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No. 1
Turkmenistan09/28 · first at about 2 min5 mentions
The permanent neutrality of our country, recognized three times by the General Assembly, provides a practical foundation for advancing political and diplomatic methods, preventive diplomacy, mediation, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. We consider it essential to consistently foster a culture of trust and dialogue, and to restore the legal and humanistic foundations of international relations. In this regard, Turkmenistan intends to convene under the auspices of the United Nations Intergovernmental Consultations on the elaboration of a Global Peace Strategy founded on the principles of peace, security, and preventive diplomacy. As a further step in this direction, we propose proclaiming a United Nations decade of dialogue and preventive diplomacy. We believe that such decade would lend a systematic character to the efforts of states to prevent conflicts, build trust and establish sustainable channels of political communication. Turkmenistan will also propose the establishment within the United Nations of a group of Friends of Multilateralism and the sovereign equality of states. Its activities could contribute to safeguarding the fundamental principles of the charter of the United Nations, strengthening dialogue among equals and preventing the emergence of dividing lines in international cooperation. We attach particular importance to supporting the United Nations Regional Center for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia, headquartered in Ashgabat. The year 2027 will mark the 20th anniversary of its establishment. We regard this milestone as a unique opportunity to take stock of the Center's work and identify new avenues for its practical contribution to peace, stability and cooperation in Central Asia. To this end, during the current session, Turkmenistan will submit a further draft General Assembly resolution on the role of the regional center. We trust that the document will reaffirm our shared interest in further strengthening its mandate and operational capacity.
It is also built when states continue to engage in dialogue. Switzerland is neutral. This neutrality goes hand in hand with a steadfast commitment to the UN charter, international law and the UN's three pillars peace and security, human rights and sustainable development. Our experience has also taught us that dialogue is not a sign of weakness. Engaging in dialogue does not mean glossing over disagreements or abandoning one's principles. Engaging in dialogue means maintaining contact when positions begin to diverge. A bridge does not require the two banks of a river to become alike. It simply allows us to cross from one to the other. In times of tension, this possibility often becomes essential. Dialogue is a tool for de-escalation when crises erupt. Above all, it can serve as a means of prevention before crises arise. It is in this spirit that Switzerland will continue to offer its good offices and provide spaces where those who are no longer on speaking terms can, when circumstances permit, resume dialogue.
For our part, Sri Lanka is on track towards achieving 70% renewable energy by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2050. Mr. President, for three decades, Sri Lanka suffered a protracted conflict that caused enormous loss and suffering to all our communities. Although the guns fell silent 17 years ago, the deep wounds of that conflict remain, and much remains to be done to heal them. We are determined to prevent a recurrence of such a tragedy and to pursue a path towards national unity and reconciliation. In this regard, our government is strengthening national institutions to address outstanding issues. Throughout these two years, we have remained firm in our rejection of racism and religious extremism in all its forms and manifestations. We will continue to work tirelessly to build a nation that is more secure, inclusive and united, a nation made stronger by the full richness of its diversity. Mr. President in addition to the consequences of natural calamity, Sri Lanka, like many other countries, is experiencing the severe impact of conflicts in West Asia and elsewhere. As an island nation situated at the crossroads of the Indian Ocean and as a country with a large number of migrant workers in West Asia, these developments have direct security, economic and social implications for us. I am pleased to note that even during these challenging times, Sri Lanka has continued to uphold its commitments to international law and ensure sanctity of human life and human dignity. Mr. President, in March this year, amidst a highly volatile geopolitical landscape, Sri Lanka found a ship of a party to a conflict in distress close to our territorial waters, with many sailors life in peril.
