt can they carry? It must also ask how much development can they achieve? How can countries realise their potential when debt services, repeated shocks and high borrowing costs consume the resources needed for schools, hospitals and resilient development and transformation. Finance must create fiscal space for development. Vulnerable states need greater access to long term affordable and predictable financing, together with debt solutions that respond to these real circumstances. Antigua and Barbuda called for the launch of the Intergovernmental process on debt agreed upon in Seville. Madam president, there can be no sustainable development without peace. But peace begins long before guns fall silent.
We want to build a Bangladesh where young people can pursue their dreams without fear or hindrance, where women can lead their lives with confidence, where every child grows up with the opportunity to realise their full potential, and above all, where people are assured of a safe and peaceful life. That is why we say Bangladesh first, Bangladesh for all. I conclude my address by reaffirming Bangladesh's unwavering commitment to the values and principles of the United Nations in order to build a peaceful world.
It is time to resume the offensive and inflict a defeat on denialism. Nature reminds us every day that we live on one planet. The glaciers in the Himalayas are melting. The super El Nino may cause torrential rains, droughts and forest fires in different parts of the globe. Its effects will hit the most vulnerable, the hardest. Brazil has been demonstrating that it is possible to combine economic growth with reduced emissions. We have achieved our self-sufficiency in oil and will continue to explore the potential of new reserves, such as those in the equatorial margin. But we will not abandon the environmental agenda. We will move forward with the roadmap for the decarbonization of the Brazilian economy. The Tropical Forest Forever Facility, launched at COP30 in the city of Belém, shows that it is possible to change old paradigms. The forest is worth more standing than destroyed. We will continue to reduce deforestation, which has been cut in half in the Amazon and reaching its lowest level in 11 years. We have the moral authority to reject protectionist measures disguised as commitment to the environmental cause. Brazil is a global reference in green energy. We have the critical minerals and the rare earths that the world needs to make the energy transition. Our natural wealth belongs to the Brazilian people, and it is in their benefit that it will be exploited.
Specifically, my government's foreign policy is guided by national interests by the defense of our sovereignty, and by the pursuit of results. That national interest I refer to also has a specific objective that is ensuring the prosperity of our people. Foreign policy should serve to create jobs, to attract investment and technology, to open markets, and to create opportunities for Colombians. With that goal in mind, I wish to extend an invitation to the world. Come to Colombia, invest in Colombia grow and prosper with Colombia. Believe in Colombia. I don't promise you a perfect country, but I can assure you that I am working tirelessly to build you a nation that is, to build a nation that is safer, more prosperous, and with more opportunities for its people. Colombia does not come before the world today to ask others to do for us what it is our responsibility to do for ourselves rebuilding our country, restoring security, growing the economy, protecting our institutions, and giving opportunities back to millions of people are first and foremost responsibilities that fall to Colombians. But we also know that no nation can turn its back on the world. We need partners and friends with whom we can trade, invest, exchange knowledge, and address common threats. That is the Colombia that I present to you today, a country that is well aware of its difficulties, but also of its enormous potential. A country that doesn't try to hide its problems, but rather to confront them. A country that is getting back on its feet and knows where it wants to go. To the nations represented here, I extend my hand respectfully and through friendship. Colombia wants to work with you on everything that we can build together. I want within a few years, when the world looks again at my country, I want them to see a nation that is safer, more prosperous, more well respected and above all, far more confident in its own abilities. And if that is the Colombia that the world sees, there'll be no need to explain what I meant when I spoke of the Patria Milagro, the miracle nation.
