In the name of Allah, the most gracious, the most merciful. Excellency Doctor Khalilur Rahman, president of the General Assembly, Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary general of the United Nations. Excellencies, heads and members of delegations. For the second consecutive year, the Palestinian delegation was denied the entry visas required to reach New York and participate in the meetings of the United Nations General Assembly in person.

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It's the opposite of genocide. So to all those that are spreading these lies about my country and about our brave soldiers, whether they sit in this hall or in the office of the anti-Semitic mayor of New York, I say this, shame on you. Shame on you for distorting the facts. Shame on you for inverting victim and aggressor. Shame on you for spitting in the face of truth. Mr. Mamdani, since you were elected mayor of this city, many Jews no longer feel safe in New York. They talk to me. They tell me this isn't the city we remember. It changed so quickly now. It's no wonder you praise criminals convicted of supporting Hamas. You count as friends. People like Hasan Piker, who said America deserved 9/11. Some friends you have you invite into your home a Palestinian journalist who filmed Hamas terrorists beating and torturing Israeli hostages, and later admitted that he refused to publish the videos in order to protect, you guessed it, the terrorists. Your wife liked a post praising the October 7th massacre. She liked another post saying Tel Aviv shouldn't exist. You refuse to condemn any of that. You falsely repeatedly accused Israel of genocide. Mr. Mamdani, you tried to stop me from coming here. You tried. You tried to silence me. Well, you can't silence me. You can't silence the truth. And here's the simple truth. Here's a simple truth. Israel didn't commit genocide. Israel prevented genocide. And that's exactly. That's exactly what Mr. Mamdani's Hamas buddies would have done to us had we not stopped them. They would have killed every last one of us. The lies you and other anti-Semites spread about the Jews and the Jewish state have real consequences. In New York, Jews are threatened on the way to synagogue. Jews have been stabbed in the streets. Jews are demonized, targeted. They're targeted simply for being Jews. Jews have been murdered in Sydney, Manchester, Montreal, Boulder, Colorado. They've been attacked in Los Angeles, London, Paris, Berlin, Washington, D.C. The anti-Semites of the world want to terrify our people. I have news for them. The days when Jews were defenseless victims marched to the slaughter. Those days are over. Today we have a state. Today we have an army. Today we have a people ready and willing to defend ourselves. So today. Today, I have one message for Jews around the world. Raise your head high. Be proud, be confident. Don't be intimidated. Stand up.

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Mr. President of the General Assembly, your Majesties, Your Highnesses. The United Nations Secretary General, your excellencies, heads of State and government, your excellencies, heads of delegations, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. Peace be upon you. At the outset, on behalf of the Comorian delegation, I wish to express our sincere gratitude to the authorities of the United States. We thank them for the hospitality and arrangements extended to us since our arrival in New York for this 81st session of our Assembly. Allow me to also congratulate His Excellency Doctor Khalilur Rahman on his election as president of the session, and to wish him every success in his noble mission. I would also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to Her Excellency, Miss Annalena Baerbock, for her work and her wisdom in guiding the previous session. I would also like to pay tribute to the leadership of His Excellency Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, and commend his commitment to peace and development at a time when the international order is under severe strain.

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This year's session, however, takes place 25 years after the terrorist attack that destroyed the Twin Towers in New York and struck other targets on the American territory, causing thousands of civilian deaths, injuries, some of whom continue to bear physical and emotional scars to this day. I'd like to take this opportunity to once again condemn terrorism in all its forms, wherever it occurs.

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Trust is not a sentiment that can be created by adopting a resolution. It is an outcome. It is built when an institution delivers on the purpose for which it was established. That is why reform of the United Nations is necessary, so that the organisation can become more capable, so that it can deliver greater results, and certainly not to replace the responsibility of national states, but to act where collective action is needed. Multilateralism does not begin in New York. It begins with the quality of the states that come to New York. Excellencies, we are a small sized country, but we refuse to let the smallness of our territory define the scale of our ambition. Our ambition is to become a serious state, a state that its allies can trust, a state in which young people can plan their future.

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A cyber attack against critical infrastructure is a security issue. Sea level rise also raises fundamental questions on sovereignty, identity and security. Vanuatu joins its Pacific colleagues in affirming the continuity of statehood and the preservation of maritime zone and sovereign rights in the face of sea level rise. The rights and dignity of affected persons must remain at the centre of international response. These are realities faced by small island developing states. We therefore call for a broader understanding of international peace and security, one that reflects the realities of small island developing states, and we hope that these security concerns are well understood here at the United Nations. Mr. president, what happens here in New York does not remain here in New York. The decisions taken by major powers affect the smallest economies. A conflict thousands of kilometers away can increase the price of fuel in Vanuatu. A disruption in international shipping can increase the price of food in our islands. A change in global interest rates can increase the cost of borrowing. A crisis in international development finance can delay a school, a hospital, a road or a climate resilience project, and global economic uncertainty can affect tourism, investment, employment and government revenue. For Vanuatu, therefore, foreign policy and domestic development are inseparable. Our international diplomacy is ultimately about our people.