Women are an integral part of the sustainable development process and should not be viewed solely as a goal of development efforts. We therefore allocated 11 permanent and elected seats for women in the Omani Shura Council. In the environmental field, the Sultanate of Oman continues its efforts to implement its national strategy towards transition to a low carbon economy through a broad package of projects and initiatives in renewable energy and initiatives in transport, industry and sustainable cities to support national efforts to reach carbon neutrality by 2050. In conclusion, we once again express our gratitude and appreciation to His Excellency Antonio Guterres secretary general of the United Nations, for his tireless and courageous efforts to uphold truth and justice in accordance with the United Nations Charter and international law. We affirm once again our support and cooperation with the United Nations to achieve its noble goals and purposes, to establish a world that is more secure, more stable and more prosperous. Thank you.
Everyone is being harmed, from Asia to Europe, from Africa to the Americas. No country is immune. They have serious economic and social impact and are already having undesirable consequences for all of us and also for the parties involved. This is a senseless crisis because it's harmful to everyone. We must put an end to this collective masochism, and we must do it quickly to close this chapter, which is a chapter of widespread harm. We all have a duty to learn from the lessons of the crisis of the 1970s and avoid repeating what happened then. We will be judged by how we handle this challenge. On the one hand, it is urgent to put an end to the protracted conflicts and on the other hand, starting now, we must discuss and decide on complementary ways to mitigate the impact of this energy crisis and prevent it from being prolonged. It is my belief that it would also be beneficial to discuss the mechanism by which international oil prices are determined. I do not have a concrete solution which is very complex and difficult, but I wonder if it makes sense for all of us to be so dependent on speculation and the volatility of financial and futures markets, which affect the entire production sector, even when the instability originates only from a portion or a limited period of that production. Excellencies, we also bear the intergenerational responsibility to accelerate the energy transition in order to reduce dependencies and mitigate the effects of climate change. I will share with you that in Portugal, we feel the devastating impacts of climate change firsthand in the increase in forest fires, coastal erosion, and the degradation of marine ecosystems, and also and more frequently in extreme weather events, new such as storms, high winds and flash floods. That is why we take a strategic approach to the energy transition. More than 70% of our energy production comes from renewable sources. We have anticipated our carbon neutrality target to 2045. We maintain close collaboration and continued support for countries that are particularly vulnerable to climate change, and we are investing in innovative solutions, such as agreements to convert debt into green investment. Climate change and freedom of navigation share a common priority of our policy: the sea and ocean. Protecting the marine environment and its biodiversity, combating ocean warming, addressing the threat of sea level rise and ensuring universal freedom of navigation are essential priorities on the ocean agenda, which is an agenda we all have to pay attention to.
One person out of 17 in my country is today a refugee. From this rostrum, I would like to solemnly reiterate and reaffirm Chad's position regarding the Sudanese conflict. Our country has observed since the very first day of the war strict, absolute and unchanged neutrality. I would like to say this very firmly my country does not support any of the parties to the conflict in Sudan, and in no way authorises the use of its territory or its infrastructure to their benefit Chad reiterates its commitment to peace in Sudan and reiterates its support for all initiatives, including those of the quad and the quintet, seeking to establish a ceasefire and to promote dialogue between the warring parties. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I cannot now remain silent regarding the serious nature of that which is directly affecting our sovereignty over recent days. The Energy East Province within our country has been the theatre of airstrikes linked to the conflict in Sudan. Chad condemns in the strongest possible terms these new incursions. They are an unacceptable violation of our territorial integrity, and Chad reserves the right to take all necessary measures in line with international law to protect its population and its sovereignty. If this occurs again. Mr. President, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. I would also, from this rostrum, like to stress how concerned my country is with the crisis in the Gulf region and the repercussions of this on the global economy. Loyal to the principles of the charter, Chad rejects any act of aggression against a sovereign state and condemns. To this end the airstrikes against the Islamic Republic of Iran. And along the same lines. She very firmly condemns the Iranian attacks against the fraternal fraternal countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and Jordan, as well as the drone attack on the 29th of July in the Egyptian port of. We would urge all parties to demonstrate restraint and to promote dialogue regarding the Middle East. Chad remains seriously concerned by ongoing violence and humanitarian suffering in Gaza, sticking to its unwavering position, my country reiterates its unfailing commitment to the right of the Palestinian people to have their own state in the 1967 borders, alongside a state of Israel that lives in peace and security. As we do each year on this same occasion. We call once again for the lifting of the economic and trade embargo imposed on Cuba and on its people. Mr. president, Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the theme Restoring Trust, Managing transformation.
