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Thank you so much for your hard work for the United Nations Organization and for the Republic of Poland. Distinguished Excellencies, distinguished guests, the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly begins at one of the most difficult, in my view, moments since the organization's founding. Poland was, in fact, a founding member of the United Nations. From the very beginning of the UN's existence, we have been faced with a question about the foundations of the international order that we are shaping within our organization. Despite many achievements, we must not forget that at the very root of its creation lies a fundamental flaw, an original flaw, that continues to undermine the system's credibility to this day. The UN was established in response to the greatest tragedy in human history, World War II, but it was not founded on a simple and fundamental principle: that every wrongdoing must be met with accountability, and sometimes with just punishment. For Poland, this is not an abstract issue. At the very moment the foundations of the UN were being laid, my nation, a victim of two totalitarian regimes, was under the domination of one of them, Soviet Russia, and, after several years of devastating occupation, of the other, Germany. Thousands of Polish heroes who fought for the freedom of Europe and the entire world were, at that time, imprisoned, tortured, and sentenced to death. The UN already existed at that time. At the same time, the state responsible for those crimes had a say in shaping the postwar order, as a permanent member of the Security Council. Poland has never received redress for that period and those wrongs. The failure to hold anyone accountable for these crimes was not merely historical oversight; it sent a signal that violations of international law, aggression, and imperialist policies could go unpunished in reality. It is precisely this lack of justice, this sort of original sin of the postwar order, that creates space for the return of old aggressive ambitions and methods of operation. The aggressive policies of certain states today are, therefore, not a phenomenon detached from history. These policies are a direct consequence of it. A state that has not been held accountable for its actions is more likely to resort to the same tools again. That is why it is so important that today, as the international community, we restore the full meaning of the principle of accountability. Without it, there will not be a lasting peace, and international law will remain nothing more than a declaration devoid of real power. Ladies and gentlemen, today we must show courage while remembering that sometimes courage alone is not enough, that without prudence, courage can lead to disaster.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, it is an honor and a pleasure to address the 81st session of the UN General Assembly on behalf of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are a symbol of a nation that has survived severe trials, but has not lost its path towards a better future. In the period from 1992 to 1995, my country was subjected to aggression, joint criminal enterprises, genocide against Bosniaks, crimes against humanity and other war crimes. Following the end of the aggression in 1995, destructive forces have sought through blockades, obstruction and other means to halt the progress of Bosnia and Herzegovina. They are slowing down our path towards a modern European state, but they cannot stop it. Today, Bosnia and Herzegovina stands at the doorstep of the European Union and NATO. These are our strategic foreign policy objectives, unanimously defined by the state authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Unfortunately, there are still those seeking to realize greater state projects at the expense of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the aggression, they attacked our country by military means. Today they do so by political, diplomatic and other means. It is very important that the UN courts have established the nature of the war waged against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Final judgments, including those concerning joint criminal enterprises, have established that this was an international armed conflict. Judgments of the highest UN courts have established that genocide was committed against Bosniaks.
The United States are our strategic partner. Full membership in the European Union is our strategic commitment. These are not three separate policies. They are one geopolitical orientation, an orientation grounded in democracy, collective security, the rule of law and an open economy. In a time of uncertainty, our response is not strategic ambiguity. Our response is clarity. But clarity in our alliances does not mean turning away from the world. Quite the opposite.
Mr. President, excellencies, I am appearing addressing this assembly representing the first female president of my country, doctor Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo whose government places people at the heart of the actions of the state and works on a daily basis to achieve freedom, democracy, social justice and substantive equality. Mexico conducts its public life according to a conviction that I'm bringing to you today, from this rostrum, to make shared prosperity a reality for all people. This conviction coincides with the commitments that we all made in the United Nations Charter, whose first article establishes as goals to maintain international peace and security, to engage in friendly relations between nations, and to cooperate to resolve economic, social and cultural problems and humanitarian problems. Promoting respect for human rights without any type of distinction. Mexico, a culture with more than 3000 years of history, is experiencing a profound transformation that is a continuation of the journey that, uh, was started with the independence movement, the reform, and then the revolution the three defining moments when my country expanded the rights of its people. My country today aspires to achieve a prosperous society with rights and a decent life for all. This is a transformation with clear goals to bring about shared well-being, to strengthen our competitivity, to develop our own capacities, and to determine our own destiny. It's for this reason that my country has come to share the experience of a nation that decided to show, through concrete actions, that it is possible to improve the quality of life of our people by expanding their rights and their capacity to exercise these rights. Please allow me to underscore some of the progress made. The first is the reduction of poverty. Between 2018 and 2024, more than 13 million people were lifted out of poverty in Mexico, the most significant reduction in the history of our country. It's also important to underscore that in 2025, we had the lowest in-work poverty rate in our history. This effort continues with a national social policy. In 2026, the well-being programs of our countries reached 42.8 million people. In addition to this, we have sustained investment in infrastructure, healthcare, trains, highways, schools and water infrastructure. Looking towards 2030, the investment in infrastructure for development with Well-Being plan plans to make investments in energy, transport, water, health, education and emerging technology. The second concrete action is security that the government of President Sheinbaum understands from a comprehensive perspective, addressing the causes that push youth towards crime and also zero impunity. And the results speak for themselves.
It has even gone as far as the United States exerting a unseen pressure on sovereign governments so that they renounce the medical services they requested from us for the benefit of their respective populations, and which are offered by Cuban professionals altruistically, because the US government is opposed to such cooperation, regardless of the impact and harm that this may cause to those populations, if they are deprived of free quality medical care, that is to say, deprived of an elemental human right. Last Thursday, the State Department convened within this General Assembly a humiliating meeting specifically with the states that are the recipients of this cooperation in order to apply pressure and make threats. According to the US Secretary of State, the official policy of the United States is to shut down every relief valve from Cuba to block every possible way out and eliminate any form of survival for Cuba. The impact of such an ironclad and ruthless siege has a human face.
Pacific leaders have charted a practical roadmap through the Unlocking Blue Pacific Prosperity, UBPP. Launched at COP28 and reinforced by the Pacific Leaders' Ocean Statement adopted in Palau, UBPP unites 22 Pacific countries and territories to mobilize accessible catalytic investment for 100 percent sustainable ocean management, robust food systems, and resilient livelihoods, advancing our shared 30-by-30 commitment. We continue to seek and expand investment to the UBPP to meet its goals and deliver lasting resilience for our communities. Palau is translating that UBPP vision into national action. We have launched our Sustainable Ocean Policy that commits 100 percent effective, science-based, and adaptive management of our ocean, balancing protection with production to deliver the optimal benefits for our people. In line with this effort, with support from partners like Japan, we are working to develop fishing ports and other critical infrastructure to truly capture the value of resources harvested in our waters. As Chair of the Pacific Islands Forum and AOSIS, and through Palau's leadership on the High-Level Panel for Sustainable Ocean Economy, we continue to call for an ocean agenda that meets the scale of this challenge.
Our experience in southern Africa has taught us that dialogue is a shared fortitude and not a weakness. In the African tradition, the meeting place is not where courage is abandoned. It is where wisdom is summoned. Lessons can be drawn from the heritage based approaches to peace building and conflict resolution from communities across the world, including within Africa. Military action may alter the battlefield, but durable peace is built through inclusive political processes that restore confidence, address grievances and allow affected communities to shape their socioeconomic and political destinies. Mr. President, Zimbabwe's grateful for the confidence placed in us through our election to the Security Council for the 2027 to 2028 term. My country will assume this responsibility in January 2027 with humility, independency and a readiness to serve, guided by our foreign policy of being a friend to all and an enemy to none. Accordingly, my country will prioritize four priorities in the Council. Firstly, the promotion of preventive diplomacy, mediation, and peaceful dispute resolution while tackling the underlying causes of insecurity. Secondly, we shall advocate for the strengthening of cooperation between the United Nations and the regional organizations such as the African Union and its Peace and Security Council. In this respect, we call for the full implementation of resolution 2719 to ensure predictable, adequate and sustainable financing for authorized African Union led peace support operations. Thirdly, our nation believes that our rich heritage and natural resource endowments must advance industrialization, modernization and the green agenda for the prosperity of all and not to finance conflict. As such, Zimbabwe shall support Africa's Silencing the Guns agenda and strong action against terrorism, organized crime, illicit arms flows, and illegal resource trafficking. Finally, women and young people must shape peace. From the outset, the support of Zimbabwe will also be extended to the women and youth peace and security agendas. The current times demand peace keeping that is grounded in clear political strategies, realistic mandates and adequate resources. Those most affected by the decisions of the Security Council should not be the least heard. There is need not only give a voice, but consider the views of the countries and regions on the Security Council agenda towards our shared aspirations for enduring peace and sustainable development.
That is a brink that we had hoped we had left for good in the last century. How did we reach this point? Well, it is no mere coincidence. It is the inevitable result of actions by certain states aimed at deliberately undermining the system of international relations so that the world would develop not according to the laws of peaceful coexistence, but rather the principle of might makes right and political selfishness. If we truly want to restore trust, we must not hide behind diplomatic niceties, but honestly identify the causes of crises. In 1945, in San Francisco, at the UN founding conference, U.S. president Harry Truman spoke words that today sound like a prophecy. No matter how great our strength, we must deny ourselves the license to do always as we please. If all those with great power had acted as Truman said, we would have avoided many wars and conflicts. Unfortunately, however, the desire to live at the expense of others has remained the dominant narrative in the collective West's development. During the Cold War the balance of power was maintained by a system of checks and balances between the two opposing political systems. But since the 1990s, when that balance collapsed, the policy of unrestrained superiority has begun to grow rapidly, and in recent years this policy has reached its peak. Western countries have effectively trampled on international law and started to force everyone to act according to so-called rules, destroying countries and suppressing unbowed peoples. And these rules are like traffic signs in a city that they themselves have designed. They always have a green light while everyone else faces strict restrictions. But this isn't about metaphors. It is about facts that everyone knows. Yugoslavia, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Venezuela, Cuba, Iran, Palestine. And this is by no means an exhaustive list of the countries that have been or remain the focus of greedy Western interests.
For instance, more than three decades ago, in pursuit of its foreign policy to ensure national security through political and diplomatic means, Mongolia declared its territory nuclear weapon free. Since then Mongolia has consistently pursued policies and taken actions to verify the status legally. In this spirit, the United Nations General Assembly adopts on a biennial basis the resolution entitled Mongolia's International Security and Nuclear Weapon Free Status, initiated by Mongolia in 1998.
Madagascar's foreign policy is guided above all by the imperatives of economic and social development for the well-being of its people. Madagascar has chosen a policy of engagement in all directions. We are open to all international partnerships, capable of meeting the aspirations of our people and supporting the general policy of the state of the refoundation. Madagascar's position of neutrality with regard to global conflicts is consistent with its diplomatic tradition and its desire to preserve constructive relations with all its partners. This idea is not ideological, but is based on international partnership that can meet the aspirations of our people in an open spirit, without exclusivity, in full respect for national sovereignty. The achievement of our ambitions cannot be separated from the international context in which they are pursued.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security, demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb, in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests and settlement. We call for the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid, access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. We affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Kuwait reiterates that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4th, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. president, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the West Coast aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait. In this regard, the state of Kuwait reiterates its full support for UN led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable and Yemeni led settlement, in accordance with the three agreed references and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2216. The State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red sea and the Bab el Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC states. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian led, comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians, with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to the sisterly Lebanese Republic, the state of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon, and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the blue line to ensure the full implementation of UN resolution 1701, and we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia and the state of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law, so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. president, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles, namely moderation and balance, and a firm commitment to the charter of the United Nations and International law, and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The State of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security.
It is in Sendai that Japan will host the Asia Pacific Ministerial Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction in October next year. To protect the lives of present and future generations, all states must take serious action to tackle global warming. I believe that climate action and economic growth can go hand in hand. Japan has been advancing green transformation GX efforts with the goal of achieving net zero by 2050. Such capabilities include establishing the basis for the production and engineering of materials such as green steel, utilizing the world's most efficient gas fired power generation, and popularizing the adoption of energy efficient data centers. Harnessing Japan's technological capabilities, we will enhance these efforts with a view to strengthening the resilience of the energy supply demand structure and vigorously advance the policy package for wide energy and resources resilience through green transformation or POWERR GX. Furthermore, Japan will contribute to global climate action, including through GX related efforts such as the Asia Zero Emission Community AZEC that simultaneously achieve decarbonization, energy security, and economic growth.
On exactly 66 years ago, six days only after becoming independent and sovereign Mali, under the leadership of President Modibo Keïta, was admitted to the UN with the support of the Republic of Tunisia and of Ceylon, currently Sri Lanka. We welcome the theme of the 81st session of the General Assembly, namely restoring trust, supporting Transformation, a United Nations organization that delivers for all. This theme is very timely and relevant because beyond encouraging reflection on how our organization can regain credibility and effectiveness amid multiple crises and challenges to multilateralism, it especially calls on member states to restore trust and seek common solutions to the many challenges of our time. And how can this be achieved? For its part, Mali reaffirms its unwavering commitment to reformed multilateralism founded on strict respect for the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, particularly sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-use of force, mutual respect, and non-interference in the internal affairs of a state. The further we move away from these principles, the closer we come to cycles of conflict. And we all know that the blatant violations of international law its selective application, double standards in the management of crises throughout the world, abusive recourse to force and threats and policies of hegemony and domination in violation of the charter of this organization have seriously undermined public confidence throughout the world in international institutions, especially the United Nations. We therefore call for the lifting of unilateral coercive measures, which undermine state sovereignty and endanger the well-being of populations in approximately 30 countries throughout the world, which are affected by such sanctions. To these practices, which undermine the current governance, we need to add the slowness of anticipation within the United Nations, which too often leaves the organization reduced to observing crisis after they have erupted. That's the case in the Sahel, where for several decades we had a security crisis for. Also the crisis in Libya provoked by the NATO interference in 2011.
Trust in the international system is measured by the extent to which its members adhere to the principles of the charter and its resolutions, and by the organisation's ability to ensure respect for international law without selectivity or double standards and to protect the oppressed peoples who have no refuge except international legitimacy. How can we restore this trust, while the Palestinian people are subjected daily to the most horrific crimes and violations, and denied their most basic rights to life, security, freedom and self-determination? While the international community remains unable to put an end to their ongoing humanitarian suffering or to enforce respect for international law and international humanitarian law? My country, Tunisia, condemns the continuing settlement policies of the occupying entity in the West Bank and the policies of persecution, starvation and isolation in the Gaza Strip and the crimes of genocide that claim more lives each day, in the absence of any accountability or any punishment. Tunisia calls upon the international community to shoulder its legal, moral and humanitarian responsibilities and to end this long standing historical injustice. Tunisia recalls that the International Court of Justice in its advisory opinion of the 19th of July 2024, affirmed that the occupying entity is compelled to end its unlawful presence in the occupied Palestinian territory and that all UN member states are likewise compelled not to recognise as lawful the situation resulting from that unlawful presence. And that the United Nations, through its principal organs, should consider the means and measures required to bring that presence to an end as rapidly as possible. We further recall that the International Court of Justice in the same advisory opinion determined that the policies pursued by the occupying entity in Jerusalem form part of the process of annexation and affirmed that the domestic law of the occupying power does not alter Jerusalem's international legal status. In this context, Tunisia reiterates its categorical rejection of all unilateral measures aimed at altering the historical, legal and demographic character of holy Jerusalem, including forced displacement, house demolitions and repeated attacks on Islamic and Christian holy sites.
Humanity will have to address this question, no matter how devastating the consequences may be. My friends, this was true in 1961 and sadly remains manifest today. This is why Barbados throws its full support behind the establishment of the International Panel on Inequality that is being proposed. Growing inequality is at the centre of geopolitical discussions, tensions, distrust in institutions and indeed the increasing number of conflicts that we see. It is for this reason that we reject the notion that governments must refrain from policy interventions that are essential to creating a level and fair playing field for ordinary citizens. We know that it is the policy choices of government that has led to this injustice, and it is the policy choices of governments that must now remove it. For us, this is as important a battle as the climate crisis. Mr. President, that brings me to that crisis.
Therefore, the success of an economy is not measured only by how much production grows, but rather how much it's able to reduce poverty. It's measured in young people with decent jobs and children with a better education, in citizens who are able to build their future with dignity. And this also must guide the agenda of international development. Middle-income countries face vulnerabilities that income per capita does not reflect. We ask that access to cooperation and financing be defined using more fair vulnerability criteria, and that the international financial architecture support the efforts of those who are undertaking reforms. We believe in open, predictable, and equitable trade. When a producer can export, innovate, and grow, there's a family behind that can be lifted out of poverty. The best social policy is policy that generates opportunities.