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Freedom was not a gift that Americans won easily after 250 years, and it is not one that we will ever, ever, ever surrender. It was right here in New York City that George Washington ordered the Declaration of Independence read to his troops in 1776. As they listen to those immortal words for the first time, the patriots could see across the waters of New York Harbor to a British invasion fleet more than 100 ships strong, which had just arrived to crush the cause of liberty. Thousands of soldiers getting off those ships. Nobody stood a chance. But we won. And we won decisively. Those first Americans knew that it is not enough merely to believe in great principles. We must also have the will and the courage and the strength to defend them. As we gather in this same city two and a half centuries later, to discuss the great events of our time, that is the challenge for every nation in this room.

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Honorable delegates. The Sultanate of Oman launched the Muscat Plan to counter hate speech, genocide, atrocity crimes and incitement to atrocity crimes through an initiative inaugurated by His Excellency, the Secretary General of the United Nations and with broad international participation here at United Nations headquarters in New York on the 11th of June 2026. Building on this approach, the City of Muscat will host next November, God willing, an event marking the International Day of Tolerance, as part of a path we hope will lead to further initiatives and partnerships, in cooperation with the international community and the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen.

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At the same time, we urge Iran to comply fully with resolution 2817, cease attacks against countries in the region and refrain from any actions or threats that undermine the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. Excellencies. Last year, this Assembly endorsed the New York Declaration, a roadmap toward the two state solution a path to lasting peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians. Since then, the Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza conflict has been endorsed by the Security Council. Now it must be implemented in full. We call on all parties to stay committed to the plan. Yet in Gaza, civilians continue to pay the price. Far more must be done to secure humanitarian access and long term peace. And in the occupied West Bank, settler violence and settlement expansion threaten the daily lives of Palestinians and undermine the prospects for a future Palestinian state. This has to stop. Excellencies. As an elected member of the Security Council, Denmark strives to ensure that the council fulfills its mandate.

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This is the paradox of our time. We have never had so many reasons to act together, and we have never found it so difficult to do so. This paradox comes with a price, and this price is primarily being paid by the most vulnerable. According to the UN itself, more than 147 million people in 19 countries and territories experienced acute food insecurity caused by conflict in 2025, and yet at a time when need is soaring, resources are shrinking. Humanitarian funding has fallen to its lowest levels since 2016. Official development aid is crumbling. Peacekeeping operations, including in my own country, have been forced to cut back their patrols, shut down bases, and suspend local dialogue initiatives. Each budget cut adopted in New York or in some faraway capital is an opportunity for armed groups on the ground.

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The key outcomes of the forum, the Baku Call to Action and the chair summary subsequently contributed to the high level meeting of the General Assembly on mid-term review of the new urban agenda held in New York in July this year. At the same time, environmental protection remains an important national and regional priority. We are particularly concerned by continuing decline of the Caspian Sea with serious implications for biodiversity, livelihoods and economic activity across the region. As a challenge shared by all Caspian littoral states, it requires a coordinated, collective and sustained response.

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The United Nations was born in 1945 from humanity's determination that the tragedies of war should never again define our common destiny. Eight decades later, the world continues to look to this organization as a sanctuary where nations can assemble, where differences can be resolved through dialogue, and where hope can be transformed into tangible action. Yet, at a time when conflicts persist, inequalities deepen, climate-related disasters intensify, and countless communities continue to struggle against poverty and insecurity, the international community must renew its commitment to global cooperation. To ordinary people across the globe, this Assembly must not be perceived merely as a forum where the world discusses its problems, but as an organization that actively solves them. The true test of international cooperation is whether a child in a conflict-affected community can live without fear, a young person can find decent employment, a family can afford food, and a developing nation can access the finance required to build its future. Trust among nations has eroded on multiple fronts. Multilateral commitments have too often gone unmet, financing pledges have not yet been fulfilled, and developing countries face trillions of dollars in annual investment gaps to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, billions of people reside in countries where governments are forced to spend more on debt servicing than on healthcare or education. Restoring trust cannot be achieved through declarations alone. It requires that promises already made be honored, and that our institutions demonstrate the capacity and will to respond to changing global realities. Since the Ezulwini Consensus was adopted in 2005, sadly, Africa still has no permanent seat on the UN Security Council and yet the continent remains a global strategic partner in the world stage. The question is: how many more years should African leaders travel to New York and stand before this Assembly to call for a fair representation in the UN Security Council? Mr. President, we are being deprived of the opportunity to contribute to global security issues. We meet at a time when multiple wars and armed conflicts continue to claim lives, destroy infrastructure, and displace communities across various regions of the world.