These are all different fronts of a single, profound transformation. The world order that emerged after World War II is coming apart. It was an imperfect order. It did not prevent wars, injustice or suffering. But today, the world balance has been disrupted, and history, which someone has declared has reached its final chapter, is once again moving at a galloping pace. But every race needs a finish line. Our task cannot be to stand and watch passively the fragmentation of our world, but it must be to build a new framework of rules, responsibility, and cooperation capable of governing change. Change that can happen only through political will, through dialogue among nations, through the awareness of peoples, and through the ability of multinational, multilateral institutions to rediscover a mission equal to the challenges of our time. The United Nations cannot simply record the divisions of today. It must have the ambition to imagine the future and recognize its limitations, overcome its paralysis, and reform its instruments without abandoning its deepest raison d'être: to be the place where conflict gives way to dialogue, confrontation to diplomacy, and fear to the search for shared solutions. The United Nations remains the most universal place for pursuing this aspiration, not because it's perfect, but because no other institution can bring together, around the same table, such different interests, cultures, religions, and visions of the world. It is precisely when the world is divided that the value of dialogue grows rather than diminishes. Italy believes in this institution, in its value, in its central role. We believe in peace, which remains our guiding star, the guiding principle of Italy's foreign policy. It is rooted in our history, enshrined in our constitution, and integral to our identity. Dialogue, however, is not a sign of weakness, nor does it mean neutrality.
Madagascar's foreign policy is guided above all by the imperatives of economic and social development for the well-being of its people. Madagascar has chosen a policy of engagement in all directions. We are open to all international partnerships, capable of meeting the aspirations of our people and supporting the general policy of the state of the refoundation. Madagascar's position of neutrality with regard to global conflicts is consistent with its diplomatic tradition and its desire to preserve constructive relations with all its partners. This idea is not ideological, but is based on international partnership that can meet the aspirations of our people in an open spirit, without exclusivity, in full respect for national sovereignty. The achievement of our ambitions cannot be separated from the international context in which they are pursued.
The entry into force of the Agreement on Marine Biodiversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction, which Monaco was one of the first countries to sign and ratify, is a victory of the law over seizure of cooperation over predation. We now need to translate these commitments into acts to protect 30% of the ocean by 2030, to finally agree on an ambitious and binding agreement on plastics pollution and exercise extreme caution with regards to deep seabed mining. The ocean is nobody's property. It is everyone's responsibility. Monaco will continue to do its part in this vital task, relying on science, which is the only universal compass. And what goes for the ocean also goes for the climate. The Paris Agreement remains our common framework. Monaco will honour its commitments by reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 67.6% by 2035, and by achieving carbon neutrality by 2050.
And this is a crisis that is leading to global repercussions. It would be very easy for me not to speak about this issue because the Panama Canal has benefited as a result of this situation. But I have never been guided by selfishness or speculation in a matter that is so sensitive for the entire world. The reality is harmful, not just as a result of the attacks on innocent people, such as crews of vessels, but also for millions of people who are running out of food or having to pay more for food and fertilizers, and workers who are having to pay more for fuel as a result of the inflation, which is the most regressive phenomenon that exists. I feel indignation as a Panamanian. We are staunch defenders of sovereignty, after all. And we also have a treaty of neutrality for the canal, which is in our constitution and which ultimately is the guarantee of free trade and the equality for this passage for all nations of the world. As you can therefore see, Panama believes in these principles and actively works to ensure that this happens in practice.