Guided by our sovereign and self-reliant economic policy, the Lao PDR has adopted its 10th national socio economic development plan for the period of 2026 and 2030. The 10th National Socio-Economic Development Plan focuses on six core national outcomes. First, executing a sovereign and self-reliant economic policy, aiming for steady annual GDP growth of 6% or higher. The second, developing high quality human resources capable of driving technology transition. Third, improving living standards, ensuring balanced urban rural development and alleviating poverty. Fourth, protecting natural resources, building climate resilience and mitigating disaster risks. Fifth, enhancing regional and global economic integration and connectivity. And six, strengthening the efficiency and transparency of public administration and governance. Central to this strategy is the transforming the Lao PDR from the landlocked countries into land-linked regional gateway. Strategic infrastructure including the Lao China Railway the Laos Vietnam Railway Project, expanded transit corridors and access to the sea via Vung Ang International Port are actively driving regional trade and integration. Our long term vision towards 2055, aims to firmly establish the Lao PDR as an upper middle income nation with sustainable, inclusive growth at its core. Mr. president, this year marks a landmark milestone in our national development.
These values have long underpinned our domestic and foreign policies. As Iran continues its occupation of the three Emirati islands Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa, which we reject, the United Arab Emirates has consistently called for a peaceful settlement of this conflict, whether through direct negotiations or by recourse to the International Court of Justice. Amid growing threats to navigation in our region and beyond, my country has continued to emphasize the principles of freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage. We stress the need to secure and protect the safe flow of supply chains, trade and energy in accordance with international law, including the law of the sea and the principle of state sovereignty, recognizing these as pillars of food security, development, and prosperity of nations. We have continued to support every sincere effort to achieve peace, particularly in Yemen, Libya, the Sahel, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Myanmar, Haiti and elsewhere. We have also supported efforts to reach a sustainable political solution to the question of the Moroccan Sahara, based on the Moroccan Autonomy Initiative, while affirming the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Morocco over the Sahara. Furthermore, we have advocated for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine in accordance with international law and the principles of the UN charter, including respect for sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. We have remained steadfast in our role as a trusted international mediator, successfully conducting 26 mediations that facilitated the exchange of nearly 8000 prisoners between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, ensuring their return to their homelands and families. The UAE has also stood ready to support nations undergoing positive transformations, such as Syria and Lebanon, as they move towards a secure and stable future. Regarding Sudan, my country has underscored the need to end the humanitarian catastrophe, securing a permanent and unconditional ceasefire that would bring an end to the civil war. This includes launching a comprehensive and credible political process led by civilians, which would culminate in the formation of a civil government independent of both parties to the conflict and from extremist groups. It is crucial to ensure that neither side of the conflict has a role in the new civilian government. The future of Sudan must be decided solely by the Sudanese people, and the international community must press the leaders of Port Sudan authorities and those of the Rapid Support Forces as parties to the conflict to engage seriously with international initiatives. As for Gaza, the UAE was among the first to support the framework established by the international community to end the horrific war. We have stressed the need to fully implement the comprehensive plan of President Trump to end the conflict in Gaza and the associated roadmap, including the withdrawal of Israel from the Gaza Strip, the disarmament of Hamas, and the advancement of a serious political horizon, leading to a just and lasting settlement of the Palestinian question based on the two state solution. This entails the establishment of an independent sovereign Palestinian state, living side by side with Israel in peace and security. We also underscore the importance of ensuring the unification of Gaza and the West Bank under a Palestinian Authority that, once reformed, will be capable to fulfill its responsibilities and ensure that arms remain solely under its control. We further underscore the urgent need to halt Israel's dangerous escalation in the West Bank and its settlement activities, accompanied by the rise of settler violence, terrorism and the siege of Palestinian village, as well as the ongoing violations in East Jerusalem and at the holy sites and the attempts to impose a new historical and legal status quo on the ground. My country strongly condemns all these actions.
We aim to build a strong state and a diversified and modern economy that keeps pace with global technological and digital transformations. And accordingly, we are working to employ all successful expertise and innovative experiences in the world of economics, finance and business, in service of a renaissance of economic and financial reform for my country We also do this to provide a safe environment for national and foreign investment. This vision is based on the great potential Iraq possesses. In terms of resources and investment opportunities in the fields of energy industry, agriculture, transport and technology. Not to mention Iraq's exceptional geographical location. Which connects its economy to the world. In this context. Our vision aims to move Iraq to a stage where it can be an effective production partner in the region by gradually reducing the role of the rentier economy. Strengthening open market policies. Developing production and export capacities. And investing in infrastructure and services. On this basis, we have developed the appropriate roadmap To support the private sector. Provide the necessary legal, tax and customs facilities and guarantees for the growth of business and foreign trade. And build effective partnerships with the global market to accelerate achieving sustainable development. In the field of global energy. Iraq's influence is prominent as our government is adopting an ambitious program to increase the production of crude oil in a manner consistent with the size of our proven reserves. Our government is also working to develop gas fields and expand refining capacities and our capacities to produce derivatives, and we are also working to improve our petrochemical industry capacities. Our ambition is for Iraq to be a global hub for energy production and to leverage its potential to promote regional and international security and stability in a sustainable manner. Nevertheless, we express concern regarding developments concerned with freedom of transport and maritime navigation. And the crisis this has caused in terms of the rise of global energy prices. In order to contain the subsequent risks and the consequences on our peoples, we are working to diversify our oil export ports and develop energy lines and corridors linking Iraq, Turkey, Jordan and Syria. In order to reach global markets with the aim of contributing to energy security and diversifying supply routes. Excellencies. Economic diversification on the basis of genuine partnerships is a central strategic objective of our economic policy.
The balanced and balancing foreign policy adopted by Armenia stems from the logic of multipolarity, which is one of the key principles of the United Nations. In recent years we have established strategic relations with Georgia, France, China, the Netherlands, Kazakhstan, Germany, Luxembourg, the United Kingdom, Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, the United States of America, and the European Union. Today, by the way, the European Commission approved the decision to adopt autonomous trade measures for Armenia, which is yet another manifestation of the new quality of Armenia-EU relations. Our relations with Russia are in a transformation phase, and this is a natural process because throughout the entire preceding period, the largest factor influencing relations between Armenia and Russia was the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. Now that we have established peace with Azerbaijan, Armenia-Russia relations will naturally change and it is our desire that these relations develop on the basis of the principles of friendship and mutual respect. We will, of course, continue to develop our relations with partners located closer to or farther from Armenia. And in this regard, I would like to highlight the countries of Central Asia with which our relations are also highly dynamic. But I also cannot but emphasize that the normalization and deepening of relations with our neighbors are nevertheless of key importance for our foreign policy vision. I have already spoken about the dynamics of our relations with Azerbaijan. We have a high-level dialogue with Turkey, and I want to confirm the words expressed by President Erdogan from this podium the other day, that we are resolutely pushing forward the process of normalizing Armenia-Turkey relations. Our relations with our two other neighbors, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Georgia, remain of exceptional importance to us, and our good neighborliness continues to develop and deepen. The Republic of Armenia considers its contribution to the region's stability and development to be our key task in international peace, stability and development. Honorable President of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This October, Armenia will host the 17th conference of the parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity, the COP17.
Your excellencies, we see the cost of that neglect every day. In my region, from Lebanon to Yemen to Sudan, protracted conflict is deepening humanitarian suffering. And if anyone had any doubt that a crisis in our part of the world stays there, just look at the energy and grocery bills of ordinary families, from Mumbai to Madrid to Minnesota. The Iran war has shown how quickly instability can disrupt trade, investment and lives beyond the region. And then there is Gaza. For decades, I've stood before this assembly and warned of the dangers of leaving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict unresolved. But the international community chose to manage the conflict, not confront it. And every new Israeli violation was treated as temporary, diverting attention from the reality being created on the ground until temporary became permanent and permanent became policy. Of course, this is not the world's only injustice, but one of the world's longest running occupations forces a basic question if international law can be ignored for decades, then what exactly is that law worth and how can we enforce it if we won't even call out its violations? In Gaza, the evidence is overwhelming. In the first 300 days of the so-called cease fire, at least 300 Palestinian children were killed. Jordan's field hospitals have also been targeted. President Trump has pushed hard for peace and a path to end this war. But this Israeli government keeps moving the goalposts, continuing its attacks and destruction of civilian infrastructure, refusing to withdraw and squeezing Palestinians into barely a third of Gaza. This can no longer be dismissed as temporary military measures or a consequence of war. Accountability begins when we call things for what they are, an attempt to erase Palestinian life and impose a new territorial reality in Gaza. And while the world has been focused on Gaza, something extraordinarily dangerous is unfolding in the West Bank. Some may think we have seen this before settlements, violence, displacement, more of the same, but it is not. Nor is it simply an escalation. This is a fundamental shift. What was once a creeping process has exploded into something far more aggressive. Settler violence is rampant. Palestinians are being beaten, shot and terrorized, homes torched, property destroyed, families driven from their land and Israel is tightening its grip on more of the West Bank, seizing land, expanding settlements and pushing the Palestinians out. It is time to see what is happening for what it really is, because when the language is sanitized, the actions become normalized. Demolishing Palestinian homes to expand illegal settlements is not law enforcement. It is forcible transfer. Appropriating occupied land is not land registration. It is de facto annexation. A choking network of checkpoints and barriers is not security infrastructure. It is a system of subjugation. Systematic attacks on Palestinian communities are not settler unrest. The Israeli government criticizes the violence before the international audiences. They call those responsible a handful of rioters. They assure us that Israel is a country governed by law. Yet what's happening on the ground says otherwise. Israeli soldiers stand by as settlers attacked Palestinians, often protecting the attackers or joining them. They have blocked ambulances from reaching the injured. They have targeted international journalists who are trying to say the truth. And when soldiers watch, enable and sometimes even participate in violence against civilians, this is no longer about a handful of rioters. And the question is no longer whether a few extremists are breaking the law. The question is, is this the behavior of a democratic state governed by law? What is unfolding across the West Bank is not a series of isolated acts. It is elements of a single policy to compel an entire population to leave their land. And there is a name for that forced displacement, and that is a war crime. Your excellencies, if we are to resolve the Palestinian Israeli conflict, the world must abandon some illusions. The first is that Gaza and the West Bank are separate stories. They are not. They are two fronts of the same Israeli strategy. In both, Palestinians are being killed. In both, the reality on the ground is being remade. Gaza through destruction. The West Bank through de facto annexation. The objective is the same to make a viable Palestinian state impossible. Another illusion is that this Israeli leadership's rejection of Palestinian statehood is a position that might yet change. It is not. It is cemented on the ground. This government has been accelerating settlements and land seizures, but it began long before. Since Oslo, the map has changed piece by piece, settlement by settlement, and the most dangerous illusion that the Arab world never sought peace. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 offered Israel normalization with 57 Arab and Muslim states, including Iran and Iraq at the time, in exchange for peace and Palestinian statehood. For over 20 years, that offer has stood. The obstacle hasn't been the absence of a partner for peace, but the absence of an Israeli government willing to accept it. This Israeli government understands the power of attention, and lately it has not liked the attention it's been getting. When confronted with evidence of wrongdoing, rather than change the course, it opts for distraction, discrediting its critics. It has also tried to cast this conflict as a war of religions Islam on one side, Judaism and Christianity on the other. It is not. This is about whether Palestinians, Muslims and Christians are entitled to the same rights as everyone else. Distractions will not fly anymore. People across the world are paying attention. The question now is, will we act? Because the world's political inaction is not for lack of options. So let's call it for what it is a choice. We have tools, sanctions, asset freezes, embargoes, diplomatic isolation, and we have a record of using them elsewhere. Yet with Israel, resolutions end where they began on paper. The result is a state without restraint. This government's sense of impunity has reached terrifying levels. It no longer feels compelled to ask, can we get away with this? It already knows the answer, and that is precisely why no one in this assembly should assume its ambitions stop at Palestine. This Israeli government's expansionist appetite is now a regional threat. And today Syria is the warning the international community is choosing not to see. Repeated incursions, creeping territorial expansion, new facts imposed on the ground, including around vital water resources, step by calculated step, Israel is testing how far it can go, and every time the international community looks away, Israel learns that it can go even further across borderlines and legal limits. For Jordan, there is no ambiguity, any threat to our northern border or our water security is a threat to our national security. Jordan will not look away. We will protect our security, our water and the interests of our people. And the question here is, if Israel continues its antagonistic approach in southern Syria, will the international community stand by and let that happen?
Nova Scotians all know the same thing. The tide does not wait. You must move with it. The tide has turned in the global order. As well as Canadian historian Margaret MacMillan has observed, we have arrived in a new age of disorder. We are facing a rupture, not a transition. Great powers are walking away from global economic cooperation, dismantling economic integration. Great powers want the rest of us to accept what we are offered. And too often, state sovereignty, the cornerstone of the UN Charter, has been treated with disdain. We are facing serious challenges in the global order, but at their core, Canadians and billions of others around the world want to live peaceful prosperous and predictable lives. That is why, in the face of this rupture, Canada's goal is to achieve greater strategic autonomy, greater autonomy, to make our own choices, and to determine our own sovereign future. We can no longer afford to be overly reliant on any one partner. Instead, we are diversifying our ties and building stronger relationships with new and old partners alike so that our people can enjoy peace and prosperity. We will prioritize decisive, effective action by forging issue based coalitions of nations that share a sense of urgency on common challenges. We believe that these coalitions are the most flexible, effective, and immediate way to address emerging global challenges. We are already forming these coalitions with small states, middle powers and great powers alike. Through the Coalition of the Willing, Canada is working with over 30 allies and partners to bolster Ukraine and defend against further Russian aggression. And in regional groupings like the Arctic Seven and the Nordic-Baltic Eight, Canada and our Arctic allies are cooperating to keep our region stable and secure. To this end, I welcome Secretary Rubio's convening of the Arctic Seven earlier this week in Alaska. At a time when we are forming new coalitions, we should also strengthen the multilateral system. This is why Canada and our partners throughout the entire world have started a new initiative entitled Partners for Multilateralism. This initiative seeks to support United Nations reform and reform of other institutions to make them more representative, more effective and more trustworthy. Through a policy of values based realism, understanding the world as it is, we will make the right choices for Canadians while being guided by our values. We will diversify our ties. We will work with trusted partners to strengthen our strategic capabilities, especially in emerging technologies, critical minerals, defence production, and clean and conventional energy. And we will lead other middle powers to act collectively and decisively. Because middle powers are playing a key role in building the framework for the new international order, which is being established as we speak.
President, Liechtenstein joined the United Nations 36 years ago as its 160th member. We did so driven by the conviction that we, as one of the smallest members of the international community, should be part of the most important conversation on global governance, with the participation of all states, big or small, in developing international norms and standards, and also in upholding respect for them. Sovereignty was a key theme of our domestic discussions, resulting in our UN membership. We joined out of enlightened self-interest the belief that we need the UN to secure respect for our sovereignty through upholding international law as the basis for our security and prosperity. To this end, we also decided to make our own contribution to make best use of the opportunity offered to us as a small state, to be an active part of the biggest peace project in the history of humankind. President, our belief in the United Nations remains steadfast. This is the place where we can make our voice heard, where we can put ideas forward, and where we can gather to try to solve the issues that affect us all. We have greatly benefited from our membership, and the UN has consistently been a key platform for our foreign policy. Our membership has consistently enjoyed high levels of support in our population. But today we also find ourselves in a moment where instability and uncertainty dominate the conversation. Our organization no longer seems able to deliver on the key promises of the UN Charter to save future generations from the scourge of war. It can no longer count on the unconditional support of its most powerful members for the guiding rules of international law. It is increasingly ignored or sidelined in efforts to address both the traditional and new challenges, such as the regulation of artificial intelligence. It is permanently squeezed financially. Legal obligations to pay are turned into tools to exercise political leverage. As a result the United Nations has moved down the foreign policy agenda, even of states who have a strong history of supporting it. We can no longer take it for granted that our people will continue their strongly positive views of our organization. President. This is the difficult moment in which we find ourselves. But rather than engaging in doomsday scenarios, we have to find the opportunities hidden in the challenge. The overwhelming majority of the states present in this room believe in the United Nations. They want to see positive change for the UN to emerge stronger, more effective, more relevant. But we all have to be prepared to be part of the change that we want to see. Resisting the temptation of collective inertia and of waiting for positive change to happen on its own, will require our active political investment. We are grateful to Secretary-General Guterres for his service to the organization, and for his proposals to adapt the organization to the needs of today. On the basis of his ideas, our delegations here have done good work that will show positive results over time. This is important. It shows that we can come together also during times of deep political division. It is also not enough. The steps we have taken are just the beginning of what we need, a political agreement that combines significant structural change with a reliable financial commitment and firm support for the UN Charter from all. This is also the vision we are looking for in the person that will be appointed as the next Secretary-General. We hope that this decision will come very soon, in order to give the new Secretary-General the time she needs to prepare for this most unique of jobs. And we remain convinced that having a woman at the helm of the United Nations is long overdue for an organization that prides itself on its role in gender equality. President. At its core, the United Nations is a peace organization.
Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen the Islamic Republic of Mauritania renews its commitment to the principles and purposes of the UN Charter and the norms of international law, as well as the resolutions of international legitimacy. Our foreign policy is based on good neighbourliness, the respect of states sovereignty, independence and non-interference in their internal affairs, as well as the peaceful settlement of disputes and ensuring the just causes proceeding from such principles. My country, under the leadership of His Excellency, the President of the state, Mohammed, will continue to build a modern state that is coexistent in synergy with its neighbours and open to the entire world. On the national level, we have adopted a comprehensive strategy with its political, economic, social and security dimensions. We made dialogue and consultation the pattern for public offices. Thus, His Excellency the President launched a comprehensive national dialogue that is all inclusive. It does not exclude any strata of society to ensure consensus on the development of our institutions and entrench a state of law, a democratic state that protects rights and freedoms. Turning to the social context, we promote social cohesion and community unification through fighting discrimination and vulnerability while addressing any weakness inherited. We try to promote the synergies and develop our economies to limit poverty and provide the basic services to the most needy. We have also expanded the medical services through establishing a Medicare fund for all those who are not currently covered with medical insurance. We provide certain basic medical services to the most in need, especially mothers, the elderly, and those with disabilities. Turning to education, reforming this sector is the basis of our effort to provide high quality education that provides equal opportunities and ensure equity. Turning to good governance, we focus on transparency, the independence of the judiciary, and combating corruption while reforming public offices and promoting investment. Our approach addresses the hike in prices, confronting any threats to the security or terrorism while tackling also vulnerability and poverty. The complementarity between all those dimensions ensured our country's security and stability in an environment full with disruptions.
These are all different fronts of a single, profound transformation. The world order that emerged after World War II is coming apart. It was an imperfect order. It did not prevent wars, injustice or suffering. But today, the world balance has been disrupted, and history, which someone has declared has reached its final chapter, is once again moving at a galloping pace. But every race needs a finish line. Our task cannot be to stand and watch passively the fragmentation of our world, but it must be to build a new framework of rules, responsibility, and cooperation capable of governing change. Change that can happen only through political will, through dialogue among nations, through the awareness of peoples, and through the ability of multinational, multilateral institutions to rediscover a mission equal to the challenges of our time. The United Nations cannot simply record the divisions of today. It must have the ambition to imagine the future and recognize its limitations, overcome its paralysis, and reform its instruments without abandoning its deepest raison d'être: to be the place where conflict gives way to dialogue, confrontation to diplomacy, and fear to the search for shared solutions. The United Nations remains the most universal place for pursuing this aspiration, not because it's perfect, but because no other institution can bring together, around the same table, such different interests, cultures, religions, and visions of the world. It is precisely when the world is divided that the value of dialogue grows rather than diminishes. Italy believes in this institution, in its value, in its central role. We believe in peace, which remains our guiding star, the guiding principle of Italy's foreign policy. It is rooted in our history, enshrined in our constitution, and integral to our identity. Dialogue, however, is not a sign of weakness, nor does it mean neutrality.
All those who provide them with support, financing or arms must be held accountable. Mr. president, there can be no way to sustain peace and development without effectively addressing the challenge of climate change, which is no longer a future threat. It is already affecting water and food security, as well as the stability of territories, economies and the living conditions of populations. Despite its limited contribution to greenhouse gas emissions, Morocco remains among the countries most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Accordingly, in line with the vision of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, the Kingdom has adopted a proactive policy based on the continued construction of dams, the interconnection of water basins, seawater desalination, the reuse of treated wastewater and the rationalization of water resource management, particularly in the agricultural sector. This national effort forms part of an international commitment to climate action. On that basis, the Kingdom has set for the period 2026 2035, a target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by up to 53% by 2035, while placing adaptation and the strengthening of territorial resilience at the top of its priorities. This effort has extended to the African continent, which suffers from the devastating effects of climate change. The Royal Initiative to establish three African climate commissions for the Congo Basin the Sahel region and the African island states, has generated promising momentum to strengthen African climate action and coordination among the states of the continent in addressing these challenges. However, addressing climate change cannot rely on national efforts alone. It requires the provision of affordable and accessible financing, technology transfer and genuine international solidarity, enabling developing countries to fulfill their responsibilities towards present and future generations alike. Mr. president, Madam President, the Palestinian question remains a constant priority in the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Morocco, based on its belief in the justice of this, that this is a just cause and it is central to achieving peace and stability in the Middle East region.
Say our name. Naoero. Mr. president, Naoero is an ocean state. We are not merely guardians of the ocean, but rightful participants in its future. For Naoero, the ocean represents both opportunity and responsibility. Never one without the other. Both are essential, or the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea is left hollow. Today I focus on a part of it that belongs to no one, the deep seabed area beyond national jurisdiction. Mr. president, the convention established the International Seabed Authority and charged it with a clear legal obligation to put in place regulations and regulate activities in parallel with sponsoring states. Its role is not to determine whether deep seabed mining is, as a matter of public policy, a correct course of action. Naoero joined trusting in the commitment set out in the convention and the 1994 agreement. For 15 years, Naoero has invested critical resources in sponsoring the exploration of a portion of the deep seabed. Our sponsored entity, NORI or Nauru Ocean Resources, has contributed about one petabyte of data more than one third of all Clarion-Clipperton Zone data held in the authority's DeepData. We called on the authority to seek an advisory opinion on the responsibilities of sponsoring states, and we followed it. We established a national regulator with the powers and due diligence obligations that opinion requires. At every stage, our decisions have rested on the best available scientific evidence, on the convention and on that opinion. At every stage, we have called for the mining code to be finished, and when progress stalled, we looked to the 1994 agreement and invoked the two year rule. We were told then that we were rushing. That was five years ago, and today the rules remain unwritten. We are participating in the first contentious proceedings before the Seabed Disputes Chamber, because our obligations as a sponsoring state require legal clarity. For 15 years, we have done everything a member state can do, consistent with our obligations as a sponsoring state. And today we continue to wait. Mr. president, there is a general understanding within the authority's council that nothing is agreed until everything is agreed, and that the regulations will be adopted by consensus. Achieving that is a great challenge for an institution whose members remain deeply divided on whether deep seabed mining should proceed at all, a question the convention never asked the authority to decide. Naoero welcomes every effort to ensure that seabed mineral development proceeds responsibly, and I ask this Assembly to reckon with this. A principle declared in 1970 and a bargain struck in 1994, both in this hall still wait for the rules that would give them effect. When a multilateral process cannot deliver, the world does not stand still. Those with the means to act will not wait. And every year of delay makes that more likely not less. That is why the theme of this session matters. A multilateral system that cannot deliver for a state like mine does not deliver for all. That holds here, in this assembly and in any institution we build. Naoero therefore calls upon the authority to let the waiting end.
In the name of God, the most gracious, the most merciful, your Excellency, president of the General Assembly, Your Excellency, Secretary General, ladies and gentlemen, may the peace, mercy and blessings of God be upon you. I extend my congratulations to His Excellency, Mr. Khalilur Rahman, on his assumption of the presidency of this session and wish him every success. I also thank Her Excellency Miss Annalena Baerbock for her efforts in presiding over the work of the previous session. I would also like to commend the efforts and endeavours of His Excellency Mr. António Guterres the Secretary General, throughout his term of office. I would also like to express our appreciation to the staff of the United Nations system for their efforts amid difficult and complex circumstances. I stand before you today at a time when our region is going through one of its most dangerous phases. You are all aware of the dimensions of the crisis in the Gulf and its repercussions on the entire world. The crisis we are currently facing should come as no surprise to anyone. It is the cumulative result of years of postponing, crisis management through temporary solutions and unrealistic policies.
Mr. President, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, over the last few days, over the last week, from this rostrum and in the corridors of the General Assembly, the following idea was heard many times. There are tectonic shifts underway in global politics. A fairer, multipolar world order is emerging before our very eyes. The countries of the global South and East are asserting themselves as sovereign centers of development. They're taking responsibility for ensuring security in their own regions. They are demonstrating a commitment to international law. They are refuting external pressure. They're showing interest in the prosperity of all states, not just a select few. Such a constructive philosophy is also the basis for Russia's foreign policy, and it is supported by our countless friends. It is the bedrock of cooperation at the CIS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the BRICS, and in other global majority fora. Yet this is not to everyone's liking. The Western minority, which dominated for 500 years, thanks to others resources, continues to try to maintain its privileges and to impose its own rules on everyone else. The West continues to use brute force to act unpredictably, to engage in all sorts of ventures putting at risk the life and prosperity of millions, if not billions, of people, on our planet.
Tuvalu's message is clear: the world must act now and decisively, collectively and with urgency to protect the future for generations to come. Mr. president, the ocean is central to Tuvalu's identity and sustainable development. The ocean has sustained Tuvalu for generations and remains at the heart of our existence, our future and our resilience. Tuvalu may have only 26km² of land, but we are custodians of some 750,000 square kilometers of ocean, which makes Tuvalu a large ocean state. This year, Tuvalu soft launched its first ever National Ocean Policy, a comprehensive framework to strengthen our stewardship of marine resources, affirm the permanence of our maritime zones, protect biodiversity and place the ocean at the centre of our resilience and sustainable development. We thank all of our partners whose invaluable support helped turn this vision into reality. For Tuvalu, ocean governance is not simply an environmental policy. It is also an issue of economic security, food security and climate security. Tuvalu has ratified the BBNJ Agreement and looks forward to contributing to the first conference of the parties of the agreement next year. Tuvalu's objective towards the implementation of the BBNJ is simple, in that the ocean areas beyond national jurisdictions belong to our shared future and must be governed responsibly based on science, equity, the precautionary approach, and effective international cooperation. Mr. president, Tuvalu, like other small island developing states, is highly vulnerable to climate and economic shocks. But the international financing architecture is ill equipped to respond effectively to those shocks.
Zambia is equally committed to promoting gender equality and economic empowerment of women and girls. We are expanding opportunities in education, skills development, entrepreneurship, financial inclusion and leadership. For the first time in our history, Parliament now provides for proportional representation of women, young people and persons with disabilities, reflecting our conviction that their voices and experiences must be heard in shaping the decisions that affect our nation. We are also strengthening efforts to end child, early and forced marriage by keeping girls in school and addressing the social and economic factors that place them at risk. Zambia has demonstrated that progress is possible, reducing child marriage prevalence from 29 to 23.9% in four years through comprehensive legal reforms, free education, school re-entry policy, multisectoral support systems like the keeping girls in school initiatives, and targeted economic investments such as our expanded Constituency Development Fund. We need to continue building on these successes. We therefore invite member States to unite behind our global and continental commitments to drive domestic action. By investing in our people, particularly women, girls and young people, we are investing in Zambia's future. When we empower our people, we strengthen our nation. And when we invest in Africa's young people and women, we invest in the prosperity of our continent and the world at large. Our commitment is to build an inclusive society in which every citizen, regardless of gender, age, or disability, has an opportunity to participate fully in our country's economic and social transformation. Mr. president. On sustainable development and the 2030 agenda, Zambia takes note that the Sustainable Development Goals remain the most comprehensive expression of our shared ambition to eradicate poverty, also to reduce inequality and build a sustainable future.
What has changed is the world around it. What has changed, first and foremost is Chile. For the vast swathes of the 90s and until the beginning of the 2000, Chile was a success story and a model for many regions and nations. Our country implemented economic policies that prioritized economic stability, openness to trade, and private investment in the Latin American context in which many nations were facing inflation crises and external debt. Chile distinguished itself because it continued to show fiscal responsibility, display high rates of growth and poverty reduction. What happened then? Chile ground to a halt. Things stagnated. It took bad decisions. Public policies were implemented that increased taxation, regulation and obstacles to entrepreneurship. We also weathered a very difficult juncture. In October 2019, Chile then fell to its knees in our streets. For months, there was an outbreak of violence. Chaos reigned and disorder prevailed. All of that brought consequences. With it, investment plummeted, employment ground to a standstill and homicide levels rose to an extent that Chile had never seen in modern history as a result of the rising tide of organized crime. And that all happened until very recently. Until now. Distinguished. I've come to this forum to tell you that Chile is back, and that is no slogan. It is the very reality of a country that today begins to stride towards development. Our government took office with one conviction. Order does not run counter to freedom. Order is one of the preconditions of freedom. The freedom to walk home worry free and to not be a victim of crime. The freedom to run a business and not be stymied by the action of the state. The freedom to invest and not find ourselves in a situation where the rules of the game are continually changing. We have been in government for six years and we're getting our house in order. Today, Chile is a safer, more competitive country and a nation with far less red tape.
Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the Global South, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars justice and representation and decision making, justice and the application of the law and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes. Notably, sovereign equality among states respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. president, if justice in the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction.
Be that as it may, former Secretary General Kofi Annan once said, and I quote, whatever our differences, we stand or fall together. End of quote. When we forget this wisdom of Kofi Annan, disorder is what happens. Last year, from this very podium, I stated that foreign policy is based on three pillars values, interests and power. This year I come with something much simpler a choice, a choice between cooperation or conflict. In today's world, cooperation is undermined by a lack of trust, disregard for rules, and the weakening of institutions. And we've heard that in so many speeches here today. Conflicts are spreading, bringing suffering, violence and injustice. According to some accounts, there are currently 65 active armed conflicts, more than at any time since the end of the Cold War. Now competition will always be there. Nations compete now harder than they did a generation ago. This doesn't worry me. What does is that more and more of them now compete against the rules on which the international order rests. So this speech defends these rules, and it calls for cooperation. It calls for multilateralism. Small nations need it to survive, and large nations need it to be great. Upholding the most basic rules, values and institutions is our best option to ensure that competition does not escalate into conflict and that cooperation gains ground. Now, I want to begin by analyzing how the world is changing today. And as a pragmatic Finn, I will always try to deal with the world as it is, because it often helps in building a world that I wish we would have. In other words, a world which we can build together. I will then make a few suggestions about what we should do next. So here we go. I think we should all be steadfast defenders of multilateralism. As Strobe Talbott reportedly remarked, multilateralism is hell and can be a real pain in the neck, but it is the best option for humanity as a whole. We need multilateralism in order to address our shared agenda, ranging from conflicts and climate change to sustainable development and artificial intelligence. Currently, however, we seem to be going the other way more towards a non-cooperative and multipolar world order. This order, as it turns out, is based on zero sum deals, transactions, and unrestrained power. This is a short sighted approach. Tempting as it may be for some, such a multipolar order will ultimately lead to conflict. It will turn against us, whether you represent a great power, a middle power, or a small state like Finland. Between these two approaches, there is of course, a third option: plurilateralism. It means building ad hoc coalitions when global cooperation is unattainable. And this is my first observation today the emergence of flexible forms of cooperation around different themes and interests, be it in the economy, climate, defense, or technology. Coalition building can be a force of good but with one condition it should not challenge multilateralism, but build on it. It should support the UN system, not substitute it.
For us, the European Union is not simply a destination we wish to reach, but a value-based journey that we have embarked on. When the European perspective of the Balkans was reaffirmed at the Thessaloniki Summit in 2003, the world looked very different. Multilateralism and international cooperation were expanding back then. The European Union was one of the most attractive political projects in the world and would welcome 13 new member states over the following decade. At the same time, the Balkans was still emerging from the devastation and divisions of the '90s. More than two decades later, we live in a profoundly different international environment. The international order is entering a new and uncertain phase, and this is why enlargement of the European Union is an act of strategic foresight. It is one of the best investments Europe can make in peace, security, and long-term stability. And Montenegro is proud to stand today at the forefront of that process, ready to serve as an example for the other countries, not because our journey has been without difficulties, but because our journey demonstrates something essential: that progress is possible, that reforms matter, and that democratic political culture pays off. Earlier this year, leaders from across Europe gathered in Montenegro for the European Union-Western Balkans Summit. For Montenegro, that gathering carried a meaning far beyond the protocol. It demonstrated how far our country has traveled and how close our European future has become. And it also sent an important message about our region: that the future of the entire Balkan region lies within the European Union. Our region has carried the weight of division for too long, and a new chapter is being written through cooperation, connectivity, economic opportunity, and European integration. And my generation has a responsibility to help complete that chapter. These responsibilities are not important because of the titles they carry. They are important because of what they allow us to contribute: to reconciliation, connectivity, democratic resilience, and the European future of our region. And lasting reconciliation cannot be built on denial, selective approaches to justice, or the glorification of those convicted of war crimes. It requires respect for the judgments of international courts and equal dignity for every single victim, regardless of their identity or background. And in a world searching for proof that cooperation still works, Montenegro is contributing to the vision that the Balkans become that proof. Excellencies, the principle that guides us at home guides us here as well, in this very organization. Our engagement with the United Nations system is guided by the same principles. Montenegro is a reliable, credible, and predictable partner, committed to an effective multilateral system with the UN Charter at its core, aligned with the European Union's Common Foreign Security Policy, and working closely with our NATO allies and EU partners in support of international peace and security.