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Amid the ruins, men and women decided to pool together coal and steel rather than use them to build new guns. From that choice emerged an unprecedented endeavor: a union founded on common institutions—peace, freedom, democracy, prosperity, human rights, and the rule of law. This is the message Italy brings to New York today. Peace is not an inheritance secured once and for all. It's a responsibility that we should shoulder every day. It must be defended with resolve. It must be built with patience. And it must be pursued without ever giving up.

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We remain deeply concerned about Ukrainian crisis, which continues to take lives, erode global trust, and undermine international security. Even the most difficult conflicts must ultimately be resolved through diplomacy and negotiation. Beyond the tragic loss of life, Kazakhstan strongly condemns the repeated drone attacks against Kazakh crude oil export infrastructure, including against commercial vessels in the Black Sea basin. Such incidents endanger civilian navigation, disrupt international trade and threaten the stability of global energy supplies. We call on all parties to uphold international law and take all necessary measures to protect critical infrastructure and ensure the safety and continuity of civilian commerce. Political and diplomatic means remain the only viable path towards ending hostilities and achieving sustainable resolution of the Middle East crisis. The ongoing escalation carries serious implications for regional and international peace and security, as well as for economic stability, transport, connectivity and energy security. A just and lasting peace in the Middle East requires an independent, sovereign and viable state of Palestine, living side by side with Israel in peace and security. We support the New York Declaration as a framework for tangible, time bound and irreversible steps toward the two state solution. My country stands ready to support every effort aimed at maintaining unhindered humanitarian assistance, protection of civilians, and recovery of Gaza. Kazakhstan calls for the full and good faith implementation of the Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict and Security Council Resolution 2803. As a member of the Board of Peace, President Tokayev has committed to contribute to the stabilization of Gaza by supporting civilian reconstruction, ensuring food security and providing digital government solutions. Kazakhstan's peacekeepers in UNDOF and UNIFIL reflect our readiness to assume practical responsibility and contribute to the international mandated stabilization forces in Gaza. Kazakhstan formally announced its intention to join the Abraham Accords. We see them as an additional platform to reinforce the UN brokered political process towards the two state solution. The long term stability of Afghanistan remains inseparable from the security and sustainable development of Central Asia. Humanitarian assistance remains indispensable, but it cannot by itself break the cycle of poverty, displacement and dependency. Kazakhstan supports pragmatic, coordinated and step by step international engagement with Afghanistan, with the UN playing the central role. Finally, we have watched with growing concern in recent years the erosion of protection of civilians in conflict zones.

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This principle, I'd like to remind you, means not trying to further the security of one state at the expense of the security of others. Also, no country, nor any groups of countries should try to dominate the security sphere. This applies first and foremost to NATO, which is trying to broaden its destructive influence far beyond its geographical realm, for instance, in Asia. The values of broad based cooperation on an equal footing formed the foundation of President Putin's initiative on the establishment of a Greater Eurasian Partnership and an architecture of security on the entire Eurasian continent. Yesterday, here in New York, Russia, Belarus and like minded countries adopted a declaration on our intent to develop a Eurasian Charter of Diversity and Multipolarity for the 21st century. We call on all of those who wish to be part of this pan continental architecture of peace and development, to contribute to making this initiative a success which aims to complement and harmonize work on existing mechanisms in the spirit of the geopolitical realities in this nascent multipolar world. I thank you.

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Otherwise, why would we keep coming to New York year after year? Let us preserve what matters, adapt where we must, and design the future together. We have a choice: to shape change or to be shaped by it. And we can only shape it if we stand together.