We have always been and will always be prepared for dialogue with the government of the United States in order to try to find solutions to the various bilateral differences that we have on the basis of seriousness, respect, sovereign equality and respect for international law without any interference in domestic affairs and without preconditions. We are prepared for trade commercial relations with U.S. corporations, as we would be with any other country. We are aware of the immense challenge that our country faces in terms of its security, survival, the well-being of its people and the destiny of the nation. We are not facing this challenge passively. We are doing it firmly and with dignity. And on this basis, we are moving forward on a process of changes that would lead to profound transformations of the economic and social model of the country, based on our historical experience. Last 30th of July, during the Closing Ceremony of the seventh session of the National People's Power Assembly, President Miguel Diaz-Canel, given the complex situation I've described, referred to how we can continue to grow socialism, how can we find the financial and material resources needed to preserve the social achievements attained by the revolution? And as on former occasions when we were faced with particularly complex situations, such as under the guidance of the first Commander in Chief and later of the Army General Raul Castro, the economic model was transformed to adapt it to the challenging foreign circumstances demanded by the times, and in the current situation, we promise to take the changes that are needed for the moment under the leadership of the party in a collective and democratic way, in consultation with the people, without compromising the independence, national sovereignty or the social achievements of the revolution. End of quotation. The National People's Power Assembly at that meeting adopted a new program with new practices, actors and economic concepts. All of that is being done in accordance with the Constitution in force, which was adopted through a free and universal referendum and the conception of our socialist state of law and social justice. As was pointed out by the leader of the Cuban Revolution, General Raul Castro Ruz, the most important thing will be, and I quote, the appropriate and timely implementation process with well-defined priorities and the conscious participation of the people. End of quotation. This process relies on the strengths that we have been able to build the potential of our human resources, and the determination to respond to the needs of the people with the greatest possible social justice, without ceasing in our efforts to defend with the utmost vigor and resolve the sovereignty and the right to self-determination. We know that we can count on the support of the international community and the solidarity of millions of people, amongst them, increasingly United States citizens. They have repeatedly shown in various demonstrations their support for Cuba and their rejection of this aggression, and have provided a solidarity and aid to our peoples to try to mitigate the enormous damage that is being made to Cuban society and its economy. This spirit of empathy and solidarity is also expressed particularly strongly amongst the Cubans, who live permanently or temporarily outside of Cuba's borders and their descendants, particularly those living here in the United States.
Too often the cycle is predictable. A disaster occurs, infrastructure is destroyed, and economic activity collapses. We then mobilise resources to rebuild what was lost, often through borrowing that substantially increases debt to rebuild what we could have made more resilient from the outset. This is not an efficient financial model. The best time to build resilience is before disaster. The best time to finance transformation is before crisis, and the value of resilience should be measured not only by what we build, but by what we prevent from being destroyed. Mr. president, Dominica does not come to the United Nations asking to be treated as a victim of vulnerability. We come asking to be recognised as a partner in transformation. We must finance potential, not merely manage vulnerability. And this is not only about Dominica, it is about whether the global financial system is capable of recognizing a different development model, a model in which resilience is an investment. Nature is an asset, connectivity is productive infrastructure. Clean energy is economic opportunity, and prevention is financially smarter than reconstruction. That is the proposition we placed before this assembly. It is time that the international financial architecture evolves. Dominica joins its voice with those countries that continue to advocate for the use of multidimensional vulnerability as a practical and fair basis in determining access to development finance. We call for greater and easier access to concessional financing and grants for adaptation. We call for stronger disaster clauses in sovereign debt instruments. We call for financing mechanisms that can be activated rapidly when disasters strike. And we call for a fundamental shift in the way the international community views investment in resilience. Every dollar spent preventing the destruction of a road, a hospital, a school, or a water system is an investment in future development. Dominica is prepared to serve as a demonstration country for this approach. We are prepared to work with international partners to show what happens when finance is designed around transformation, rather than vulnerability. Mr. president, Dominica has long spoken of becoming the world's first climate resilient nation. Today I wish to take that ambition further.
Friends, the United Nations is entering its ninth decade at a moment of great uncertainty and challenge for the global community. Conflicts are having devastating effects on the most vulnerable. The impacts of the climate crisis are felt in every corner of our world. Hard won rights are being rolled back. Narrow self-interest is breaking the bonds of solidarity, which have so often lifted us to meaningful progress. The international legal order is under tremendous strain. New and emerging technologies that offer unlimited potential could also, without human intervention, create unprecedented dangers. In such moments of uncertainty, it can be easy to question our foundations, to retreat, to turn inward, to say that international cooperation is too difficult, that multilateralism does not work, that the problems of others are not our problems. But that would be the wrong conclusion, because the answer to a world under strain is not less international cooperation. It is more. The answer to the weakening of principles is not to abandon them. It is to defend them. And if our multilateral system is not working effectively, the answer is not to walk away from it. It is to make it stronger, fairer and fit for the world we live in. That is Ireland's position, and that is what all of us, as members of the United Nations need to deliver on. We should also remember what our collective commitment to the United Nations has achieved. The multilateral system anchored in the United Nations Charter has been the foundation of many of humanity's greatest achievements. It has driven advances in poverty alleviation health care, education, social protection, and food and nutrition security. It has championed human rights and dignity and insisted that accountability matters. It has given voice to the marginalised. Mr. President, the people of Ireland understand that we live in an interdependent world, that the challenges we face are interconnected, cross borders and require collective solutions. Ireland currently holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union. Our stewardship of the European Union's agenda is deeply rooted in the principle of strength with unity, and this principle is at the heart of our vision for the United Nations, as well as our unwavering commitment to the pillars which guide its work. Peace and security. Human rights and development. These pillars equally bear the weight of our shared ambition for a better, fairer and peaceful world. Collectively, however, we are not delivering on their ambition. We are not staying the course. At a time when global needs are increasing and becoming more complex, our responsibility to act does not diminish.