Mr. president, I turn to my final point. No country of our size stands alone. Neither is a friend to all and an enemy to none. Naoero's partnerships are not all of one kind. Some are born of kinship, some of shared interests. Some have been built through decades of cooperation, and some are grounded in the conviction that when a wrong persists, it must be named and addressed. Each relationship matters. None is a substitute for another, and none comes at the expense of another. Mr. president, small states are increasingly asked to choose between partners, between blocs, between competing visions of the world. Naoero will not be made to choose. We will work with every partner who respects our sovereignty and our right to decide their own future. That is not neutrality. It is called independence. Partnership does not mean agreement on everything. It means standing together where interests align and standing on principle where they do not. A friend I speak for today has been waiting for justice.
We will take the lead in shaping AI into a tool for solving the shared challenges we face, such as the climate crisis, public health, food insecurity, and refugee issues. Second, the green transformation. The climate crisis is often referred to as a global group project shared by all 8 billion people on earth. A single country cannot tackle this challenge alone. At the same time, abandoning growth cannot bring everyone on board. The Republic of Korea announced its 2035 Nationally Determined Contributions as part of its active participation in the Paris Agreement and UN Climate Action. The Korea Green Transformation Strategy aims to convert our industrial structure, creating a virtuous cycle in which carbon neutrality leads to new growth engines and decent jobs. We are ready to share our experience and best practices with the international community. Co-hosting the fourth UN Ocean Conference with Chile in 2028 reflects our commitment to leading discussions on the sustainable development of our oceans.
Mr. president, Mr. Secretary General, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, San Marino is the world oldest republic. For more than 17 centuries, we have survived not through military power, territorial expansion, economic might, but through dialogue, respect for the law, neutrality, and the conviction that sovereignty of a small state is no less valuable than that of a great power. Our history has taught a simple lesson when power is not enough to protect you, rule matters. When you cannot impose your will, dialogue matter. And when the world is divided, institutions that bring States together matter.
Generations move on. But the institutions and powers created on the pretext of those alleged emergencies remain. And if for a moment we allow ourselves to believe that the lesson had been learned after so many failures, the arrival of artificial intelligence demonstrates quite something else. The printing press, the steam engine, electricity, the internet— every great technological revolution has been accompanied by fears about what it would destroy, particularly jobs. There is no doubt that this is one of the most effective ways of instilling fear in human beings, given the role of work as a means of subsistence. Take the Industrial Revolution as an example. When it began, the world was home to some 800 million human beings. If, in keeping with the Luddites and the perennial pessimists, employment had at best remained constant, then, given that the world's population has since increased more than tenfold, the global unemployment rate today would be at 90%. That is absurd, something that few of us seem to have stopped to consider, except perhaps those of us with a passion for reading Borges, who love his approach for testing an idea by taking it to its logical extreme. Ultimately, these technological advances have not only failed to produce any of the catastrophes, but in addition, all of these ended up bringing an end to what human beings were able to do. Today, we have built machines that are able to carry out tasks that only a few months ago seemed out of our reach. Where many see a threat, we see a new frontier: artificial intelligence, or superintelligence, as Donald Trump said, can double our productivity in a way that we do not yet comprehend. To invoke Adam Smith, artificial intelligence will be the pin factory of the 21st century, and much more besides. It can transform our economies, our medicine, our education, even the way we govern. That calls for prudence, yes. But prudence doesn't mean fear. Moreover, under no circumstances should fear automatically translate into obedience. Indeed, the dystopian scenarios commonly invoked to instill fear and justify state control make no sense from an economic standpoint. The answer lies with Adam Smith. Artificial intelligence, like the division of labor in the case of the pin factory, is an accelerator of productivity growth. Smith noted, however, that the division of labor is limited by the extent of the market. Growth will therefore be constrained by its counterpart in genuine demand, without fiscal deficits or spurious money creation. But that's not all. Those projects must also be financed, and that should be done with the resources of human beings. That is, their initial endowments and level of wealth, which correspond to the size of the market. Moreover, the purpose of producing more is to achieve a higher level of consumption. Yet the satisfaction generated by consumption increases at a decreasing