The Gulf region and the Middle East region are passing through one of the most dangerous periods in their history, not only because of the scale of destruction left behind by successive wars, but also because of the erosion of the boundaries that separate what is acceptable and what must remain rejected and condemned in international relations. In this context, my country follows with deep concern the continuing escalation in the Gulf region, where we are witnessing a conflict that is weighing heavily on the states and peoples of the region, and is undermining their security and stability, and threatening the welfare and development of their peoples peoples that have found themselves held hostage to calculations that are not their own, and interests that are not their own. Algeria renews its condemnation of the violations of the sovereignty of states and their territorial integrity in the region. We stress the need to de-escalate and respect international law in addressing tensions, disagreements and disputes that have taken by storm the region's legitimate aspirations for security, peace and tranquility. Algeria also condemns the continued Israeli attacks against countries in the region, particularly Syria and Lebanon, and its efforts to divide sisterly Somalia. In Palestine, the humanitarian tragedy continues. The Israeli occupation continues to kill Palestinian civilians, including large numbers of women and children, in a scene that should never become a normalized part of the world's daily reality. The international community and we, along with it, welcomed the ceasefire in Gaza that entered into force almost 11 months ago. We had hoped that it would mark the beginning of a process to end the suffering of civilians, that it would pave the way towards a lasting political solution. That hope quickly faded and was extinguished in light of the occupying power's continued settlement policies and its customary disregard for concluded agreements and commitments made. From this podium, Algeria renews its full and unconditional support for the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. Foremost among them is the Palestinian people's natural right to establish an independent and fully sovereign state, with Al-Quds al-Sharif as its capital.
During the pandemic, bodies under the auspices of this House put themselves before scientific evidence and the sovereignty of nations and promoted forced lockdown policies throughout the world that ruined jobs, that ruined the education of entire generations of children, and cost the lives of millions of people who died alone without basic medical care. Where some allege a public health policy error, we see a global experiment in social control disguised as science. And when a state wearing public health blinkers deprives its population of the right to work, to receive an education, and to bid farewell to their dead, this results in millions of unavoidable deaths, there is a word for it: genocide. That happens in many countries, including Argentina, which boasted of being the World Health Organization's star pupil. And that is why we decided to leave the World Health Organization. Added to that is something more subtle but equally damaging: the psychological terror instilled by the state. For years, citizens around the world were told that they should be afraid. Afraid of their neighbors, of the air they breathe, of leaving their homes. That fear wasn't a mere side effect. It was the chosen instrument of their government. The problem is that emergencies eventually pass. Fear passes.
Food security must become a strategic priority because no sustainable development is possible when millions of families lack sufficient and nutritious food. In closing, I would like to raise the question of youth, the most precious asset on which the entire international community can and must rely. I speak today not only as a committed friend of young people, but also on the basis of a clear observation: our intellectual youth has become the target of sustained, deliberate, and organized pursuit by most of the wealthiest nations, even though our youth's first calling should be to serve their parents, their loved ones, and their homeland, who have invested so much in their education. Many African states devote considerable resources to education, vocational training, entrepreneurship, science, digital technology, and innovation. Yet while our African nations, such as Burundi, make these major sacrifices to build their future, these young talents are prematurely lured away by actors who offer better material and financial conditions without having needed to make any prior investment in their training. Let us be clear: it is imperative to establish a fair partnership so that our countries receive a fair return on the investments made in the education of our youth. The other actions we must all take also include giving young people a real voice in decision-making, peace, and development processes. Youth should not be regarded solely as beneficiaries of public policy. They must be integrated both upstream and downstream in the design and implementation of these policies. This is what would make it possible to create a secure future and restore hope to these young people. This emerged from the discussions at the 5th Continental Dialogue on Youth, Peace, and Security held in Bujumbura from August 10 to 12, 2026, a dialogue that highlighted the link between water, peace, conflict prevention, and inclusive leadership by young people and women. The discussions at this dialogue made it clear that there can be no lasting peace in Africa without the full, effective, and institutionalized participation of its youth. For too long, we have spoken of youth as a generation called upon to take the reins tomorrow. But African youth is not only the future of our continent; it must also be its present. We, therefore, call for strengthening the Continental Youth, Peace, and Security Agenda and providing it with resources commensurate with its ambitions. We have a duty to create more opportunities for young people to contribute to conflict prevention, mediation, reconciliation, and peacebuilding.
Specifically, my government's foreign policy is guided by national interests by the defense of our sovereignty, and by the pursuit of results. That national interest I refer to also has a specific objective that is ensuring the prosperity of our people. Foreign policy should serve to create jobs, to attract investment and technology, to open markets, and to create opportunities for Colombians. With that goal in mind, I wish to extend an invitation to the world. Come to Colombia, invest in Colombia grow and prosper with Colombia. Believe in Colombia. I don't promise you a perfect country, but I can assure you that I am working tirelessly to build you a nation that is, to build a nation that is safer, more prosperous, and with more opportunities for its people. Colombia does not come before the world today to ask others to do for us what it is our responsibility to do for ourselves rebuilding our country, restoring security, growing the economy, protecting our institutions, and giving opportunities back to millions of people are first and foremost responsibilities that fall to Colombians. But we also know that no nation can turn its back on the world. We need partners and friends with whom we can trade, invest, exchange knowledge, and address common threats. That is the Colombia that I present to you today, a country that is well aware of its difficulties, but also of its enormous potential. A country that doesn't try to hide its problems, but rather to confront them. A country that is getting back on its feet and knows where it wants to go. To the nations represented here, I extend my hand respectfully and through friendship. Colombia wants to work with you on everything that we can build together. I want within a few years, when the world looks again at my country, I want them to see a nation that is safer, more prosperous, more well respected and above all, far more confident in its own abilities. And if that is the Colombia that the world sees, there'll be no need to explain what I meant when I spoke of the Patria Milagro, the miracle nation.
We must move towards a more balanced international community in which Africa participates fully in global decisions and strengthens its ability to lead its own development. Equatorial Guinea reaffirms the African common position as enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, which calls for two permanent seats with veto rights for Africa, as well as two additional non-permanent seats on the Security Council. Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, respect for international law, sovereign equality and friendship with all peoples is what guides Equatorial Guinea's foreign policy. Based on that position, we encourage the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba to continue to pursue paths of dialogue, which will make it possible to end the blockade and build a relationship of mutual benefit. Moreover, we see the United Nations as a universal space for pursuing solutions to shared problems. Equatorial Guinea maintains its trust in this organization because cooperation among nations remains the most certain path towards preserving peace and building shared prosperity. We also thank Mr. Antonio Guterres for his years of service as Secretary General, for his commitment to peace and to the attention he has paid to Africa. On behalf of President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, the government and the people of Equatorial Guinea, we express our gratitude to him. Excellencies. I will conclude by saying that the history of the United Nations shows that peace and prosperity can move ahead when nations work together, and it is in that regard that Equatorial Guinea will continue to contribute based on mutual respect, sovereign equality and dialogue to turn our cooperation into development and opportunities for future generations. Thank you very much.
Distinguished heads and members of the delegations, honourable delegates. At the beginning of this year, our region witnessed a war that could have been avoided. Subsequent events have shown that the escalation has extended to threaten the security of the countries of the region, and paralyze navigation and trade through the vital Strait of Hormuz, affecting energy security, price stability and confidence in the current international order. The Sultanate of Oman once again reaffirms its steadfast commitment to continuing its efforts aimed at safeguarding navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, in accordance with the principles of international law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. We also call upon all parties to cooperate with Oman in these efforts aimed at safeguarding the interests of all parties relying on transit through the Strait of Hormuz. The Sultanate of Oman renews its solidarity with all neighbouring countries including the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the legitimate measures they take to maintain their security and protect their sovereignty and territorial integrity. At the same time, we call upon all parties concerned to settle their outstanding disputes through pursuing a policy of self-restraint and foresight, and through engaging in dialogue to reach consensual political solutions and sustainable understandings for the benefit of all. The government of the Sultanate of Oman renews its support for reaching a political solution to the crisis in Yemen, one that preserves the unity, stability and territorial integrity of this great country one that meets the aspirations of all components of the brotherly Yemeni people. One that puts Yemen on the path of reconstruction, development and prosperity. In this context, we renew our call upon all parties to cooperate with one another, to engage positively with one another, to reach a just settlement to this crisis, one that preserves the rights and dignity of the Yemeni people, one that preserves the independence and territorial integrity of Yemen, and one that ensures stable relations with neighboring states in the region. The Sultanate of Oman reaffirms its firm rejection of the ongoing Israeli attacks against numerous Arab states. We also express our condemnation of the crimes of the Israeli occupation and its increasing violations against the Palestinian people, which have compounded the suffering of the Palestinian people in its struggle to obtain its legitimate rights and liberate its land within the borders of June 4th, 1967, based on the two state solution and relevant United Nations resolutions.
In September 2024, Cabo Verde launched a call for a global compact for climate mobility, and in June, in Berlin, 57 countries endorsed the global consensus on the principles to address climate mobility. And at the United Nations, Cabo Verde co-facilitated negotiations on the political declaration of the Third Conference on the Oceans and the Declaration on Sea Level Rise. Because a country made up of islands, protecting the ocean is not just an environmental policy; it's a question of protecting national territory, the economy, the culture, and the future. In January 2027, Cabo Verde will take over the presidency of the Alliance of Small Island States, AOSIS. We will take on this responsibility by working for the unity of small island states, the implementation of the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda, for fairer financing, for climate adaptation, and for ensuring that the oceans remain at the heart of the global agenda. In 2034, we will host the 5th International Conference on Small Island Developing States. This is an opportunity to share experiences, build common responses, and transform vulnerabilities into opportunities. Ladies and gentlemen, there is also pedagogy in the relations between nations, and it begins with the ability to listen, to listen to each other.
Everyone is being harmed, from Asia to Europe, from Africa to the Americas. No country is immune. They have serious economic and social impact and are already having undesirable consequences for all of us and also for the parties involved. This is a senseless crisis because it's harmful to everyone. We must put an end to this collective masochism, and we must do it quickly to close this chapter, which is a chapter of widespread harm. We all have a duty to learn from the lessons of the crisis of the 1970s and avoid repeating what happened then. We will be judged by how we handle this challenge. On the one hand, it is urgent to put an end to the protracted conflicts and on the other hand, starting now, we must discuss and decide on complementary ways to mitigate the impact of this energy crisis and prevent it from being prolonged. It is my belief that it would also be beneficial to discuss the mechanism by which international oil prices are determined. I do not have a concrete solution which is very complex and difficult, but I wonder if it makes sense for all of us to be so dependent on speculation and the volatility of financial and futures markets, which affect the entire production sector, even when the instability originates only from a portion or a limited period of that production. Excellencies, we also bear the intergenerational responsibility to accelerate the energy transition in order to reduce dependencies and mitigate the effects of climate change. I will share with you that in Portugal, we feel the devastating impacts of climate change firsthand in the increase in forest fires, coastal erosion, and the degradation of marine ecosystems, and also and more frequently in extreme weather events, new such as storms, high winds and flash floods. That is why we take a strategic approach to the energy transition. More than 70% of our energy production comes from renewable sources. We have anticipated our carbon neutrality target to 2045. We maintain close collaboration and continued support for countries that are particularly vulnerable to climate change, and we are investing in innovative solutions, such as agreements to convert debt into green investment. Climate change and freedom of navigation share a common priority of our policy: the sea and ocean. Protecting the marine environment and its biodiversity, combating ocean warming, addressing the threat of sea level rise and ensuring universal freedom of navigation are essential priorities on the ocean agenda, which is an agenda we all have to pay attention to.
Our nations represent a rich tapestry of cultures, languages and political systems. But diversity need not breed division. Guided by our policy of friend to all, an enemy to none, Seychelles believes that our differences can be the dynamic foundation for stronger global cooperation. Let us restore trust through deliberate action by upholding the rule of international law unconditionally by reforming our global governance institutions to reflect today's world, by delivering equitable climate and development finance, and by protecting our shared oceans and climate. Seychelles enters this General Assembly with deep humility, clear conviction and an unshakable belief in the multilateral system. We may be a small nation, but our voice, our sovereignty, and our aspirations will never be measured by our size on a map. Let this 81st session be remembered not for the divisions we inherited, but for the courage, solidarity, and resolve with which we overcame them. Let us restore trust. Let us manage transformation, and together let us build a United Nations that truly delivers for every nation and every human being.
Cambodia rebuilt peace through dialogue, trust and confidence building, and the political courage and wisdom embodied in our former prime minister, Samdech Techo Hun Sen's Win-Win Policy, which brought national reconciliation and unity. That experience continues to shape Cambodia's approach to international relations and its commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes, including those concerning our shared border with Thailand. In this spirit, Cambodia expresses its sincere appreciation to the international community for its continued attention, contribution and support for efforts to achieve a peaceful and lasting resolution of the dispute.
I also wish to express my sincere appreciation to your predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock, for her leadership during our 80th Session. Mr. President, we assemble at a historic moment for humanity. Sixty-three years ago, in 1963, Emperor Haile Selassie famously cautioned this global community by stating:" Lasting peace can be achieved only when nations recognize that their true strength lies not in the domination of others, but in cooperation anchored upon genuine equality." As a founding member of the United Nations, Ethiopia bears both the scars of historical betrayal and the unyielding conviction of a survivor. When the League of Nations abandoned our appeal against Fascist aggression in the 1930s, we did not surrender to despair and desolation. We resolutely stood firm as champions of collective security, helping the birth of the very organization in which we stand for. Today, we call upon the Community of Nations to summon that same foundational courage to actively reinforce the very ideals that help prevent global conflict and the scourge of war. The question, therefore, is: how much longer shall we wait before the pillars of collective security fractured beyond repair? This is exactly what drives the significance of multilateralism, not as a diplomatic convenience, but as a living shield rooted in sovereign equality to address the shifting tides of power politics. Mr. President, I would like to thank the Secretary-General for placing before us the defining imperatives of our era, namely artificial intelligence, the climate crisis, and deepening global inequalities. These are not only policy choices; they are the pivots upon which human destiny is determined. The United Nations has achieved remarkable victories against extreme poverty, but it has never been enough.
Mr. President, the sustainability of our oceans and fisheries is closely linked to the changing climate, and the pressures we face on our marine resources are increasingly compounded by its impacts. Climate change remains one of the most pressing challenges to our development and way of life. Sea-level rise, coastal erosion, saltwater intrusion and extreme weather events continue to place pressure on our communities, infrastructure, water security and livelihoods. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Sixth Assessment Report reinforces the urgency of these challenges and particularly the risks faced by small island States. Through our long-term national development vision, the Kiribati Vision for 20 years, and our national priorities under Te Motinnano policies, we continue to invest in resilient infrastructure, water security, coastal protection, disaster preparedness, renewable energy and community-based adaptation. Our objective is clear: to continue building a wealthy, healthy and peaceful Kiribati, where our people can live with dignity, in peace and with opportunities. Renewable energy is increasingly important to Kiribati’s development and energy access. We therefore see greater investment in renewable energy as an important opportunity to reduce our reliance on imported fossil fuels and strengthen the resilience and sustainability of our energy sector. But national action must be matched by international action. We call for greater ambition, stronger support for adaptation and climate finance that is adequate, predictable and accessible, particularly for Small Island Developing States. Kiribati recognises the importance of international law in addressing climate change. The International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion on climate change advances climate justice by affirming that all States have binding duties to protect the climate system and achieve deep, rapid, and sustained greenhouse gas reductions consistent with limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. We welcome growing recognition that climate resilience must be locally owned and driven. The Pacific Resilience Facility is a Pacific-led, Pacific-owned mechanism that strengthens the region’s capacity to finance climate and disaster resilience. The Pacific’s co-hosting of COP31 with Türkiye later this year further demonstrates the value of local action.
And the same is true for every country represented in this hall. When one state believes it can redraw the borders of another by force, every border, on every continent, becomes negotiable. These principles now are being tested in Ukraine. Russia's war against Ukraine strikes at the very heart of the United Nations Charter. Borders changed by force. Territory seized by force. Children taken by force. Ukrainian civilians targeted by Russia. Schools, hospitals, homes, markets, energy infrastructure. Russia's attacks reach far beyond the battlefield. They are directed against the people of Ukraine and their foundations of daily lives. Drones are used to hunt civilians. Human lives are treated like targets in a safari. These are not policy disagreements. These are grave violations of international law. And where crimes are committed, there must be accountability. Let us not look away. Russia is a permanent member of the Security Council. With that comes a special responsibility for international peace and security. Instead, Russia is violating the very principles it is entrusted to uphold. Russia started this brutal war. Russia can end it. It can stop its attacks. It can withdraw its forces. It can leave Ukraine's sovereign territory. Latvia continues to call for an immediate and full ceasefire. Ukraine deserves just peace. Members of the United Nations, not every attack on the international order looks like war. Drones carrying explosives at airports. Drones crashing into homes. Airspace violated. Critical infrastructure damaged. Power stations suddenly in flames. Cyber attacks. We sometimes call them hybrid threats. But it sounds as innocent as hybrid cars. In reality, those threats to international peace and security are as dangerous as conventional wars. Guarding the eastern border of NATO and the European Union, Latvia faces these threats every day. Illegal migrants are deliberately exploited and pushed toward our border with Belarus. Cyber attacks target our critical networks. Acts of sabotage seek to create fear and instability in our societies. Russia's shadow fleet exploits legal gray zones and puts our security and environment at risk. Even in this very building, at the Security Council table, we have heard Russia spread blatant lies and make threats against Latvia and other free and democratic countries. Distinguished delegates, that brings us back to a fundamental question: what is the United Nations' role if its members are threatened and if its principles are violated?