We have done so through our official development assistance and have deepened our solidarity with the Global South. To date, Japan has provided ODA totaling over 670 billion USD to developing countries and regions, and has dispatched almost 60,000 Japan Overseas Cooperation volunteers to 99 countries. Additionally, Japan has been promoting initiatives towards achieving universal health coverage UHC across the globe. Since 1993, Japan has co-organized the TICAD together with the United Nations. TICAD has served as a platform for reflecting Africa's voice in the Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs and for Japan to first put forward the concept of FOIP. Africa is endowed with a dynamic young population and possesses enormous economic potential. Japan will continue to promote its diplomacy towards Africa, so that Japan and Africa can become more resilient and prosperous together. For example, we will promote industrial development, job creation and enhanced connectivity in Africa.
Rather, it is a land of opportunity and potential, capable of devising solutions and putting forward initiatives. That is the idea summed up by His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, in his eloquent words: Africa must trust Africa, end of quote. The enlightened royal vision for Africa, which has materialised through a significant number of projects, stems from a firm conviction that the continent has attained a level of maturity that qualifies it to participate effectively in all decisions relating to its affairs. Indeed, it is capable of contributing to formulating proposals and solutions to the challenges facing the world as a whole. Morocco has translated this vision into practical and tangible royal initiatives, the most prominent of which are perhaps the Royal Initiative to enable Sahel States to access the Atlantic Ocean, as well as the African Atlantic States Process, the African Atlantic Gas Pipeline project, as well as investments in regional infrastructure cooperation in the areas of food security, fertiliser production and training programmes for African executives. This is in addition to partnerships in the areas of health, renewable energy and water resource management.
As the Secretary-General said in his speech, the danger is not technology. The danger is technology without accountability. I agree. Colleagues, we should not panic but we must be determined. There is nothing inevitable in this development. Artificial intelligence is developed by humans and must remain under human direction, oversight and control. It is becoming an integral part of our infrastructure, a part of almost all aspects of society and economy. And as we have done so many times before, we must maximise the positive benefits of emerging technologies while curbing its darker potentials. This week, Finland and Norway are appealing to businesses, governments and the UN alike to cooperate for responsible management of the opportunities and the risks of artificial intelligence. Defence of essential human values goes well beyond regulating technology. For decades we saw a growth in democratic governance, respect for the rule of law and respect for human rights. Sadly, this trend has now turned. Democratic backsliding, polarisation and weakening our democratic shields challenges many of our past achievements.
Artificial intelligence, which we've heard so many times from the podium this week, is arguably the most urgent frontier. AI offers with extraordinary potential, but its capability is advancing faster than our appreciation of its risks. There are fundamentally three categories of risk. First, the loss of control of autonomous systems. Second, that rogue actors could use AI to create bioweapons or other weapons of mass destruction or mass disruption. Third, the economic, the social the political domestic disruptions are only just emerging. But excellencies, the genie is already out of the bottle. It is too late to call for a halt, especially given the superpower rivalry and the huge financial incentives for companies who already have frontier models. But let me offer a metaphor of driving a high performance car. To drive a high performance car quickly and safely, you need a powerful engine. But equally, you need good brakes. And especially if you are going to go beyond your neighborhood or cross boundaries, you need effective shared rules, traffic lights, insurance norms of behavior, seat belts. The engine is innovation. Every one of us has to continue to invest in science, the talent, and the infrastructure that will drive AI forward. For small states, this entails especially developing our people, equipping them with the skills necessary to master and deploy AI quickly, widely, at scale and safely. The real productivity gains from AI comes not from the IT department, but from our businesses and workers having the skills, the tools and the wherewithal to engineer their work processes, workflow by workflow. That's where the cutting edge of value creation arises. But having said that, every powerful engine needs good brakes, safeguards. As the capabilities of AI advance, our safeguards must keep pace. We need rigorous testing and evaluation before deployment. We need clear limits on what autonomous systems can do and mechanisms to intervene when they behave in ways we do not intend. And since the risks from AI do not remain confined behind borders, it means we also need rules of the road that will form a shared global understanding of how we will collectively