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Mr. president, as we commence this 81st session, we have the opportunity to build a United Nations that is truly fit for purpose. The crisis confronting multilateralism can become the catalyst for its renewal. The United Nations must not be a monument to the past. It must become an instrument for the future. We need a Security Council that reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, not the power structures of 1945. A council that embraces the emerging multipolarity of our world, including permanent representation from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. Mr. president, if the United Nations is to remain humanity's best hope, then this is not the hour to retreat from multilateralism. This is the hour to reclaim and to renew it. For it is in times such as these, when wars rage across borders, when the shadow of existential threats falls across the future of human civilisation, when the old certainties are dissolving before our eyes, that multilateralism must rise. Multilateralism rests upon the proposition that our destinies are bound together, that the security of one cannot be at the insecurity of another, and that in an interdependent world, cooperation is a necessity, and where there can be no enduring prosperity, when inequality deepens and no just international order, when rules are applied selectively. It is to that truth that this 81st session of the General Assembly must recommit itself. But recommitment cannot mean merely repeating the language of yesterday. The world has changed and multilateralism must change with it. We need a new and invigorated multilateralism, one equal to the turbulence of our age, sufficiently courageous to confront its trials, sufficiently imaginative to navigate its transformations, and sufficiently principled to defend the rule of international law. To make the United Nations fit for purpose, we must make it more transparent, accountable, and responsive. We must strengthen the General Assembly and give greater weight to its deliberative and representative authority. We must bring greater coherence to a system too often divided by institutional rivalries, bureaucratic silos, and competing mandates. We must ensure that the resources of the UN match the responsibilities we have entrusted to it. But institutions do not reform themselves. They require leadership capable of seeing beyond the present and imagining the institution the future demands. The United Nations needs leadership that can bring its different organs, agencies and programs into greater unity of purpose, leadership that can build bridges where division has become habitual. Leadership that can defend the principles of the charter without fear or favour. The United Nations needs its next Secretary-General to work with all Member States to restore confidence in the organisation, mobilise its energies and turn the language of multilateralism from aspiration into action. The reform of the United Nations, the restoration of trust and the need to manage transformation, is therefore inseparable from the question of leadership, and the choice of its next secretary general will be, in no small measure, a choice about the kind of United Nations we wish to leave to the generations that follow. It is in this spirit that Guyana has put forward the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett for the office of Secretary General of the United Nations. She has served her country, represented the developing world and worked within the multilateral system with a deep understanding of both its promise and its imperfections. We believe that her experience, her convictions, her record of service, speak directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. Her candidature, therefore, acquires special significance amid the profound challenges confronting the United Nations and international order. We need leadership capable of restoring trust without compromising principles, of listening, without surrendering conviction of building bridges across the widening chasms between north and south, between large states and small, between the developed and developing world. We need a secretary general who will defend the charter not only when it is politically convenient, but precisely when its principles are under pressure. On a personal note, Mr. President, Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett. Come from every experience. Her very upbringing crossed every struggle, every aspect of our accomplishment defined and broke barriers. An indigenous woman coming from a small indigenous village defying the odds. The odds against indigenous persons, the odds against women, the odds against poverty. Defining every challenge and rising to the top amidst those challenges. Her character is built on struggle, sacrifice, commitment her accomplishments are crafted in her humanity. This is an individual of extreme qualities not because she is a Guyanese, not because she come from Guyana, but because I know personally and many of you know this too, the permanent representatives sitting here in New York, you know, her character knew who? You know her integrity. You know her will. You know her commitment. You know her love for humanity. You know her love for this world. And I know that this world will be a better place with Carolyn Rodrigues as the secretary general of the United Nations. In the humblest of ways, I call on the P5, the Security Council and every member here to look beyond the small country that nominated her. Look beyond the small country that nominated her. CARICOM as a body has endorsed her. And let us rise to the challenge of giving this indigenous woman the chance of helping us craft together the United Nations we want to see succeed. The responsibility for recommending the next Secretary general rests in the first instance with the Security Council, and we therefore respectfully place before its members the candidature of Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett, endorsed by the Caribbean Community. We invite all to consider her candidacy on its merits and to judge whether her vision, experience, expertise and record can help restore confidence in the United Nations at this critical moment. Mr. president, the United Nations was conceived in hope, and that hope remains alive in the pursuit of peace, security and human progress over the perpetuation of division and war. This is why we must not abandon multilateralism because it is imperfect. We must renew it because humanity still needs it. Let us therefore build a United Nations that does not merely reflect the world as it is, but help create the world as it ought to be. A world where law restrains power, cooperation overcomes division, and every human being can look to the future with hope. Guyana believes that the choice remains ours as to whether the divisions of our age will define the future, or whether nations can summon the will to build a more peaceful, secure and prosperous international order. The United Nations must be at the heart of that endeavour, not as an institution looking back at the world it was created to serve, but as one helping humanity shape the world that is yet to come.