Lasting peace requires addressing the root causes of conflict, empowering local communities, and ensuring that women are at the center of peace building. Mr. president, excellencies, our world is evolving. So must the United Nations to remain effective. We must reform the Security Council to make it more representative, transparent and accountable, expanding the voices of developing regions across Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. As we look to the future, we are reminded that everything we strive for ultimately depends on how we choose to navigate these trials together. We need to reflect deeply on the promises of our charter and on the state of our fractured world. We must actively seek collective pathways that transcend borders and bridge divides. And above all, we must always put a face to what we do, remembering that every policy, every treaty, and every institutional reform is ultimately about real human lives. It is in this spirit that we voice a historic aspiration the hope for a woman Secretary-General, a leader who can rally nations back to true multilateralism and deliver for all. Thank you very much.
Mr. President, when Sweden joined the UN in 1946, the world was emerging from the devastation of war. The lesson from that catastrophe was clear peace must not be taken for granted. Defence of sovereignty and territorial integrity has been at the heart of Swedish foreign policy ever since. Eight decades later, these principles are once again being challenged. Bad faith, conflict and utter contempt for the common rules are weakening the institutions that we built together. These are times of upheaval. The number of armed conflicts is growing and civilians are paying the price. In Ukraine, Sudan, Yemen, Palestine, Lebanon, Myanmar, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and many other conflict zones, millions are suffering. Mr. President, Russia's aggression against Ukraine is a blatant violation of international law. It strikes at the heart of the very principles upon which the United Nations was founded. Sweden's support for Ukraine is felt deeply throughout our entire society. It comes from our people, our civil society and the business community. We will support Ukraine for as long as it takes. Russia has not only violated the UN charter, it has repeatedly violated international humanitarian law and human rights law. Attacks targeting civilians, forcible transfer of and deportation of children, conflict related sexual violence and torture, the list is far too long. Ensuring accountability for these violations is crucial. If there is anything that we have learned from history, it is that there cannot be a just and lasting peace without accountability. Sweden stands firmly behind the ICC, its independence and integrity and recognises its vital role, not least in Ukraine. Russia must also be held accountable for its breaches of the Chemical Weapons Convention, both on and off the battlefield. Russia's war of aggression against a peaceful neighbour is one of the biggest strategic mistakes and moral failures of the 21st century. Four and a half years after launching its full scale invasion, Russia has failed to achieve its objectives. Its economy is under strain and its casualty numbers are devastating. Ordinary Russians are withdrawing their funds from the bank, and a substantial share of Russia's young people are dying on the frontlines. The impact of Russia's war of aggression extends far beyond Ukraine. Russia intensified its systematic attacks on civilian infrastructure and on vessels in the Black Sea this summer. This has once again disrupted global food supply chains, exacerbating an already dire situation for vulnerable people across the globe. To President Putin and Mr. Lavrov, I say this the path to peace is clear. The choice should be easy. Withdraw your troops.
And I'm here not to sell you a product or a policy, or yet another declaration. I am here to sell you an idea. An idea conceived and spearheaded by His Majesty King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, an idea embraced by the people of Bhutan. An idea already being built. That idea is Gelephu Mindfulness City, GMC. And my sales pitch is simple. Come and build it with us. Now, the world has built new cities before financial centers, freeports, technology hubs, special economic zones. But GMC is different. You see, Gelephu Mindfulness City is a special administrative region, an SAR. Under its Royal Charter, GMC exercises full autonomy in governance, legislation and the judiciary. Think one country, two systems. Think of the agility of a microstate. But GMC was not inherited from history. It was not created to manage a transfer of sovereignty. It is being deliberately created by Bhutan within Bhutan on sovereign Bhutanese territory for the future. GMC covers more than 4000km². That is more than five times the size of Singapore. But its greatest opportunity is not its size. Its greatest opportunity is an institutional blank slate. GMC was given something extraordinarily rare the freedom to design an entire city and its operating systems from first principles. So we asked if you could begin again. How would you govern? What laws would you write? How would we regulate business? How would we guarantee an independent judiciary? How would we attract the best talent? How would we use technology and especially artificial intelligence? How would we create wealth while protecting nature? And ultimately, what would all that prosperity be for? These were not theoretical questions. We answered them. And we are making full use of that institutional blank slate. If Singapore has legal principles that work, we learn from Singapore. If Abu Dhabi has financial regulations that work we learn from Abu Dhabi. If leading jurists from the United Kingdom can help us build an independent judiciary, we learn from them. And if international experts can strengthen our institutions, we learn from them. The principle is simple. Search the world for what works. Take the best, adapt it, and make it work for GMC. The result is a core operating system that is now in place, designed to give investors clarity, familiarity, and predictability. But GMC's operating system was designed around a deeper conviction that prosperity and values should reinforce one another. That means rejecting the assumption that we must choose between enterprise and well-being, between technology and humanity between development and nature. At GMC, we believe a balanced approach can deliver substantial profits while protecting the values that make prosperity worthwhile. Balance is not the enemy of profit. It is the foundation of lasting profit. And at GMC, balance is not a slogan. It is built into the operating system. And this matters deeply to Bhutan. You see, Bhutan is peaceful and stable. Our forests are intact. Our culture is alive. Our people are educated. But our economy is small. It cannot yet create enough opportunities for our young people. So too many of them leave home to find opportunity elsewhere. For a country as small as ours, this is not only an economic challenge, it is an existential one. We cannot simply tell them to stay. We must give them a reason to stay and a reason to return. Jobs. Opportunities. Enterprise, a future. So Bhutan must transform. But we refuse to believe that transformation requires us to become somebody else. We want economic growth. We want investment. We want technology. We want successful companies. We want our people to become wealthier. But we also want to protect what makes Bhutan Bhutan. That is the driving force behind His Majesty's vision for GMC. And that is why His Majesty is personally spearheading its development. GMC is not a project on the margins of Bhutan. It is at the heart of our national transformation. Our people have embraced GMC as a people's project and investment in our children, our economy and our shared future. Bhutan is not waiting to see whether the world believes in GMC before committing to it.
It is simply putting off a bill that will have to be paid with interest. The CAR understands this trap, and it also knows how to escape it. It has undergone trials that remain fresh in our memory and has learned a lesson: peace cannot be decreed; it must be built day after day through dialogue, justice, and shared development. No peace imposed by force can be lasting. Only a negotiated peace that is just and inclusive can truly restore trust between nations. That is why we made the difficult and often criticized choice of an inclusive political dialogue, negotiated disarmament, and national reconciliation, instead of a military response alone. This olive branch policy has led to tangible results that I would like to share with this Assembly. Out of the 14 armed groups that signed the Political Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation, 11 have already voluntarily disbanded as part of the disarmament, demobilization, reintegration, and repatriation program. The last two groups involved in this process are continuing the process of disbandment in accordance with the N'Djamena Accord. I say this with the conviction of lived experience: holding out one's hand to yesterday's opponent is not a sign of weakness. It is often the safest path toward a lasting peace. And that is why I renew the proposal that the CAR has been making for several sessions now, to establish a global conflict prevention and mediation mechanism with predictable financing, and that is managed with complete transparency.
Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we are here today at a unique moment in the history of our organization. At a time when the UN is discussing crucial reforms and multilateralism is at a crossroads, the topic of this 81st session, restoring trust, managing transformation is a very relevant topic. It summarizes the expectations of member states and the peoples of the world in all of their diversity vis a vis the UN. Each year we adopt new resolutions and we reaffirm our commitments. Each year, we renew our faith in multilateralism. Nonetheless, conflicts persist. People are still awaiting justice. Will generations still grow up with fighting as their backdrop? Mr. president, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Security Council reform illustrates alone this situation and this crisis of confidence. For decades now, positions have been well known. Calls for reform have stacked up and consultations have multiplied. But progress still remains insufficient. Chad reiterates to this end, its complete support for the common African position, as stipulated in the Ezzelini consensus and the Sirte declaration, and taken up in the African model for reform of the Security Council, presented in April by Sierra Leone on behalf of the Committee of ten of the African Union. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Chad considers that those difficulties facing multilateralism stem in part from the cynicism of the most powerful and from double standards policies. My country remains committed to multilateralism that is based on the UN charter, the sovereign equality of states, the respect for their independence, cooperation and international solidarity.
Yet there's still a long road ahead of us. We need to mobilise greater levels of both domestic and external funding so as to attain our goals. Now, given this scarcity and rising cost of financial resources, particularly because of the access criteria for concessional financing, and they often fail to reflect reality. For a small island state such as ours, income indicators alone do not capture our multidimensional vulnerability. And that is why we in the Comoros call for a profound reform of the international financial architecture. Such reform is essential to guarantee our right to development and to ensure that multilateral banks finally take account of our vulnerabilities in their allocation policies. Encouraged by positive macroeconomic results and our determination to reach higher middle income status, we are now entering a decisive phase. For the period 2027 to 2030, we will accelerate implementation of the Emerging Comoros Plan, and we invite our bilateral and multilateral partners, as well as the private sector, to join us in transforming this ambition into a lasting reality for the Comorian people.
In this regard, we recognize the crucial role played by AUSSOM in stabilizing the country, as well as the crucial support provided by the United Nations, particularly through UNSOS. We hope that the international community will stand mobilized so as to enable Somalis to assume lasting responsibility for their security, sovereignty and the preservation of the integrity of their national territory. Turning now to Sudan Djibouti, in its capacity as current chair of IGAD, welcomes the return of that kindred country to full participation in our regional organization, of which is a founding member. We call for de-escalation and the resumption of talks to be prioritized. Only an inclusive political solution that places the Sudanese people at the heart of every initiative will make it possible to restore lasting peace and stability. We also call on foreign actors to refrain from fueling this war through harmful interference. Once again, we extend a hand to our Eritrean neighbour. Djibouti remains convinced that dialogue and negotiation in full respect for international law, represent the only path towards a peaceful and definitive settlement of our border dispute and the return of our prisoners of war, who have been held incommunicado for more than 18 years. The Republic of Djibouti further reaffirms its unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian people and its full support for their legitimate rights, in particular their inalienable right to the establishment of an independent and sovereign state. We reaffirm our commitment to a two state solution based on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Palestine, as the path towards a just and lasting peace. We roundly condemn illegal settlement activity, violence committed against civilians, including by Israeli settlers in the West Bank, forced displacement and any policy aimed at altering the demographic and territorial reality of the occupied Palestinian territory. The humanitarian situation in Gaza remains a tragedy, requiring an immediate response from the international community. The protection of civilians must be guaranteed. Humanitarian assistance, must reach those in need without hindrance, and violations of international humanitarian law must cease and be condemned. Djibouti will continue to support efforts to bring an end to the suffering of the Palestinian people, and to ensure that justice, peace and international law prevail. Preserving freedom of navigation in the Red Sea and more particularly through the Bab el Mandeb Strait, is a major geopolitical and economic issue for regional and global stability.
In an increasingly interconnected world, cooperation is not merely desirable. It is indispensable. Mr. president, the transformation we advocate internationally must also take place at home. Grenada is advancing an ambitious, long term roadmap towards our 75th anniversary of independence, anchored in our National Sustainable Development Plan of 2020 to 2035. Vision 75 charts a transformational course for our nation rooted in sustainability, resilience, equity and opportunity. At the heart of Vision 75 are five strategic pillars education and skill training, healthcare, agriculture and food security, the environment and energy and housing. These are not simply sectors of government policy, they are investment in people. We are investing in health and wellness, education and skills, food security, renewable energy digital innovation and environmental sustainability. We are creating greater opportunities for young people and preparing them not simply for the jobs that exist today, but for the industries that will define tomorrow. For Grenada, transformation must always be people centred. It means building resilience while creating opportunities, expanding our economy, while protecting our environment and embracing technology while safeguarding humanity. Mr. president, as a small island developing state, Grenada understands resilience.
Mr. President, it is in this spirit that Indonesia presents its candidature for a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for the 2029 2030 term. Our commitment is clear: fostering unity, advancing peace. Fostering unity means rebuilding trust in the multilateral system and keeping channels of dialogue open. Advancing peace requires us to uphold international law and make effective use of the tools available to us. Indonesia will work to keep dialogue open, build common ground and turn shared responsibility into practical cooperation. We will uphold the UN charter consistently to maintain international peace and security. We will bring the same principle that guides our foreign policy to engage with all and keep the space for cooperation open. As President Prabowo Subianto mentioned in this very lectern last year, 1000 friends are too few and one enemy is too many. The same approach guides Indonesia's engagement with all partners through ASEAN, G20, D-8, BRICS, MIKTA and the UN. Indonesia will extend the friendship to deliver practical cooperation. Mr. President, 81 years ago, Indonesia fought against colonialism so we could chart our own future. Today, we reaffirm our promise for a future peace we all share. Also one year ago, President Prabowo Subianto called upon us to draw closer, not drift apart. Today, I carry that call forward. And as we draw closer, let us also make each other stronger. Strong enough for our nations to withstand crisis. Strong enough for our regions to preserve cooperation. Strong enough for our institutions to deliver for people. Because resilience is not simply about surviving the storms, it is about having the strength to keep moving forward together, and only through our collective resilience can the United Nations be strong enough to fulfill the promise we made 81 years ago a future of peace for generations to come.
But the international system can widen or narrow our choices. Technology transfer, resilient supply chains and accessible finance expand choice. Technological dependence, external shocks and unsustainable debt limits it. This is why reform of the international financial architecture matters. We must implement the Sevilla Commitment and deliver on its promises on finance, debt and reform. Earlier this year, the Maldives joined other developing countries in launching the Borrowers’ Platform. It must become a lasting mechanism that gives developing countries not just a place in the financial system, but a voice in shaping it. But for SIDS, greater agency also depends on progress at home. We must build our institutions, improve stability, and attract responsible investment and meaningful partnerships. And these partnerships must build national capacity and support national ambitions. Partnerships must serve national needs, strengthen what we have and leave us more capable than before. Our shared challenges can become shared opportunities. This is the spirit of President Dr Muizzu’s Maldives First policy.
I am pleased to announce the adoption of Micronesia's National Migration Policy with the technical support of the International Organization for Migration. Micronesia will strengthen the protection, engagement and well-being of its citizens, including members of diaspora. Micronesia also aligns itself with the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration and welcomes its comprehensive framework for promoting humane, orderly and well-managed international migration. Mr. president and Excellencies, our people's health has been increasingly affected by more frequent tropical storms, heat waves, and changing tidal patterns. We are seeing a rise in illnesses linked to marine life and vector borne diseases, in particular dengue and Zika.
Nigeria stands ready to assume greater responsibility on the strength of obligations honoured and sacrifices made over decades in the service of peace. From Liberia and Sierra Leone to Darfur, Mali and The Gambia, we have committed personnel resources when international solidarity required action. Through ECOWAS, the African Union and our Gulf of Guinea partnerships, we continue to advance mediation, democratic governance, counter-terrorism and maritime security. Mr. President, our foreign policy rests on the same conviction that guides our economic reforms. Through sound macroeconomic management, stronger institutions, private sector development and strategic public investment, we seek to give practical meaning to our sustainable development commitments.
Supply chains built up over decades of interdependence are being reorganized or fragmented as a result of geopolitical tensions. The multilateral trading system has been weakened, and the WTO can no longer fully carry out some of its essential functions. Yet what is at stake here is not merely a technical issue of trade policy. The question is whether relations between states will continue to be governed by common rules, or if they will increasingly depend on the weight and power of each individual state. For Switzerland, this is a fundamental issue. That is because my country is an open economy with few natural resources. A large part of its prosperity, therefore depends on trade, but also on the stability and predictability of the rules that make such trade possible. Economic resilience requires us to diversify relationships, forge new partnerships, and keep trade between different regions of the world as open as possible. This is particularly important for economies with fewer resources or limited market access. Access to markets knowledge and technology can create opportunities that would not otherwise exist. These abstract concepts encompass quite concrete realities a business that can take on an apprentice, a family that can secure a more stable income, a producer who can trade beyond their local market. Young people for whom the range of possibilities suddenly widens. That is also what we mean when we talk about a global economy. Trust is built when the rules offer everyone a genuine opportunity to participate.
Additionally, our energy transition efforts take Thailand closer to meeting climate obligations and through our solar rooftop policy, we are also creating greater economic opportunities for households by allowing them to sell excess electricity back to the grid. However, this responsibility goes beyond development. Thailand's humanitarian tradition demonstrates this conviction.