confront this challenge. Just as all of us instinctively understand traffic lights the same way, whether we're here in New York or in Beijing, Moscow or Singapore. Most importantly, human beings must ultimately remain in control and accountable. Let me give you an extreme thought experiment. Do you want the nuclear button to be in the hands of a human being or an AI? Think about that. The scarce resource today is not legal architecture or technology. It is trust. Trust that the risks will be disclosed, that testing will be comprehensive and credible, and that cooperation will be inclusive and not be used to secure unilateral advantage. The technology has already become an arena for strategic competition precisely when international cooperation is most needed. Any durable international approach must give all states a meaningful stake. Not only those who already have the most advanced models, or the deepest pockets, or the largest set of armaments. So the question is how do we build trust? We begin with the science. Even where states have differences on governance, I believe it is possible for us to work together to collectively understand the capabilities and risks of AI models, to develop comparable methods for testing and evaluation, and to report serious incidents quickly across borders. We are not starting from zero. If you carefully go through what we already have today, the UN's Independent International Scientific Panel on AI already helps to establish a common understanding based on evidence. The Global Dialogue on AI Governance can help to translate that common understanding into common objectives, and the ITU's AI for Good Global Commission brings together leaders from government, industry and international institutions to discuss challenges and to come up with practical solutions. We must urgently establish common rules and safeguards for AI, and we should build on the many ongoing discussions in different formats and groupings. And here I want to make a point: the UN, the United Nations has a critical role to play in building convergence, because this is the only apex international institution with universal membership. We must explore all options, including the idea of a UN framework Convention on AI safeguards. We may also need an international institution that can perform for AI some of the functions that currently exist for institutions that perform this function of setting common technical standards and the examples are the International Telecommunications Union, which provides all the International Atomic Energy Agency, which provides verification. Ultimately, the global commons are best protected by collective action agreed through an inclusive process, and Singapore commits to contribute where we can. This week we joined the call for greater safety and security of frontier AI models, and I'm glad that this was led by Finland and Norway. We will continue to contribute through platforms such as the Digital Pillar for the Forum of Small States, and by making our governance frameworks and testing tools available to all. But the work of building trust and laying the ground for global cooperation must begin now.
South Sudan possesses millions of hectares of arable land, significant water resources, Livestocks fishery natural resources and one of the youngest population in the world. South Sudan, therefore, seeks to transition progressively from humanitarian dependency to self reliance and towards the sustainable development and investment. For our farmer, a road to a market is development. For a child, a functioning school is development. For a mother, access to healthcare is development. For a young person employment is development and for South Sudan, development is one of the strongest foundation for lasting peace. We therefore invite international partners and responsible investors to look beyond South Sudan's current challenges and recognise its potential.
For my country, Belgium, it is anything but technical. As early as the 19th century, the port of Antwerp had immense potential, but ships sailing up the River Scheldt had to pay a toll. In 1863, an international agreement abolished that toll once and for all. The abolition was to apply to all flags, all of them. An international route has real value only if it remains open. Passage cannot depend each time on a fresh contest of power. That is precisely what freedom of navigation represents today. It is not merely the abstract right of a ship to travel from a point to another. It allows economies that may share neither the same interest nor the same alliances to remain connected. It allows a landlocked state to take part in global trade. It allows grain, medicines, gas and industrial components to cross several maritime areas without the passage having to be negotiated at every stage. That seems perfectly normal while everything is working, but it takes only one route closing for us to remember how much it matters. Think of the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait at the entrance of the Red Sea, the Suez Canal, the Bosporus, the Strait of Malacca or the Panama Canal. More than 80% of global merchandise trade by volume is carried by sea. When a ship is attacked, when a strait becomes dangerous, or when a carrier has to sail around an entire region, the effects are felt thousands of kilometers away in our ports, of course, but also in the price of energy, fertilizer and food. The price of a tank of fuel, the price of a loaf of bread, even having a bread.