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Despite the extraordinary efforts of the Sudanese people, the cycle of violence has continued. The conflict has been inflamed and prolonged by harmful outside interference. All states and external actors must cease arming, financing and enabling the war in Sudan. 15 million Sudanese people are displaced from their homes. Over 19.5 million face crisis levels of hunger. 33 million need urgent humanitarian assistance. Violations of international law including targeting on the basis of ethnicity, deliberate destruction of the means of survival, killing, torture and sexual violence are again being used as weapons of war. We need to act decisively to support the people of Sudan to end this conflict. We must support their aspirations for democracy, justice and development. Sudan has become a forgotten war despite its devastating impacts. We must not allow the absence of daily headlines to become a license for inaction. The people of Sudan deserve the same attention, urgency and solidarity that we rightly extend to crises elsewhere. Mr. President, despite its prevalence, we cannot ever allow ourselves to become indifferent to conflict and human suffering it brings. To do so would deny the shared humanity of its victims. The peace plan on Gaza agreed last October was welcome, but it has not fundamentally changed the reality on the ground. Israeli strikes continue, humanitarian aid remains blocked. Civilians continue to suffer. We, the collective international community, have failed Palestine. Ireland, like most gathered here, believe that the only viable solution to the decades of conflict, misery and wasted human lives is a situation where a state of Palestine and a state of Israel live side by side in peace, security, and dignity. There are modest signs of progress. More countries have recognised the state of Palestine, and overwhelming majority of UN member states has endorsed the New York Declaration. More of us have taken steps to push back against the illegal and violent settler occupation of Palestinian land in the West Bank. But time is running out. What we are witnessing on the ground is a deliberate attempt by some to make the prospect of a two state solution impossible. This is not some mad conspiracy theory. It is the stated intent of the Prime Minister of Israel who said clearly that, and I quote, we are going to fulfil our promise that there will be no Palestinian state. This place belongs to us, end quote, as he permitted the E1 illegal development in East Jerusalem. And the situation in Gaza remains an affront to all that is decent. How can we tolerate a situation where civilians are so desperate for shelter that they have to make their homes in war damaged and unsafe buildings? Where eight children died because one of them collapsed? Where the most basic humanitarian aid, food and shelter is deliberately impeded? When the full truth of what has happened, what is still happening in Gaza is finally known, when the evidence is gathered, when the testimonies are heard, when the true horrors are finally and fully revealed, it will shame the world. Nobody will be able to say that we did not know. Let it not be said that we did not act. In the West Bank, the relentless expansion of settlements have reached a scale without precedent, further eroding the prospects for a just and lasting peace. Violent settlers continue to act with near-total impunity, while Palestinian communities face a sustained campaign of displacement and destruction amounting to ethnic cleansing. Entire villages have been razed, homes and vital infrastructure demolished, and thousands of Palestinian families driven from the places they have called home for generations and exposed to intimidation and violence. The United Nations reports that this year there have been almost 200 attacks against Palestinians every month, a stark reminder of a reality that is deepening conflict, suffering and despair. The International Court of Justice has been clear. Settlements in occupied Palestinian territory are illegal. Ireland has acted alongside others to prohibit the import of settlement goods. It is never too late to uphold international law. Mr. President, the conflict in the Gulf remains deeply concerning and is having a serious impact around the world. We need to get back to meaningful, good faith negotiations by all sides. Ireland has consistently stated that Iran must cease its attacks on its neighbours and also end its destabilizing activities across the region, including strikes on ships in the Strait of Hormuz. Vessels must be allowed to transit the strait safely and without tolls in line with international law. If we are to build greater stability, Iran must never have a nuclear weapon. Iran's destabilizing influence across the region must cease. We need dialogue to achieve a negotiated settlement. Mr. President, since 1978, Irish soldiers have served with distinction in Lebanon in the UNIFIL peacekeeping operation. Ireland will continue to work with Lebanon, European Union and international partners to support Lebanon's future peace and security. We have consistently condemned Hezbollah's attacks on Israel, which must cease immediately. Israel must withdraw its military presence from southern Lebanon and bring an end to its military operations there. Israel's response has been wholly disproportionate. We honor the courage, professionalism and dedication of all peacekeepers who have served under the United Nations. We remember with particular respect, those who lost their lives in the cause of peace. We welcome the Secretary-General's report on the Future of Peacekeeping, and Ireland will work with others to ensure that this essential capacity adapts to the 21st century. Ireland also welcomes wider reforms in efforts in the United Nations system. These are necessary if we are to meet the challenges of our rapidly changing world.

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Adopt the rules. Similarly Mr. President, a multilateral agency with which we see of increasing irrelevance today, namely the International Criminal Court, is one which calls for an order to end its participation and to revoke its membership. Before I depart New York, Naoero will be depositing our instruments of withdrawal with the Rome Statute repository. Mr. president, my government's central purpose is to put Naoero on its own feet.