From primarily a recipient of invaluable assistance during the years of Doi Moi, Vietnam today is making proactive contributions to our common endeavours while deepening and broadening our substantive relations with the UN. Vietnamese military personnel and police officers have served and will continue to serve in UN peacekeeping operations, carrying our nation's aspiration for peace to places where peace remains fragile. A tradition of independence and self-reliance provides a foundation for Vietnam to strengthen its strategic autonomy and proactively pursue international integration. Looking towards our goal of becoming a developing country with a modern industrial base and upper middle income by 2030 and developed high income country by 2045, Vietnam is establishing a new development model based on productivity, quality and added value with science, technology, innovation and digital transformation as key drivers, with economic growth closely linked to cultural development, social progress and equity and environmental protection. Autonomy also means proactively adapting and cooperating with the world on an equal footing. Vietnam, therefore, pursues a consistent foreign policy of independence, autonomy, self-reliance, peace, friendship, cooperation and development, and of multilateralism and diversification of external relations. Vietnam will remain steadfast in upholding the UN charter and international law, promoting dialogue on the peaceful settlement of disputes and deepening its participation in UN peacekeeping missions. Vietnam is working with fellow ASEAN member states to build a united, self-reliant and resilient ASEAN and actively preparing to host APEC in 2027 and as a member of the UN Human Rights Council, Vietnam champions dialogue and cooperation in promoting and protecting human rights and ensuring that all can share the fruits of development. We stand ready to share our experience in poverty reduction, agricultural development and climate change adaptation, and work with partners to broaden cooperation for common interests. The world will continue to change. The direction for such change will depend on the choices we make and the responsibilities we shoulder today. Vietnam chooses peace, cooperation and development. We will work steadfastly with all countries to strengthen the UN, uphold international law and translate our shared commitments into tangible benefits for our people. We believe that with a strong UN, together we can build a more peaceful, equitable, inclusive and better world for all. And on this journey, Vietnam will remain an active member, a reliable partner and a responsible nation, always standing ready to contribute to the common endeavours of the international community.
We expect his successor to have the vision, courage, and leadership skills to restore trust, overcome divisions, and to act for change. Your Excellencies, peace and security are among the main responsibilities of the international community. In light of conflicts that have taken thousands of lives and caused immense destruction, we must step up our efforts to prevent and end hostilities. The main challenge remains the war against Ukraine, the consequences of which have spilled far beyond the immediate combat zone. Can we resolve this problem? Can we find a solution? Of course we can. I am convinced of this. Is it not time to rethink European security policy? Bulgaria, as a member state of the EU, calls for the holding of a debate on this topic and on the broader goal of the future of a post-war Europe, as well as the Europe before the war. And to begin this debate, it is high time to transfer this conflict from the military sphere to the political and diplomatic realm. This involves negotiations which require dialogue and a minimum level of trust, supported by the appropriate guarantees. Europe, however, cannot be a simple mere observer. It must be a real participant in negotiations on the post-war security architecture of the continent after the end of the war. Europe must be able to guarantee its own security. Military security must be complemented by the second pillar of security, that is to say, the contractual and legal pillar, which must guarantee that defensive capacity building provides more security rather than a new arms race. For the security of Europe, we must add robust diplomacy to military and economic security, because we cannot, dear colleagues, negotiate without the participation of two countries, Ukraine and Russia. It would be irresponsible if, after the end of the war in Ukraine, we were unable to offer anything better to European citizens than a new cold war, or worse. We need a vision for tomorrow, in line with the concept of a Europe of peace, thanks to dissuasive defense and shared security. From this lofty platform, we call for Europe to move toward this goal. Bulgaria believes that security and stability in the Black Sea region is an integral part of its national security in all of its aspects. But it is not only our national security that is at stake; it is global security. The war in Ukraine and other territories has expanded beyond the territories of the conflict parties and directly affects Bulgaria today.
Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, sovereignty is not a rejection of cooperation. Sovereignty is the ability of a people and a nation to freely determine their priorities, to defend their legitimate interests, to choose their partners, and to preserve their independence in decision making. And this is the understanding of sovereignty that the Republic of the Congo upholds. And we intend to continue pursuing a foreign policy based on non-alignment, diversification of partnerships mutual respect among states, and the rejection of any foreign interference in domestic affairs. We are open to the world, but we intend to remain masters of our choices and our destiny.
It can endure only when it is technologically realistic, socially fair, compatible with secure and affordable energy, and supportive of overall development. For Europe, which imports most of the energy it consumes the case for producing more renewable energy at home now reaches far beyond climate policy. It is a strategic necessity. It strengthens Europe's sovereignty and capacity to act, reduces external dependence, creates economic opportunity, and makes our societies more resilient.
Mr. president. The historic ninth Congress of the Workers' Party of Korea was held with a splendor in February this year in Pyongyang the capital city of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. The Congress reviewed with pride the achievements made over the past five years and set out a new, innovative goals for overall development in the next stage. During the last five years, the existence and development of humankind was severely constrained by the global pandemic, abnormal weather conditions, geopolitical confrontation and the entailing economic crisis. They were harsh times for our state too. Yet we have thoroughly and consistently maintained the characteristic principle and approach of self-reliance. Our resilience grew stronger. We overcame all difficulties and challenges before us, and ultimately made remarkable advances by leaps and bounds. The five year plan for the development of the national economy was successfully accomplished. The economic foundation for production boost was reinforced. Numerous monumental projects were completed. Policies for the people that our government invariably pursues are implemented at higher level. We are seeing the upward trend of comprehensive development conducive to a simultaneous and balanced growth in all sectors, fields and regions of the country. As the first hand witnesses of the above realities, all our citizens have become all the more confident that the path we have trodden is the most accurate path, and the self-reliance and self-sustenance of our choice are the surest shortcut to prosperity. Under the unique leadership of Comrade Kim Jong Un, president of the State Affairs of the DPRK, our people have now confidently embarked on new, massive projects aimed at building on the successes in pioneering a era of comprehensive development and leading it to new heights. The path ahead of us is laden with numerous challenges and difficulties, presented by inhumane acts of certain forces that disfavor the DPRK's very existence, let alone her development. Yet we will surely attain all that we plan to, relying entirely on our own efforts, regardless of changes in the situation. This is the confidence that every Korean is assured of.
And for small states, this is existential, not simply of a matter of principle. Not at all. Russia's brutal war against Ukraine is a clear example. Russia invaded a sovereign neighbour, seeking to change borders by force and deny another nation the freedom to determine its future. Ukrainians have paid an unimaginable price. Behind every destroyed home is a family. Behind every casualty is someone who was loved. Iceland's position remains clear. Very clear. Ukraine has the right to defend itself to sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to a just and lasting peace on the basis of international law. Our support for Ukraine defends a principle on which all our countries' security depends that no nation gets to decide the future of another. This principle must apply everywhere including in the Middle East. In Gaza, we continue to witness repeated violations of the cease fire and continued suffering among civilians, despite the adoption of the 20 point Comprehensive Peace Plan and Security Council Resolution 2803. The suffering of Palestinian civilians cannot become a background noise. Children are still being killed. Families are still losing their homes, and parents are still trying to keep their children alive. Again and again and again. We cannot accept Gaza being repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt while the underlying cause remains unresolved. And in the West Bank, illegal settlement activity continues to expand. Palestinian civilians face settler violence too often enabled by impunity, inflammatory rhetoric and permissive policies. Earlier this month, Iceland joined 11 other states in addressing restrictions on trade in goods from settlements that are illegal under international law. Our objective remains clear a viable Palestinian state alongside Israel, with both peoples able to live in security, dignity and peace. We have heard the words moral cowards from this podium. To me, moral cowards are those leaders of the world who refuse to sit down and negotiate a just and lasting peace. Those leaders who deny access to humanitarian aid for people in desperate need and moral cowards, are those leaders of the world who repeatedly go against and disrespect international law. Madam president, we must not allow the horrors in Ukraine and the Middle East to make other crises invisible. In Sudan, years of civil war have brought atrocities, mass displacement, and grave violations of international humanitarian law. As humanitarian leaders have reminded us, Sudan does not suffer from a lack of analysis. It suffers from a lack of action. Acts that may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity cannot be met with indifference. We created the International Criminal Court to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. So thus accountability matters. We have to bear that in mind, and so does adherence to international law beyond the battlefield. To be clear, Iceland stands with the ICC. Obstruction of lawful international transit through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb threatens not only countries in the region, but global energy markets and food security. Disruption falls hardest on the most vulnerable. The freedoms codified in the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea are not optional, not at all.
We urge sustained international support for the gang suppression force, the Haitian National Police and its armed forces. This support must include the financial, logistical and operational resources necessary to restore security. We further call for the Security Council to renew the mandate of the GSF at this imperfect but particularly critical juncture. We are at a crossroads. We can either lose gains or we can build on progress made. The international community must send an unequivocal message. Armed gangs cannot be allowed to determine Haiti's future, nor that of the region. Security must create the space for sustained humanitarian relief, developmental and economic progress. But even more foundationally, security must create the space for political stability, democratic governance, and credible elections, led and owned by the Haitian people. Mr. president, the suffering of the Cuban people is of deep concern to Jamaica. We encourage domestic reform and greater integration of Cuba into the international economic system, supported by policies that create pathways for progress and eliminating the dire humanitarian crisis rather than perpetuating isolation under the blockade. We call for continued dialogue and constructive engagement. Mr. president, Jamaica also remains deeply concerned by the terrible human cost of armed conflicts across the world. Wherever conflict occurs, our principles must remain consistent. International humanitarian law must be respected, civilians must be protected.
Guided by pragmatic and proactive foreign policy, we continue our efforts to strengthen international peace and security, and to advance pragmatic solutions to our shared global challenges. For Kazakhstan, multilateralism is a key instrument for building trust, finding common ground and delivering results for our citizens and future generations. It is a key component of our own long term social economic development. Kazakhstan has embarked on profound political transformation in response to societal demand and emerging challenges.
Mr. president, the Marshall Islands faces complex challenges in tackling the SDGs but we are committed, with all of our efforts to ensure no one is left behind. Our national planning is now firmly linked to SDG goals and targets, and our actions prove our commitment. We have developed direct assistance to vulnerable groups, including mothers and early childhood development, and we are also reaching out to our entire in-country population with quarterly supplemental income and improved access to digital finance tools. Our aspirations must be better matched by partnership and island scale investment and policy innovation. I must underscore the direct need for data capacity support to measure progress and effectiveness for small island developing states. If we cannot assess the SDGs, we cannot correct course. Mr. president.
Nevertheless, this protection is today under assault. Rearmament is accelerating throughout the world. We are seeing the use of force once again as being another political tool for some. Trade is breaking down and we are seeing a race to capture critical resources. The private sector is also part of these power relations. We are now in the era of the geo economy, and this is fertile ground for disinformation, which undermines people's trust in their institutions and leads them to question verifiable facts. Our belief has never been tried to such an extent since 1945 in Ukraine, the Middle East, Sudan, the Sahel in many other places out of the media spotlight. Civilians are paying the price for conflicts which have discarded the most basic rules of humanity. And never, since 1945 has the very legitimacy of states and multilateral bodies such as the UN, been called into question to such an extent. Given this danger, let us recall our mission. In the words of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary-General of the UN: The UN was not created to take mankind to heaven, but to save humanity from hell. That is the exact scope of our task, and that is why we do not have the right to give up. First in Ukraine for almost five years, a permanent member of the Security Council has been waging a war of aggression against a sovereign state in flagrant violation of the charter. From the very outset, Monaco condemned this aggression unambiguously and unreservedly. We voted in favour of all of the General Assembly's resolutions calling and demanding for Russian forces to withdraw. We took all restrictive measures aligned with EU measures, and we also provided our humanitarian support to the Ukrainian people and hosted people displaced by the war. Our support is unwavering and it will remain so. Monaco will never recognize any annexation of territory obtained through force. Allowing this for one state would be tantamount to allowing it for all. The principality welcomes the ongoing diplomatic efforts and hopes that they will lead to fair, comprehensive, lasting peace, respecting Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Next to the Middle East, Monaco was greatly relieved by the cease fire, which entered into force in Gaza, and the fact that the hostages were freed. Nothing can ever justify the acts of terror of the 7th of October, but nor can anything justify the price paid by the civilians in Gaza. The principality calls on all parties to strengthen the fragile ceasefire and to respect every stage of it, ensuring full, safe, unhindered humanitarian access. We support efforts to rebuild Gaza, and we are concerned about the ongoing violence in the West Bank, in the occupied territories which ride roughshod over human rights and dishonor democratic values. Our belief remains the same. The only viable option is the two state solution Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security, within safe and recognized borders. Any policy that makes that scenario less likely through settlement building, or sowing terror makes peace less likely too. In Lebanon, too, Monaco supports de-escalation efforts and calls on all parties to fulfil their commitments, first and foremost Security Council Resolution 1701. The people of Lebanon have the right to a fully sovereign state in peace throughout its territory. In the Persian Gulf, finally, tensions around Iran remain a source of deep concern. Monaco pays tribute to all the civilian victims of the conflict and reiterates its solidarity with the countries of the Gulf who have been affected by the attacks. Here again, only negotiations can lead to a global agreement on the Iranian nuclear program and will prevent further escalation. Above and beyond these crises, Monaco will continue to contribute to international cooperation focused on the least developed countries through its support to the International Committee of the Red Cross, the High Commissioner for Refugees and the World Food Programme, through development aid geared towards the health, education and empowerment of women and girls. Restoring trust also means changing the organisation itself.
As we forge ahead with the SDGs, reform of the United International Financial Architecture is critical to a more equitable and inclusive global economic order. Such reforms should create greater policy space and access to financing to enable countries to expand their economies through value addition to their natural resources, including critical minerals, for our people to have full benefit of our resources. This will accelerate sustainable development, address inequality, create jobs for our youth, and lift our population out of poverty. In this context, we welcome the creation of the African Credit Rating Agency to be launched in Mauritius in October this year. This development is a building block of Africa taking ownership of her development and prosperity agenda. It demonstrates progress in Africa's ambitions to drive impetus for the reform of the international financial architecture in order to ensure a level playing field. Middle-income countries continue to face high borrowing costs, limited fiscal space, debt vulnerabilities, climate-related shocks, and persistent inequality. Namibia reaffirms the Sevilla Commitments as an important step towards reforming the international financial architecture and strengthening the global partnership for sustainable development.
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Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 10 min1 mention
Jobs, skills and dignity are therefore part of any serious policy for peace and development. Mr. president, Sierra Leone does not ask the world what it does not demand of itself. We carry these same principles into our work at home. Through Feed Salone, we are increasing domestic food production and strengthening food security. Through Free Quality Education, we are widening the path from the circumstances of a child's birth to the future that awaits that child.
At the same time, criticism of government policy must never become a cover for anti-Semitism. If civilian lives are equal, our attention should be guided by the scale, duration and severity of suffering, Not primarily by geography, political alliances, media visibility or political influence. These principles must also guide our approach to Belarus. We condemn the authorities systemic repression arbitrary detention and persecution of political opponents, human rights defenders and independent voices. All political prisoners must be released immediately and unconditionally, and those responsible for human rights violations must be held accountable. We should speak about this. Slovenia stands with the Belarusian people and supports a peaceful democratic transformation founded on free and fair elections, the rule of law, and full respect for human rights. Belarus belongs in a free and democratic Europe.
But it was not only the people of South Africa who were unchained when apartheid collapsed. The end of apartheid also marked the end of a system that exported violence and instability across southern Africa. Indeed, the fall of apartheid is a glorious story that attests to what multilateralism can deliver. Since democratic South Africa took its place in this assembly we have pursued a foreign policy anchored in ubuntu and international law, dialogue and multilateralism, and in the understanding that our fate is tied to the fortunes of our region and the continent as a whole. Millions more South Africans have access to education, electricity, water and sanitation, housing and social protection than they did at the dawn of our democracy or under apartheid. We have built a united nation of diverse people, steeled in their determination to never let history repeat itself. We have built a vibrant democracy capable of self-correcting and stepping back from the brink, a democracy strong enough to withstand and resist attempts at external supervision and tutelage. After the 2024 elections, political parties put national stability above narrow interests and formed a government of national unity within two weeks of the announcement of the results. Since the dawn of our democracy we have held no fewer than seven free and fair national elections. As we speak, South Africans are preparing once again to exercise their democratic right, this time in the local government elections on the 4th of November 2026. Again, the will of the people will prevail. The promise of democracy and international cooperation wanes when we cannot demonstrate that they can address inequality and insecurity. Compelled by our unenviable position as the world's most unequal society, South Africa made inequality a key focus of our G20 presidency in 2025.