rate, while the loss of satisfaction involved in surrendering leisure in order to produce more rises disproportionately. Consequently, the point at which the gain from greater consumption is equal to the loss of leisure brings the system to an equilibrium, leaving no room for dystopian terror. That is why, when we hear that the state should control artificial intelligence, we should remember something basic. The state is not an abstract creature. It is made up of people, officials, and bureaucrats. Granting it control over innovation means granting some people, in the best and most naive of cases, the power to limit what everyone else can create. History gives us reason to scrutinize such power carefully. For centuries, fear over tomorrow has been used as an argument for restricting freedoms today, always with the same promise: give us a part of your freedom and we will protect you from this new threat. We will apply a different principle. In the face of uncertainty, we propose determination. In the face of fear, courage. In the face of decline, ambition. And in the face of resignation, we propose optimism. That is why I tell you that when it comes to artificial intelligence, Argentina will stand at the forefront of freedom. We have the critical minerals, the energy, the talent, and the capacity to compete at every link in that value chain. And we want to become the most competitive place in the world in which to develop it, with a cutting-edge legal framework, a commitment not to regulate preemptively, limited liability for companies operating with AI agents, and tax incentives. Because artificial intelligence is not geopolitically neutral. The West must lead the development of this technology to ensure that it is consistent with our fundamental libertarian values, namely respect for life, liberty, private property, and the notion of human dignity.
Let us do so together. Of course, problems are not confined to my region. There are problems all around the world. Paraguay is noting with deep concern what is happening in the Persian Gulf. When the Strait of Hormuz is closed, it is not the great powers or the wealthiest who pay the price. It is the least protected who pay the price, the most vulnerable among our citizens. The food and energy security of millions of people, depends on keeping that passage open. Therefore, today I make an urgent appeal for the immediate cessation of attacks, for the full reopening of and freedom of navigation through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb, and a return to negotiations. Human dignity, dear friends, does not change when we move from one continent to another. It is always the same. And it is that human dignity that must guide not only our words but also our actions. Hormuz is the problem we face today. But I wish to tell you here that tomorrow's problem could be far worse, infinitely worse. I'm referring to the ominous clouds gathering over the Indo-Pacific, particularly over the Taiwan Strait. What happens there is not merely a regional matter. No, ladies and gentlemen. It affects Japan, the whole of East and Southeast Asia, and above all, it affects the global economy. It affects the microchips that power industry, defense, and artificial intelligence. Anyone pretending that this is far off or too distant to matter simply has not understood the 21st century. If oil was the fuel of the 20th century, microchips are the fuel of the 21st. The stakes of this potential conflict could scarcely be higher. The very future of humanity is at stake. And I want to make one thing clear here: Paraguay is not neutral on this issue. Paraguay stands, and I say this loud and clear, with Taiwan. Not out of expediency, quite the opposite. We stand with Taiwan because of the profound values we share: democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and peace. Seventy years of uninterrupted diplomatic relations are not merely a number or the product of a mere calculation. They are a testament to the real friendship between our peoples.
All this happened before our eyes, but from the powers that can make the difference between life and death, there is no response. And worse, we witness diplomatic acrobatics to brush off the bombing of a school or a hospital, saying that it does not really violate international law because the terrorists, quote unquote, may be hiding in the basement of the building. I'm worried. Worried that we have started treating a catastrophe as something we can simply coexist with. Worried that the killing of civilians is casually being justified. Worried that total force now sounds more viable than diplomacy. This very institution was founded on a promise. All through the archives here, resolutions say a ceasefire must hold, a border must not be crossed, a civilian must not be a target. Many of those promises remain unmet, raising concern that the phrase" never again" has lost meaning. I do not have a plan that will end a war by tonight. But I know this: numbness is not neutral. Silence is not safety. Every time we let the suffering of people become background noise, we let ourselves forget how small the distance really is, how little separates your daughter, granddaughter, niece from the girl in the refugee camp you saw on the news last night. How many children right now are learning that a world at war is normality. The more we linger in this fog, the harder it becomes for the hiding child to believe the world is not his enemy. These tragedies are not somebody else's tragedy.