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The situation in the Middle East demand clarity. San Marino unequivocally condemn terrorism, including the horrific attack of 7th October 2023. But we must be equally clear on another point. The Palestinian people have an inviolable right to self-determination and to their own state. Statehood is not a reward for terrorism. It is a right. At the same time, nothing can justify the collective punishment of civilians. The suffering in Gaza cannot become new normal. We call for a permanent ceasefire and for full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access. Humanitarian assistance must reach those who need it. Civilian lives must be protected. UNRWA and other humanitarian organisations must be able to operate. We call for the permanent disarmament of Hamas and other non-state armed groups, and for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip. We support the Palestinian Authority and its reform efforts, including democratic elections. We urge Israel to release withheld clearance revenue and to facilitate correspondent banking services for the Palestinian Authority. In the West Bank and East Jerusalem, settlement expansion, settler violence, land appropriation, demolition and eviction must stop. The situation is rapidly deteriorating amid unprecedented level of settler violence and settlement expansion, including an unacceptable decision to publish tender for the E1 settlement project. This development undermines the possibility of a viable Palestinian state. The status quo of Jerusalem holy site must be respected. All communities, including Christian community, must be protected. Last year, San Marino endorsed the New York Declaration for a two state solution. Following a unanimous mandate from our parliament, the Great and General Council, San Marino recognised Palestine as a sovereign and independent state within secure and internationally recognised borders and in accordance with relevant United Nations resolution. We stand by that decision. There is no alternative to the two state living side by side in peace, security and mutual recognition. The window for that solution is narrowing. We must act now. Mr. president, the consequences of the conflict extended far beyond Gaza and the West Bank. Escalation across the region, threatening international peace and security. We are deeply concerned by the hostility involving Iran and by threat to maritime security in the Red sea and the Strait of Hormuz. Freedom of navigation is essential to global stability. International law, including UNCLOS, must be respected. In Lebanon, we call for full respect for sovereignty and for the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1701. Civilian infrastructure must be protected. In Syria, we support an inclusive and peaceful political transition that respects sovereignty, protect civilians and strengthen institutions. Peace cannot be imposed by force. It requires diplomacy and dialogue, and it requires international rule. Mr. president, Europe is also facing a war that continues to cause immense humanitarian suffering. San Marino condemned Russia's ongoing aggression against Ukraine, the bombardment of the city, the killing of civilians, attack on humanitarian aid workers, the unlawful deportation of children. These are not simply tragedy. They are violations of international law. No state can be allowed to redraw borders by force. San Marino therefore, reiterate its call for a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire, leading to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Any peace must respect Ukrainian sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Mr. president, from Ukraine to Gaza, from Sudan to Syria, from the Sahel to Afghanistan, civilians continue to pay the highest price.

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Artificial intelligence, which we've heard so many times from the podium this week, is arguably the most urgent frontier. AI offers with extraordinary potential, but its capability is advancing faster than our appreciation of its risks. There are fundamentally three categories of risk. First, the loss of control of autonomous systems. Second, that rogue actors could use AI to create bioweapons or other weapons of mass destruction or mass disruption. Third, the economic, the social the political domestic disruptions are only just emerging. But excellencies, the genie is already out of the bottle. It is too late to call for a halt, especially given the superpower rivalry and the huge financial incentives for companies who already have frontier models. But let me offer a metaphor of driving a high performance car. To drive a high performance car quickly and safely, you need a powerful engine. But equally, you need good brakes. And especially if you are going to go beyond your neighborhood or cross boundaries, you need effective shared rules, traffic lights, insurance norms of behavior, seat belts. The engine is innovation. Every one of us has to continue to invest in science, the talent, and the infrastructure that will drive AI forward. For small states, this entails especially developing our people, equipping them with the skills necessary to master and deploy AI quickly, widely, at scale and safely. The real productivity gains from AI comes not from the IT department, but from our businesses and workers having the skills, the tools and the wherewithal to engineer their work processes, workflow by workflow. That's where the cutting edge of value creation arises. But having said that, every powerful engine needs good brakes, safeguards. As the capabilities of AI advance, our safeguards must keep pace. We need rigorous testing and evaluation before deployment. We need clear limits on what autonomous systems can do and mechanisms to intervene when they behave in ways we do not intend. And since the risks from AI do not remain confined behind borders, it means we also need rules of the road that will form a shared global understanding of how we will collectively confront this challenge. Just as all of us instinctively understand traffic lights the same way, whether we're here in New York or in Beijing, Moscow or Singapore. Most importantly, human beings must ultimately remain in control and accountable. Let me give you an extreme thought experiment. Do you want the nuclear button to be in the hands of a human being or an AI? Think about that. The scarce resource today is not legal architecture or technology. It is trust. Trust that the risks will be disclosed, that testing will be comprehensive and credible, and that cooperation will be inclusive and not be used to secure unilateral advantage. The technology has already become an arena for strategic competition precisely when international cooperation is most needed. Any durable international approach must give all states a meaningful stake. Not only those who already have the most advanced models, or the deepest pockets, or the largest set of armaments. So the question is how do we build trust? We begin with the science. Even where states have differences on governance, I believe it is possible for us to work together to collectively understand the capabilities and risks of AI models, to develop comparable methods for testing and evaluation, and to report serious incidents quickly across borders. We are not starting from zero. If you carefully go through what we already have today, the UN's Independent International Scientific Panel on AI already helps to establish a common understanding based on evidence. The Global Dialogue on AI Governance can help to translate that common understanding into common objectives, and the ITU's AI for Good Global Commission brings together leaders from government, industry and international institutions to discuss challenges and to come up with practical solutions. We must urgently establish common rules and safeguards for AI, and we should build on the many ongoing discussions in different formats and groupings. And here I want to make a point: the UN, the United Nations has a critical role to play in building convergence, because this is the only apex international institution with universal membership. We must explore all options, including the idea of a UN framework Convention on AI safeguards. We may also need an international institution that can perform for AI some of the functions that currently exist for institutions that perform this function of setting common technical standards and the examples are the International Telecommunications Union, which provides all the International Atomic Energy Agency, which provides verification. Ultimately, the global commons are best protected by collective action agreed through an inclusive process, and Singapore commits to contribute where we can. This week we joined the call for greater safety and security of frontier AI models, and I'm glad that this was led by Finland and Norway. We will continue to contribute through platforms such as the Digital Pillar for the Forum of Small States, and by making our governance frameworks and testing tools available to all. But the work of building trust and laying the ground for global cooperation must begin now.