Less than two years into my administration, through disciplined governance and fiscal prudence and an uncompromising fight against corruption, Ghana has achieved a dramatic economic turnaround. Indeed, some circles describe it as a Ghanaian miracle. Our macroeconomic stabilisation measures have restored growth, drastically reduced inflation, stabilised our national currency and significantly lowered our public debt burden. This remarkable economic recovery story has been independently validated by all the multilateral financial institutions and major international credit rating agencies, all of which affirm that Ghana has moved from economic vulnerability to sustained recovery, resilience and growth. Mr. President, macroeconomic indicators mean little if they do not translate into real improvements in our people's daily lives. Economic growth and progress must have a human face and that is why we are pursuing an aggressive national infrastructure agenda under our Big Push programme to build roads, expand digital connectivity, construct schools and health facilities. This strategic investment is opening up the length and breadth of our country, bridging the rural urban divide and unlocking agricultural potential and guaranteeing equitable access to basic services for every Ghanaian, no matter where they live in our country. Through our flagship 24 hour Economy and Accelerated Export Development Programme and the soon to be launched New Ghana, New Economy policy, we are transforming Ghana into an industrial high productivity hub while incentivising round the clock commercial operations driving value addition in agriculture, mining and creating sustainable, dignified jobs for our vibrant youth and women. And central to our national reset is a revolutionary expansion of social protection, universal health care, delivering on the Sustainable Development Goals, specifically SDG one on poverty SDG three on good Health and well-being, and SDG ten on reduced inequalities. And so Ghana has officially launched a historic free primary healthcare programme, ensuring that every Ghanaian can access essential primary health care services at their community level at zero cost. This programme has been hailed by the World Health Organisation and the United Nations as a benchmark paradigm shift for the global South, and this model is currently being studied by other nations that are seeking to achieve true universal health coverage. Alongside our National Health Insurance Scheme, we've introduced a specialised fund officially named Ghana Medical Trust Fund, but popularly referred to after my name Mahama, that guarantees Ghanaians suffering from non-communicable diseases such as renal failure, cancers, cardiovascular diseases and diabetes.
Our continent holds vast mineral wealth, immense agricultural potential, extraordinary renewable energy resources, and the world's youngest population. We are a market of more than 1.5 billion people, increasingly connected through the African Continental Free Trade Area. These are not merely African assets. Properly developed, they are part of the answer to the world's search for food security, clean energy, resilient supply chains, and a new source of growth. Africa's resources must become the beginning of African industry, not the end of Africa's contribution to the value chain. Extraction defined too much of our past. Investment must underpin our future. This transition is already taking shape. Cocoa-producing nations are moving from bean to brand. Cotton producers are building garment value chains. And Africa has made its position clear. The clean energy transition must not become another extractive transition. The African Continental Free Trade Area must be more than a market for what Africa already produces. It must become the platform on which Africa makes more of what it now imports. Kenya intends to be part of that transformation. In the next one week, we expect to break ground on the East African refinery in Lamu. A refinery capable of producing 700,000 barrels of oil a day, an investment of approximately $16 billion. Its significance extends beyond one project or one country. It represents the Africa we seek to build: adding value at home, creating jobs for our people, and building industries capable of serving continental and global markets.
The Science for Development Summit 2026 was held in Dili, August 2026, under the theme" Science in Service of Life." This was an initiative of myself and my brother, the Prime Minister of Timor-Leste, Excellency Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão. We brought into Timor-Leste more than 20 Nobel laureates, scientists from around the world, leading thinkers to explore how science, technology, and innovation can be placed at the service of humanity and sustainable development. The same spirit of using knowledge, education, and human potential in the service of peace will also guide the chess for peace tournament planned for Dili Timor-Leste in January 2027, jointly sponsored by my office and Mr. Kirsan, former President of FIDE, International Chess Federation.
We reiterate the inalienable right of the indigenous Kanak people to self-determination and call for a peaceful, inclusive, transparent and credible process consistent with the charter of the United Nations and relevant General Assembly resolutions. We remain concerned by the persistent socio economic disparities affecting the Kanak people, including inequalities in employment, education, income and access to economic opportunities. These long standing structural imbalances continue to constrain the full and equitable enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights by indigenous Kanaks, notwithstanding the territory's considerable natural resources and economic potential. Reports from the FLNKS, supported by independent assessment, point to the enduring effects of economic marginalization and uneven development, which may be understood as forms of structural violence insofar as they limit meaningful participation in, and equitable benefit from the territory's development. Addressing these disparities is essential to fostering social cohesion and advancing a just, inclusive and sustainable decolonization process. In this regard, Vanuatu calls for the full implementation of relevant United Nations resolutions on the question of New Caledonia and encourages continued engagement and constructive dialogue among all stakeholders including the administrative power and the representatives of the people. We further reaffirm the important role of the Special Committee on Decolonization and the Fourth Committee in advancing the realization of self-determination and ensuring that the rights, aspirations and interests of the Kanak people remain at the centre of decolonization process.