Mr. president. Economic and climate vulnerabilities are having an impact on stability and security in Africa. These are coupled with ongoing security challenges and can fuel tensions and conflict. This is why development questions, questions of peace and security must be tackled in a complementary and interlinked fashion. Lasting security cannot be boiled down just to its military dimension. It requires us to act on factors causing vulnerability, and it requires us to promote dialogue prevention and mediation. Along these lines, the president of the Council, His Excellency Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, has striven to promote dialogue, to bring people's positions closer and to contribute to find political solutions to crises that affect regions in West Africa and in the Sahel, for example. Our country is working hard to encourage exchanges and to contribute to the emergence of lasting political responses in the Great Lakes region. Togo as part of African mediation, is also making its contribution to de-escalation, to restoring trust, and to the quest for lasting responses to disputes. These initiatives reflect a conviction: in the face of crises, we need to maintain spaces for dialogue. We need to foster political and diplomatic means. Mediation is not a weakness. It is an expression of responsibility. Togo has made dialogue and preventive diplomacy the pillars of its foreign policy. In our West African subregion and the African level, Togo is working unfailingly to promote mediation, stability and the peaceful settlement of disputes. We are convinced that no lasting solution can be imposed from the outside without actively listening to local and sovereign realities and what's going on on the ground. Africa is not asking for others to act in its place. It is asking for its efforts to be recognized, assisted and supported.
Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this session of the General Assembly is of particular significance to my country as it takes place in the year in which we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Republic of Angola's admission as full member of the United Nations organization, which took place in December 1976. At that time, it was a historical achievement for the Angolan people, who waited more than 12 months from the date of proclamation of the national independence for the country to be accepted as a full fledged member of the international community. That event of great significance for the history of my country took place in a global context in which Angola became a victim of confrontation between world powers in the struggle for control of sphere of influence within the spirit of Cold War. Our entire journey towards the attainment of peace in 2002 was closely linked to the spirit of that period, which hampered the fulfillment of the dreams of Angolans and their plans to building a prosperous nation committed to its own development. These facts belong to the past, but have left us with a wealth of experience and lessons that we have drawn upon to build peace, understanding and reconciliation among all Angolans, and to chart the course of our foreign policy. Peace and national reconciliation is now a reality as shown through concrete gestures, including the holding of award ceremonies to honor the main political leaders of national liberation struggle and representatives of all segments of civil society, within the framework of the 50th anniversary of national independence. Still, within this framework, a monument in memory of all victims of the political conflict that occurred in Angola, from the proclamation of national independence until achievement of Peace in April 2002 will be inaugurated in October this year.
The test of the United Nation's credibility is not only confined to our waters. The Palestinian cause remains at the heart of our concerns. The Kingdom reaffirms its steadfast position in support of the establishment of an independent and geographically contiguous state of Palestine, living side by side with the State of Israel in peace and security. The Kingdom has also joined the Board of Peace as a founding member, pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2803. This reaffirms our unwavering support for the rights of the brotherly Palestinian people. The Kingdom also reaffirms its support for the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, as well as for efforts to lift sanctions in a manner that enables the brotherly Syrian people to rebuild their country. In Sudan, we call for an immediate cease fire, the protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, and a political solution that preserves Sudan's unity and the institutions of the state. Turning to Yemen, we renew our support for a political solution under United Nations auspices led by the legitimate government. We appreciate the efforts of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in this vein. Our position on other conflicts, including the conflict in Ukraine, is guided by the same principles, regardless of the parties involved. That is adherence to the charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Mr. president, the Kingdom of Bahrain, where mosques, churches and temples have stood side by side for generations, believes that tolerance and coexistence are not simply policies to be adopted.
We are entering a new era of artificial intelligence, biotechnology and science. Technology is advancing very rapidly, but its opportunities are still not equally accessible to all. Bangladesh's large young population and growing digital capabilities have created new possibilities for us. To harness these opportunities, access to advanced technology, knowledge and research must be brought within everyone's reach. We do not want today's digital divide to become tomorrow's artificial intelligence divide. Bangladesh respects innovation and intellectual property. At the same time, it is essential to ensure technology transfer, skills development and affordable access to modern technologies for developing countries. No country should be left behind in this scientific advancement. Bangladesh stands ready to work together to build a fair and prosperous future for all. It is now time for the United Nations to adopt an effective policy framework, so that the benefits of the development and rapid expansion of artificial intelligence and social media can be harnessed positively across countries. Mr. president.
Mr. President, for Benin the issue of security has a very concrete, very tangible dimension. Terrorism has hit our subregion. It seeks to exploit our vulnerability, to take advantage of our borders, and to progressively extend its clutches to new areas. Benin understands full well just how grave this threat is. On this note, I would like to solemnly commend the bravery and commitment of our defence and security forces, as well as the resilience of the people of Benin. Our response is resolute. We are strengthening our defence and security capabilities. We are bolstering the surveillance of our territory and our borders. We are also stepping up our cooperation with our neighbours and our partners. However, our region's experience has taught us one very important lesson when faced with the fast evolving threat, we must act very quickly before that threat becomes a crisis. For that reason, prevention, early warning and upstream action should all be part and parcel of our security policy. This requires better intelligence sharing, strengthening cross-border cooperation, improving coordination between national, subregional and continent wide mechanisms. Inter-State solidarity, regional cooperation, the action of the African Union, the support of the United Nations, we need all of the above to be better coordinated.
Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple at a time of tectonic geopolitical changes. In the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern. Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces. With the UNIFIL's mandate ending, joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Yet further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward, an understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions that challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound: the unresolved Cyprus issue. 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day. For the United Nations, Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary-General Guterres to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere too. Today, two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil. The Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skin in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's confidence abroad rests on a profound transformation at home. At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
It must make our societies better. We must not allow further slippage in our pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals. We must renew our commitment to them, not as an inventory of promises but as a covenant with our peoples and practical blueprint for ensuring the development reaches every citizen, protects generations yet unborn and creates lasting, inclusive prosperity. One way to arrest the slippage is, as Guyana is doing, to mainstream the goals into our national development strategies, public policies and budgets so that they become embedded in the priorities we set and the resources we commit rather than remaining aspirations. The SDGs must not only guide our ambitions, they must shape our choices and our national priorities.
The negative consequences of unjustified unilateral sanctions also affect small countries such as ours, which are at the stage of formation and development. In some cases, such practices led to interference in the internal affairs of independent states and contradict to the fundamental principles of international law. Some major states, in pursuit of their own interests, put pressure on smaller countries, such as Kyrgyzstan, attempting to force them to bargain over certain matters and issuing ultimatums. In this context, I would like to take this opportunity to note the decision made by the president of the United States, His Excellency Mr. Donald Trump, after taking office to halt funding of non-governmental organizations around the world. As a result, interference by NGOs in the internal affairs and policies of the developing countries has practically ceased. President Trump's decisions have created conditions for strengthening the sovereignty of states and enabling them to independently choose their own path of development. Therefore, taking this opportunity, I would like to express my appreciation to Mr. Trump for ending the funding of the NGOs. Distinguished colleagues, decisions to impose sanctions should be taken in accordance with the UN charter and exclusively within the mandate of the Security Council. We believe that the mandate to impose sanctions against the state should belong exclusively to the United Nations. In my view, this is the only possible way to improve the international sanctions system. First and foremost, we should introduce a mandatory mechanisms under which all sanctions and measures are reviewed in advance by the organization. The prior review of sanctions would help ensure that their potential humanitarian, economic and social consequences are taken into account. An important element of the proposed mechanism should be the enhanced transparency and accountability. States initiating sanctions should clearly indicate the legal basis for such measures, explain their necessity and objectives, and define clear criteria and conditions for their eventual removal. I believe it would be appropriate to establish, under the auspice of the United Nations, the Unified International mechanism for monitoring sanctions and reviewing them on a regular basis. Only then can the central role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security be strengthened and its mandate enhanced. This would also help eliminate the risk that sanctions being used arbitrarily by one country against another for political or economic gain. No state should act arbitrarily. The United Nations must be strong. Every country should tremble when the United Nations intends to impose sanctions. Only then, the strict international order can be established in the world. Otherwise, some decisions of the United Nations may no longer be taken seriously, while states simply act according to their own discretion. Every decision of the United Nations should be implemented without delay. If a state fails to implement such decisions and other countries cease cooperation with it, the effectiveness of sanctions will increase. Only then will a decision will be implemented promptly, and the United Nations will become a strong and respected organization. Otherwise, existing sanctions will become a sort of children's toy.
This is why multilateralism is not an abstract concept, for San Marino is a fundamental principle of our foreign policy and in many ways, a lesson drew from our own history. Our commitment to cooperation and shared rule is also reflected in our relationship with the European Union. The forthcoming signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union on 19th October will mark a milestone for our country. It represents an historical step towards closer cooperation, shared rule and greater integration within the European Union while fully preserving our sovereignty, identity and institutional specificity. For San Marino, this is not simply an agreement about economic relations. It is a long term choice to deepen our engagement with Europe while preserving the distinctive character of our republic.
We now have capable people, institutions, policies that are proudly guiding our national transformation agenda. We must also ask ourselves why we continue to mobilize vital resources to respond to crisis, while investing far less in preventing them. The UN office for Disaster Risk Reduction estimates that every $1 invested in proactive measures, resilient infrastructure or early anticipatory actions saves between 3 to 15 USD in future damages and response costs. Therefore, we cannot remain trapped in a cycle of financing the consequences of the conflict while neglecting the peacebuilding or responding to humanitarian emergencies while underinvesting in resilience and anticipatory actions. Prevention is more cost effective, it's more humane, and it's more sustainable. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Now El Nino is strengthening and is likely to bring another period of significant climate stress across the world, with disproportionate impact on nations like Somalia.
Today, however, these ideas are not only being called into question; they are being attacked by political actors and governments that want to take us back to a dark past. And I don't need to point them out; we all know who they are and what their modus operandi is. They start by questioning the rules, then they break them, knowing full well that nobody will dare to hold them accountable. They cut their contributions to multilateral bodies like this one. They point to their leaders and officials. They obstruct these organizations' ability to act, to then write them off as useless entities that we can do without. What they're doing, nevertheless, is a planned and coordinated demolition attempt that is presented as something that we can't stop and that's necessary. However, the reality is that it runs counter to the structural currents of history and is based on three misguided pillars. The first of these pillars is selfishness, the absurd belief that the world is a zero-sum game, where some winning must imply that others losing. The second pillar is ignorance, disregarding scientific evidence and assuming that there are countries that are so powerful that they can abuse all of the others and they don't need anyone else to prosper. And the third pillar, the worst in my opinion, is cruelty. Cruelty that isn't even moved when it sees the ribs of a starving child or a hospital reduced to rubble. Over these 8 years, I've seen these selfish, ignorant, and cruel forces grow. I've seen how they took off their masks and seized power in many places. And then I saw them start illegal wars, massacre innocent civilians. I've seen them treat millions of human beings like livestock and take away aid from those suffering the most, from poverty and disease. I've seen them pollute the atmosphere and also the ocean as if it's their own property, and conspire to destroy this organization and everything it represents. I'm saying this because bearing witness to these things has changed the way that I understand the world. However, it hasn't led me to lose hope. Because also, over these 8 years, I've seen wonderful things that allow me to still have confidence in humanity. For example, I've seen millions of people mobilized to defend nature, peace, and civil rights. I've seen thousands of activists and public servants confront these reactionary powers, knowing full well that they're putting their professional careers and even their own lives at risk. I've seen scientists make progress that we thought was impossible. And I've seen many governments do things right, opting for cooperation, social justice, and environmental sustainability. All of this has taught me something that I want to share with all of you, and that is that humanity is not intrinsically good or bad. Humanity can actually be both. And every day, every year, and in each and every crisis, we must decide how to act. The United Nations is one of these spaces where these decisions are made at the highest level. And the UN doesn't always do it well. Of course, I myself, on several occasions, have called out the contradictions and lackings of this body. However, with the same belief, I must call out the fact that the majority of the voices that today insist on criticizing the United Nations are not describing its failure; what they're doing is trying to cause its failure. And I must also say that multilateralism is the best tool that humanity has to manage its diversity and its interdependence, especially in a globalized and multipolar world like the world we're living in today. And this is why what we need to do is ramp up our trust in this organization. We must renew it and strengthen it so that this century it can play the same key role that it played last century. And doing this will not be easy. However, the good news is that all of the guidance we need is right here, in the United Nations Charter. In this charter, they wrote the best chapters. Our forefathers wrote it, the men and women who saw the world burn, and even then, they dared to imagine a better future. These men and women laid down their wisdom and their hope in this charter. And they didn't ask us to keep it in a glass case. They asked us to fulfill it. They asked us to defend it, and for us to turn back to it in times of uncertainty and extraordinary difficulty. And today is one of those times. And therefore, it's our duty to rise to the courage and the ambition present in this text, in the United Nations Charter. And this is why, ladies and gentlemen, we need to reform the Security Council so that all of the regions in the world have fair representation, and so that we can do away with the right of veto of the permanent members. Because as the UN Charter sets out, no country should be judged in its own case, no matter how powerful they are. We therefore need to strengthen all of the other main bodies and reorganize the agencies, funds and programs, and provide them with more resources and more executive capacity so that they can have a more decisive impact on the great challenges that beset humanity. We must strengthen bodies like the International Criminal Court so that they can investigate, prosecute, and punish those that break the rules. It took humanity centuries to replace might is right with the rule of law. And we must not be the generation that backtracks on this. It's for this very reason that we must rebuild the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament architecture to avoid a poorly designed security policy that brings us back to another global conflict. And we must impose strict regulations on the tech oligarchs who control the functioning of social networks and the development of artificial intelligence. Because at the end of the day, the future of our children is more important than the pockets of these tech oligarchs. And of course, doing all of these things will require compromise, time, strong leadership, being able to build agreements, to listen, to look beyond our known reality, and imagine a better alternative. And what I'm advocating for, for this leadership, is very clear. Nine men have served as Secretary-General of this organization in its 80 years of existence.
Our national budget last year made historic allocations to the healthcare and education sectors. We take pride in our long standing policy of free and universal healthcare and education, and remain committed to strengthening these important pillars of social justice. While actively implementing all SDGs without discrimination, we fully subscribe to and proactively engage with SDG 16, which underscores the importance of just and inclusive institutions that build and restore public trust and treat all people equally. Mr. President, Sri Lanka has long championed and contributed towards a fair and peaceful order at sea under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, a legal regime which we have helped shape.
Mr. president, esteemed Member States. I speak to you today as the Palestinian people faces one of the most dangerous times of its history. This is following long decades of historic injustice, uprooting asylum seeking occupation and the deprivation of its basic right to self-determination, freedom and independence. In the Gaza Strip, our people are being subjected at the hands of the Israeli occupation forces to killing, destruction, starvation and attempts at displacement, as well as a genocidal war that has created an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. It has destroyed neighborhoods, cities, camps, institutions, schools, universities, hospitals, mosques and churches. And it has targeted all the basic necessities of life and the future of entire generations. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, settler expansion is accelerating, the West Bank is being fragmented and Jerusalem is being isolated and judaized. Settler terrorism is escalating under the protection of the occupying forces. While the crimes of land theft, home demolition checkpoints and raids continue under a system of laws, measures and practices, all built on racial discrimination, ethnic cleansing and state terrorism. Ladies and gentlemen. We have long warned the international community, through the United Nations General Assembly and through the Security Council, that these Israeli policies, in violation of international law, would destroy the two state solution, and that this is what is happening now. Today, we warn of an even greater danger ahead, one that requires international action to address it. The danger is no longer limited to undermining the two state solution and preventing the realization of the Palestinian state. It has now come to threaten the very life and existence of the Palestinian people on their homeland. What is taking place in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are not isolated incidents, but rather a malicious colonial scheme aimed at making the lives of Palestinians more difficult in their homeland and forcing them to leave it. We warn you today do not allow another Nakba to occur. Do not allow further massacres like those that occurred in 1948. Do not allow terrorist gangs protected by the Israeli occupation forces to burn Palestinian homes while their occupants are sleeping inside them. Do not allow our children to live afraid and threatened. Once again, I ask before this assembly. How much longer will some states continue to remain silent on Israel, or supply it with the weapons that it uses against our people? The world has witnessed the tremendous cost in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. So what is the international community waiting for in order to protect the Palestinian people, ensure their continued presence on their land and end the Israeli occupation, and implement the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy. This solution guarantees peace for all, instead of the threat emanating from Israeli extremism, which seeks to expand its colonial project towards establishing the so-called Greater Israel and completely erasing Palestinian presence. Mr. president, esteemed member states. We welcomed President Donald Trump's 20 point plan. We also welcomed Security Council Resolution 2803 and the roadmap for implementing the second phase. This was to halt the aggression against our people and their humanitarian suffering, and secure the withdrawal of the occupation forces from the Gaza Strip and begin rebuilding the Gaza Strip. However, regretfully, we have not seen any of this materialize on the ground. The Israeli killing and aggression continue to claim the lives of men, women and children in Gaza. Nearly a year has passed since the adoption of resolution 2803 and the establishment of the Board of Peace. And only one year remains of the designated transitional period before the end of 2027. Therefore, we call for accelerating the implementation of the second phase rather than wasting any more time. The transitional period must not be allowed to become a permanent or open ended situation without any clear time bound political horizon. Rather, it must lead to the reunification of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, under the authority of the State of Palestine and its legitimate institutions, in accordance with the principle of one state one government, one law, and one legitimate entity authorized to bear arms. Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed Member States. The threats and attacks carried out by extremists against Islamic and Christian holy sites, particularly Al-Aqsa mosque and the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron constitute a violation of their historic and legal status and of freedom of worship.