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Everyone is aware of it. Its name is Venezuela. Before coming to New York, I visited Caracas, despite the fact that the diplomatic relations between Paraguay and Venezuela have been suspended. My decision to visit the Caribbean country, therefore, surprised many, and many people have questioned, sometimes harshly, my decision. I therefore like to use this forum to say it loudly and clearly: I didn't go to Venezuela to legitimize a regime. I did not go there to legitimize or validate anything whatsoever. No, ladies and gentlemen, quite the opposite. Paraguay cherishes democracy, and we believe that the Venezuelan people also deserve democracy. The reason I went to Venezuela is because, for 25 years, South American leaders have issued fine, lyrical rhetoric, resounding statements, and countless slogans on Venezuela. For 25 years, we watched, we waited, and we condemned, from the comfort of this distance, without doing anything for the Venezuelan people. We watched. We talked. But we didn't act. We did nothing. In the meantime, our Venezuelan brothers and sisters suffered. That is why I went to Venezuela a few days ago, to take a second step following the first difficult but extremely important step that was represented by the fall of the dictator Maduro. Because Paraguay can play a useful role in the second step: Venezuela's transition towards a pluralistic democracy. Venezuela is now facing a new reality. Defending our values cannot mean standing indifferent to that reality. That is why Paraguay has opened a channel of dialogue with the Venezuelan authorities and is already taking action towards a Venezuela in which power resides with its one true sovereign, the Venezuelan people. Dialogue doesn't mean abandoning our principles or forgetting the past. It means having the courage to look ahead and to act. We cannot wait for the United States or some northern power to resolve our problems. We have to resolve them ourselves. Venezuela, what I want, is what my own country achieved after 35 years of dictatorship in 1989: a real, lasting democratic transition. I don't want a photo opportunity. I don't want a communiqué. I want, we want, a transition. With institutions, with security, with an economy, and with a people that are once again integrated into the international community and, in our region, integrated into Mercosur. Paraguayan leadership doesn't confuse dialogue with indifference. Dialogue, talking, is one way of standing with the Venezuelan people. It's also a way of jointly combating transnational crime, which knows no borders and which harms our entire region. Today I call on all my Latin American brothers and sisters, but also on these United Nations. Let us come together to help Venezuela, this beautiful country, to reintegrate into the world and achieve a democratic government that respects human rights. To borrow the words of the Latin poet Publius: I am human. Nothing human is alien to me. The suffering of the Venezuelan people is also the suffering of the Paraguayan people. It is the suffering of us all. And what applies to Venezuela applies, perhaps even more so, to Nicaragua, Cuba, and Haiti, countries that have lived for far too long in the darkness of authoritarianism, violence, and sorrow. Let us bring light to these sister nations. For where there are free elections, there is hope. But we mustn't stop at words. We must act. Let us do so.