We must defend free and independent science. Let's protect the IPCC, IPBES. We need scientists who measure, who analyze, who assess. Let's uphold our commitment to the Paris Agreement, to our decarbonization pathways, to our 2050 carbon neutrality target. Let's shoulder our share of responsibility. We need to innovate, cooperate, restart, work on biodiversity credits, and achieve our objectives on forests and oceans. We have many decisions to take. We cannot give in to fatalism. We are already the victims of climate change. We must do it for them, and even more so for our children. Last but not least, we must hold fast and not yield on artificial intelligence. There are some who wish to make us believe that only two powers, the US and China, will be taking the decisions. They want us to believe that just a few economic actors will make all the decisions, the kinds of economic innovations that will be implemented, whether they want to take a break or not, the kinds of innovations that happen. Some of these technological developments might attack the security of our states, our hospitals or banks. They say that just a few will decide what kind of society we live in. No, no. Starting in 2018 at the G7 with our Canadian friends, we launched the Global Partnership for Artificial Intelligence under the auspices of the OECD to kickstart discussions on the need for regulation. At the AI summit in 2025. The AI Governance Summit. The next edition will be held in Switzerland next year. There was also the Indian edition. We advocated for two very simple things for everyone in the world to have their own LLM model capabilities, calculation capabilities, AI capabilities, so that we can craft a way of auditing these models instead of being reliant on just a few private actors. And in fact, Europe was the first with the AI Act to take forward these principles, to take forward these models, and we must continue down that path. Therefore, I wish to emphasize a particular point. Our young people and our children. We've spent far too long not protecting our young people and adolescents. And as a result, we're living with the consequence. Their capacity to learn is in decline. We're seeing mental health problems. The facts are stark, and the correlation is clear cut. That's why we've kickstarted a large scale initiative aimed at protecting our young people, our adolescents, to stop them accessing social networks before the age of 15. Underway in various countries. And I wish to commend our Australian colleagues, the first to take legislation on this front. We must continue down this path and see it through, but let's not wait for the consequences to come raining down on AI. We must act now to protect our children and our young people. Look at the impact chat bots have on our children. This is why, together with Kenya, Spain Australia, we've built a coalition on children's rights in the era of AI. We are mobilizing already this afternoon and also at the Paris Peace Forum on the 10th and 11th of November of this year. Governments, organizations, public and private actors, academics, private companies everyone will be rallying behind this agenda. So I hope to see you on the 10th and 11th of November in Paris. Going beyond that, we can clearly see the race that is underway in cutting edge models we must all be investing in. France is proud to have a competitive frontier model, and we will continue supporting them. So that we can have this kind of model. But we must also forge new kinds of cooperation. And I very much hope and wish for all sovereign states committed to their independence. India and Brazilian, African Gulf states, Singapore. The list goes on. This independent coalition, which I mentioned earlier, I don't want anyone to become the vassal of one of the great powers. Rather, we must come together to build an open source frontier model, a cutting edge model. Using all of the calculation capabilities you have pooling them. Our investment capabilities must be pooled to build a cutting edge, open source AI model, which we will share. We should not depend on somebody else. This is the agenda we must take forward and this through cooperation. Furthermore, there are other areas where we must set new rules AI in outer space, AI and defense, and cyber security. This has very serious consequences which affect the very heart of our national security. In Evian at the G7. Many of us lend our support for the call launched by our Finnish and Norwegian friends, and we want to continue within the framework of the G7, but also working closely with our UK colleagues who will hold the chairmanship of the G20 next year. We want to set a cooperation agenda on AI so as to protect the most sensitive components thereof, which affect our national security. We are coming to an agreement to build a new international architecture. We did this on chemical weapons. We did this when it came to other risks, and we must do the same when it comes to outer space defense, cyber security issues on which we must take control. And we need very specific kinds of cooperation, a specific framework for cooperation between member states in these areas, so as to be able to take this cooperation forward within a specific framework. We must not yield on this either.