AI is already transforming how we work, learn and govern, and it is clear that its potential is extraordinary. We have found that it has great capacity to detect disease earlier, predict disasters, improve agriculture, and expand access to education and public services. And yet, these same extraordinary systems can just as quickly reproduce discrimination, widen surveillance, and spread falsehoods faster than institutions can respond. We must not allow a new technological age to reproduce all hierarchies of access and power. And this is why Barbados is so honored to host the second in-person meeting of the Independent International Scientific Panel on Artificial Intelligence, which will be held in November of this year. We recognize that yesterday's Security Council encounter may well and should speed on the question of how we, as a global community, deals with this issue. In this growing age of AI, governance cannot be left to voluntary corporate practices or to a small number of technologically advanced states. We need globally agreed rules that protect human dignity, preserve meaningful human oversight, and ensure that the benefits of AI are shared widely and equitably. I caution a technology that will affect every state must be governed by the rules that every state has had the opportunity to shape. Mr. President, exactly 65 years ago that great Caribbean, French, African intellectual and psychiatrist Frantz Fanon published what has now become a classic, The Wretched of the Earth. And across the vast range of observations and analysis that he made in that extraordinarily lucid and prescient book, he said the following. What matters today is the issue which blocks the horizon is the need for a redistribution of wealth.
We are duty bound to act, and France stands ready, working in concert with all those who wish to act in defense of the principles enshrined in the charter. All those who do not wish to remain powerless. The coalition of the willing on Ukraine, together with the UK and Germany, a coalition which brings together everyone who stands ready to guarantee peace and stability in the very heart of Europe, the very place where two world wars began, something no one can ignore and many in the room today know better than anyone what a return of war to Europe could mean. We will not yield an inch. The coalition of the willing will continue fighting. We also have an independent multinational coalition aimed at restoring the freedom of navigation in the Hormuz Strait. This should not be used for blackmail. It's a cardinal principle of international law, and it is in the interests of all of us for vessels to be able to transit through the strait securely and for the energy interests of all of our countries to be secured. The reopening of the Hormuz Strait is a priority. Respect for international law is also a priority. It is in everyone's interests and France is committed to it. Moving on to Africa, we shoulder a collective responsibility for the crises which are piling up without any answers, without any responses. Peace operations must be more effective and to this end they must be enabled, endowed with adequate funding and better coordinated with the United Nations as well as host nations. Back in 2018, I already mentioned the role played by regional organizations and better coordination between these regional bodies and the UN. At the Africa Forward meeting in Nairobi with over 30 African heads of state, and in Addis Ababa, the headquarters of the African Union, together with the UN, we stated clearly that the African Union and regional organizations should be fully equipped to play their role as regards peace and security on the African continent. In Paris in November we will hold a meeting aimed at replenishing the African Union Peace Fund. This will be on the sidelines of the Paris Peace Forum. I call on all potential funders to make robust and concrete pledges. We will not yield in the face of war. We must recommit and seek solutions that are in keeping with the spirit of the charter. Second, we must not give in to the permanent temptation to espouse double standards.
So, Melania, thank you very much. Great job. Great job you're doing. Led by Ambassador Michael Waltz here at the United Nations, we have also worked with many countries in this room to implement the most sweeping U.N. reforms in history. We cut the U.N. budget for the first time ever, slashing it by 15% in 2026 and eliminating more than 4000 positions from the U.N. bureaucracy. The United Nations has great, great potential. I've said that for many years, but it must stop imposing the far left agenda of globalist bureaucrats who nobody ever elected. Last year, my administration was forced to intervene to stop an obscure U.N. body, the International Maritime Organization, from secretly establishing a first ever global carbon tax, very expensive tax to raise international shipping costs by 10 to 20%. And maybe more than that. There is no global government. And while I'm president, there will be no global taxes. The United States is equally opposed to the out of control. Thank you. Thank you very much. The United States is equally opposed to the out of control institution known as the International Criminal Court. We will never allow U.S. service members or anyone else to be investigated or given show trials by an anti-American tribunal with no jurisdiction over us or an evil group of people. I call on all nations that are members of the ICC to officially resign from this rogue institution immediately.