Read around it: before · after

Ladies and gentlemen, this morning on my way to New York, somewhere in the sky over the big and beautiful Atlantic Ocean, I read President Trump's post on Truth Social. The president wrote that Russia has lost control of its diesel oil industry due to its war with Ukraine, and it is hard to imagine a more humiliating loss for a country that has a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and takes so much pride in its oil exports. I quote," A large number of their diesel refineries have been blown up and are at least temporarily out of commission." End of quote. And this is true: Russia messed up. And the conclusion of the post is also right: this ridiculous and never-ending war with Ukraine must be ended. I do not know a single world leader who would say otherwise. I do not know anyone who is openly for this war, except one man. Ladies and gentlemen, for almost 5 years now, Russian generals have been trying to carry out Putin's crazy order to seize our eastern land, the Donetsk region. And just this year, from January through August, the Russian army lost 248,964 people on the battlefield in Ukraine. In 8 months, 248,000. Killed and badly wounded. Twenty-one countries in the world have smaller population than the number of Russian troops lost in just 8 months. We have video confirmation for every one of these losses. And these are not just statistics; it's about people. We have an archive of drone videos, videos showing thousands and thousands of Russians losing their lives in kill zones. It's madness. But they still keep going there to die, because that is what Putin wants. After losing so many people, Russia managed to capture just over 1,000 square kilometers of our land this year, and we have already liberated a significant part of it. Russia is a country that already has 17 million square kilometers of its own land, without any Ukrainian territory, by the way. So to add another 1,000 square kilometers, Putin is paying with 248 people for every kilometer. Does anyone still think that he is reasonable and moderate? His comrade, the leader of North Korea, sent his troops to Russia to support the weak points of the Russian army. The North Koreans also suffered losses. Heavy losses. You probably saw the broadcast from Pyongyang when they honored those who were killed. And this is madness too. Why should Koreans give their lives in a war against Ukraine? Kim Jong-un uses them like currency, and he gets something in return. And North Korea's neighbors and countries across Asia have probably already noticed its improved ballistic missiles and Pyongyang's much greater drone capabilities. So a war that was not prevented in time, was not stopped in time, and for which Russia was not punished in time, keeps spreading and spreads evil with it. Recently, we sent two North Korean prisoners of war to the Republic of Korea. These guys are not easy to capture alive. One of them, when he realized he was going to be taken prisoner, tried to kill himself, and he was shocked that fate didn't let him die. And this is how they raise people in the North. It's reality. They take away their freedom. They take away their right to choose. And they drill into them that they must die, no matter what. Do you really want to give such a force more time to learn how to wage war? This has already been going on for 5 years. And we know that Putin recently once again promised representatives from the American president that he would seize our Donetsk region, and he said he needs just a few more months. This is probably the 17th or 18th time in 5 years that he has made this promise. It's always the same:" just a few, a few more months." And then he moves the deadline, moves again. Putin will fail this time too. But after that, he will once again make it clear to the world that even our Donetsk region is not enough for him. He wants more of our cities: Odesa and Kharkiv, Dnipro and others. Someone in the Kremlin even put up a picture with the words "On to Kyiv." Russia has claims against our neighbor Moldova. It constantly threatens Poland and the Baltic States. Russia shows no respect for the statehood of the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia. And sadly, sadly, people in Syria and across Africa also know very well what Russian killers are. Something always seems to stop Putin from simply saying," That's it. Enough. Peace." Something always stops him from admitting that 17 million square kilometers of his own territory, internationally recognized by all of you, should be enough for this man. Putin is always looking for someone who can help him kill more people for every kilometer of land, take more territory, attack another country, instead of simply stopping and running his own country. After all of this, can you even imagine him without war? He is patient zero, the one from whom this idea of war keeps spreading further. And wherever it spreads, it brings only pain, instability, new risks, and of course new crisis. The more freedom Putin has to act, the more dangerous the world becomes for everyone else. That is why patient zero must be stopped. He must be denied the space to act and the space to spread this evil further. Ladies and gentlemen, last year, speaking here, I said that we are living in a time when weapons decide who survives. And I've said, if a nation wants peace, it must work on strong weapons. Ukraine is doing exactly that. And this is why, for the first time in Russia's history, we now hear that its pride, its oil industry, is running off fumes. But oil itself is not Ukraine's target, not our target. Not gasoline or diesel. Not factories or ports as such. Our target is Russia's ability to finance this war, to drag it out, to make it more brutal and more destructive. Russia's finances and Russia's production are what must be stopped if Putin is to be stopped. And our great soldiers and our weapons are working for this, only for this. The world's support for Ukraine helps us do it. And I am grateful to everyone, to every country that stands with us, stands with Ukraine, and helps our people.

Read around it: after