It's in light of this and what's taking place in the Sahel that we are taking part in these deliberations. For the Confederation, rebuilding trust must go hand in hand with the immediate interest of dealing with state support for terrorists, because terrorism must not continue to be a tool of foreign policy on the part of certain powers. The Confederation of Sahel States does not just face a simple sum of isolated terrorist groups. We face a persistent enterprise of destabilisation, supported by considerable means and focused against the right of our peoples to live in peace, to choose their leaders and to have control over their resources and fully exercise their sovereignty. The terrorist attacks, in particular the ones perpetrated on the 25th of April and 4th of July in 2026, in the Republic of Mali, on the 18th of June, and the 29th and 30th of August 2026 in the Republic of Niger, fully illustrate this phenomenon. And let us call a spade a spade and say things clearly. The supply chains, the technical capacities and coordinated use of conventional means do not come out of nowhere. Behind the murderous acts of these terrorists, there are structured support, including state support. And we call on the international community to look at this clearly, to investigate seriously, and to condemn without any geopolitical calculations, all actors that finance arm and provide intelligence to and protect terrorists.
Mr. President, as you have understood, the transformation we're calling for at the UN is one we have chosen to launch first at home, convinced that by investing in our people, the main source of wealth of our nation, we will be paving the way toward renewed trust and lasting prosperity. Since 2019, we have had free primary education, enabling more than 5 million additional children to attend school. In the 2023-2024 school year, more than 21 million children were enrolled in primary school, compared with 14.7 million four years earlier. This quantitative progress must now be transformed into quality. We are continuing to build and rehabilitate schools, and recently we've begun to roll out school cafeterias because access is not enough. Every child must be able to learn in a school that is safe, inclusive, well-equipped, and open to the tools of our time. This requirement applies especially to girls, children with disabilities, displaced children, and those whose schooling has been jeopardized by conflict. The same ambition guides our health policy.
The suffering of the Palestinian people remains a profound test of the credibility of the international system. The Gambia reiterates its call for the protection of civilians respect for international humanitarian law, and unhindered humanitarian assistance. We reaffirm the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self-determination, membership of the United Nations, and our support for a just, comprehensive and lasting two state solution with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and dignity. Furthermore, the plight of the Rohingya people must also not disappear from international agenda. The Gambia remains committed to accountability, justice and the protection of their fundamental rights and will continue to need the support of you all in this shared collective endeavour. On Cuba, we reiterate our long standing call for an end to the economic, commercial and financial sanctions. Dialogue, engagement and cooperation remain important instruments for improving people's well-being and strengthening peaceful relations among nations. The Gambia also reaffirms its adherence to the one-China policy and values its partnership with the People's Republic of China, including in development cooperation, infrastructure, South-South and triangular cooperation and partnership. The leaders of our two countries have raised our bilateral relations to strategic level, and we will continue to grow and deepen this important partnership. On the question of the Moroccan Sahara, The Gambia support sustained international efforts towards a peaceful resolution through the United Nations led political process. We encourage all concerned parties to engage constructively and in good faith. The Royal initiatives on Moroccan autonomy the Moroccan Nigeria gas pipeline, the Atlantic African Initiative, amongst others, have provided realistic pathways to finding a lasting political solution to the dispute over the Moroccan Sahara by giving people the development, human rights, security and stability they need. Furthermore, The Gambia welcomes the Kingdom of Morocco continuous commitment to the cease fire, full cooperation with MINURSO and also stakeholders. All stakeholders in line with resolution 2797 and other relevant processes.
Less than two years into my administration, through disciplined governance and fiscal prudence and an uncompromising fight against corruption, Ghana has achieved a dramatic economic turnaround. Indeed, some circles describe it as a Ghanaian miracle. Our macroeconomic stabilisation measures have restored growth, drastically reduced inflation, stabilised our national currency and significantly lowered our public debt burden. This remarkable economic recovery story has been independently validated by all the multilateral financial institutions and major international credit rating agencies, all of which affirm that Ghana has moved from economic vulnerability to sustained recovery, resilience and growth. Mr. President, macroeconomic indicators mean little if they do not translate into real improvements in our people's daily lives. Economic growth and progress must have a human face and that is why we are pursuing an aggressive national infrastructure agenda under our Big Push programme to build roads, expand digital connectivity, construct schools and health facilities. This strategic investment is opening up the length and breadth of our country, bridging the rural urban divide and unlocking agricultural potential and guaranteeing equitable access to basic services for every Ghanaian, no matter where they live in our country. Through our flagship 24 hour Economy and Accelerated Export Development Programme and the soon to be launched New Ghana, New Economy policy, we are transforming Ghana into an industrial high productivity hub while incentivising round the clock commercial operations driving value addition in agriculture, mining and creating sustainable, dignified jobs for our vibrant youth and women. And central to our national reset is a revolutionary expansion of social protection, universal health care, delivering on the Sustainable Development Goals, specifically SDG one on poverty SDG three on good Health and well-being, and SDG ten on reduced inequalities. And so Ghana has officially launched a historic free primary healthcare programme, ensuring that every Ghanaian can access essential primary health care services at their community level at zero cost. This programme has been hailed by the World Health Organisation and the United Nations as a benchmark paradigm shift for the global South, and this model is currently being studied by other nations that are seeking to achieve true universal health coverage. Alongside our National Health Insurance Scheme, we've introduced a specialised fund officially named Ghana Medical Trust Fund, but popularly referred to after my name Mahama, that guarantees Ghanaians suffering from non-communicable diseases such as renal failure, cancers, cardiovascular diseases and diabetes.
It has never brought war and it will not bring war against another country. It is determined to defend itself and to control its natural resources. It is very important for us to say this. We have chosen transformation that is based on national responsibility, making use of our resources, strengthening our institutions and tangibly improving the living conditions of our citizens. Since the 26th of July 2023, Niger has been continuing its inexorable march towards the total reconquest of its sovereignty under the leadership of the National Council for the safeguarding of the homeland, led by the president, His Excellency the General of the Army, Abdourahamane Tiani, president of the Republic Head of State. This change is a radical break with the policies imposed from outside, which were disconnected from the real needs of the population. It is rooted in the social values of the people of Niger, aware of the challenges that it faces, the government, which I coordinate, has chosen to mobilize the necessary resources to finance agriculture and basic social sectors through funds from voluntary contributions of Nigeriens themselves. In addition to revenues drawn from the exploitation of our mineral and oil resources revenue, which previously the state did not have control over. Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen a few days ago in the night, from the 28th to the 29th of August 2026, after two previous fruitless attempts to attack Diori Hamani International Airport in Niamey, a third attempt which General Tiani said a third attempt at destabilization, led by obscurantist and colonialist forces, targeted our institutions. As in the previous cases, it failed. It failed thanks to the loyalty of our forces, of our defence and security forces and the loyalty of our armed forces. It failed. Thanks to the solidarity of our allies and to the categorical refusal of the Nigerien people to go backwards. Niger emerges from this united and determined. Investigations are underway. The necessary investigations are underway in order to establish the circumstances, who is responsible and the internal and external support linked to this attempt.
The Paraguay that, after the military catastrophe, became a true open-air graveyard, is today a very different country. Paraguay has risen up. And it is ready to take its place in the world. We rose up through hard work, through openness to the world, and through the stubborn determination of a people that did not choose its geography but did choose their own destiny. Today, Paraguay is experiencing one of the finest economic periods in its history. And it has become an example to other countries of macroeconomic stability, sustained growth, and poverty reduction. As a result of this, in December 2025, Standard & Poor's awarded us our second investment-grade rating, making Paraguay the first country in more than a decade to achieve that distinction. In the final quarter of that year, unemployment fell to 3.6%. This is the lowest level on our records. Growth only matters if it is felt at home. Decent employment is one of the best social policies a state can provide. And that's not all. Paraguay has reduced poverty to levels never seen before. In less than 20 years, we have brought the poverty rate down from 58% to 16%, faster than any other country in the region. Because people matter to us. Moreover, the future is bright, not only because our electricity supply is abundant, stable, and 100% renewable, but also because our region possesses land, energy, critical minerals, and, most importantly, its extraordinary people. Mr. President, as I come to the end of my statement, I wish to return to the idea with which I began. People no longer want slogans alone. They want solutions to their problems. And above all, they want peace. They want freedom, security, democracy, prosperity, and opportunities for their children. And those of us who are entrusted with the responsibility of leading our countries must rise to those expectations. Paraguay knows that the road ahead is difficult. But we also know that it is not impossible. We believe it is possible to build a world in which cooperation delivers results, a world where democracy is not an empty promise, a world where technology serves humanity, a world in which development reaches those who need it most. And we believe that Paraguay has much to contribute to that future. We are a country that did not choose its geography. But we are a country that chose our destiny, a country that has confronted adversity and chose to rise again, a country with energy, resources, talent, and, above all, an unbreakable determination to progress. We are a country that has stopped asking what we lack and has begun asking," How far can we go?" This is the Paraguay, the Paraguay of great ambitions, a Paraguay that is engaged with the world, that opens its door to opportunity, that defends its sovereignty, that embraces peace, freedom, and democracy, a Paraguay that seeks to grow without leaving anyone behind. And that Paraguay has a message for the world today. We have come to show what we are capable of.
No more exploitation. Excellencies, The fourth power test is technology, and above all artificial intelligence. For centuries, power came from territory. Then industry. Then finance. Today, power increasingly comes from data, computing capacity and algorithms. This new power is highly concentrated. It is advancing at extraordinary speed. And racing ahead of our ability to understand its full consequences. In 2017, AI was barely on the world’s radar. Yet in my first address to the opening of the General Assembly, I warned – and I quote: “Artificial intelligence is a game changer that can boost development and transform lives in spectacular fashion. But it may also have a dramatic impact on labour markets and, indeed, on global security and the very fabric of societies.” Unquote. Here we are, almost a decade later. AI is indeed a game changer – with enormous promise to advance medicine, accelerate scientific discovery, expand opportunity, and improve lives. Make no mistake. The danger is not technology. The danger is technology without accountability: Capability without oversight. Decision-making without transparency. And that danger cannot be minimized. The very developers building these systems are now pulling the alarm. Excellencies, The first duty of government is to protect its people. Governments must assume their responsibilities. And governments with the greatest AI capabilities have the greatest responsibilities to humanity. To establish channels for dialogue, transparency, trust and cooperation. Not despite geopolitical rivalry – but precisely because of it. At a pivotal moment during the Cold War, strategic rivals came to recognize the need to manage shared existential risks. They built mechanisms to reduce misunderstandings, manage escalation, and prevent catastrophe. Artificial intelligence demands the same clarity of purpose and sense of urgency. Those countries leading this technological revolution must share information on emerging safety risks. Cooperate on testing and evaluation. And work towards common safeguards that protect us all. But because this affects us all, global coordination is indispensable. And there is only one place where every country has a voice in shaping our common future: The United Nations. Through the Global Digital Compact, you agreed for the first time on universal principles for AI governance. Through the Global Dialogue on AI Governance, we created a platform for governments, scientists, industry leaders and civil society to work together. Through the Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, we have brought together global expertise to ensure that policy is guided by evidence. Just yesterday, the AI Scientific Panel released a thematic brief on AI safety and risks from loss of human control. Building on these efforts, we must take the next steps. First, to advance the conditions for the responsible pacing of AI and the additional safeguards needed to address risks. Second, to work towards a multilateral AI Risk Management Framework, supported by credible and independent oversight. And in all our efforts, we must ensure no country is left behind. Artificial intelligence must be shaped by humanity, with humanity, and for all humanity. And as we confront the challenges ahead, let us not retreat from two fundamental principles. Let us say with one voice: Children must never become the test subjects for unregulated systems. And let us resolve that life-and-death decisions must never be surrendered to machines. Killer robots must have no place in our future. Excellencies, Peace and security. Inequality.
We must anticipate the consequences of a world in which force is once again being presented ever more openly as the most reliable instrument of policy, in which military budgets are growing, conflicts are multiplying, arms control mechanisms are weakening, and channels of communication are disappearing precisely when they are needed most. We must, therefore, ask the essential question: Where is the United Nations in such a world? The Security Council is often blocked precisely in the crises in which it should be most active. Other parts of the UN system face financial pressures, overlapping mandates, bureaucratization, and the justified demand of member states to see more concrete results.
It will bring together young people with over 100 chess masters from around the globe, using chess as a tool to promote education, dialogue, friendship, peace among generations. Mr. President, our accession to ASEAN, 26 October 2025, was a historic moment for our country, marking the culmination of a 14-year process that began when Timor-Leste formally applied for membership in March 2011. Fellow ASEAN leaders provided us generally technical assistance, capacity building, and practical guidance, and they continue to do so. It is required of us strong institutions, capable public servants, effective implementation of ASEAN commitments across political, security, economic, and sociocultural communities. Our foreign policy seeks friendship with all, and hostilities, none. We aim to maintain balanced constructive relations with all our major powers' development partners. Timor-Leste also brings the energy and aspiration of young population. Our young people are increasingly connected to the region and eager to learn, work, and contribute. As ASEAN works towards Community Vision 2045, Timor-Leste will support a united, people-centered and resilient ASEAN. We will also support ASEAN centrality and constructive relations with all external partners. We are a small island developing state, a least developed country, and a nation whose history demonstrates both the necessity and the possibilities of multilateralism. Last but not least, in parting, I want to share a selected message from children and youth who responded to my invitation a few days ago to write a few words expressing their hopes and dreams, so that they are here and they are listening back home in Timor-Leste.
Islamophobia, which is spreading like a plague in the West, is at the forefront of these issues. In particular, Muslim women and girls have been subjected to greater discrimination in recent years. We regard the headscarf introduced in schools by certain countries as an attack on women's most fundamental rights. Rising xenophobia, cultural racism and anti-Semitism are also toxic trends that must be combated with determination. Global gender neutralization policies have also turned into a siege, targeting innocent children and targeting the institution of family. We can break the siege only by protecting the family consisting of women and men. Turkey will continue to take initiatives in protecting families and children, in spite of attacks from certain lobby groups. Another threat that undermines social peace is the spread of disinformation on social media. Standing up for the truth has become more important today than ever before. We are also facing the same risk with artificial intelligence AI, which is becoming increasingly difficult to control. It is long overdue now to establish a common international legal framework for AI. It is crucial to accelerate the work, which is already being carried out to draft and bring into force the UN International Convention on Artificial Intelligence. Distinguished delegates. The realities I have spoken of here today with an open heart will for sure upset some people, will for sure disrupt their comfort and unmask their lies. I also know well that they will resort to all kinds of perception management operations in an attempt to silence our voice. A late poet said the following quote. They think that if we remain silent, the issue will disappear. But even if we remain silent, history will not. Even if history remains silent the truth will not. They believe that if they get rid of us, the problem will be solved. Yet even if they get rid of us, they will not be able to escape the pangs of their own conscience. Even if they escape the pangs of their conscience. They will not be able to escape the pangs of history, even if they escape the pangs of history. They will not be able to escape the punishment of God. Unquote. As Tayyip Erdogan, as the president of a great nation guided by its conscience, its history, and its compassion. God willing, for as long as God grants me life, I shall continue from this podium here to defend the rights of the oppressed, the rights of the aggrieved and the voiceless. And I will continue to be their voice, to speak on their behalf and to fight for them. If necessary, we will endure hardship. If necessary, we will pay the price, but we will not remain silent in the face of injustice and will never consent to oppression. Now, when we look at the course of the world today, we can see that there are two paths before us. Either we will deepen uncertainty through fear, through conflict and isolation, or we will build the future together through justice, solidarity, and common will. Of course, it is easy to punch darkness.
A cyber attack against critical infrastructure is a security issue. Sea level rise also raises fundamental questions on sovereignty, identity and security. Vanuatu joins its Pacific colleagues in affirming the continuity of statehood and the preservation of maritime zone and sovereign rights in the face of sea level rise. The rights and dignity of affected persons must remain at the centre of international response. These are realities faced by small island developing states. We therefore call for a broader understanding of international peace and security, one that reflects the realities of small island developing states, and we hope that these security concerns are well understood here at the United Nations. Mr. president, what happens here in New York does not remain here in New York. The decisions taken by major powers affect the smallest economies. A conflict thousands of kilometers away can increase the price of fuel in Vanuatu. A disruption in international shipping can increase the price of food in our islands. A change in global interest rates can increase the cost of borrowing. A crisis in international development finance can delay a school, a hospital, a road or a climate resilience project, and global economic uncertainty can affect tourism, investment, employment and government revenue. For Vanuatu, therefore, foreign policy and domestic development are inseparable. Our international diplomacy is ultimately about our people.
