We stand convinced that while we might have different national trajectories, these trajectories should nevertheless converge towards the same end goal, giving all people the necessary conditions for them to be able to forge their future living in peace, dignity and stability. Mr. President, if I may, I would now like to address a dimension that lies at the very heart of Benin's identity. Benin is a land of memory forged from greatness and resistance. But we also have a very tragic, painful history, that of daughters and sons torn away from their land, separated from their families and sent to different parts of the world scattered. This history has left very deep wounds. It also, through generations, created a diaspora whose link with the continent has never been extinguished. We cannot rewrite this history, nor can we erase the wounds of the past. But we can decide what we do with that past. And Benin has chosen to build a bridge. We want to give all those who wish to do so the opportunity to rekindle their ties with African history, an opportunity to rebuild a thriving bond with the continent, with the land of their ancestors from which they were uprooted. The possibility, under conditions enshrined in our legislation to acquire the nationality of Benin, that is what we're offering, and this is a dimension that goes beyond a simple administrative procedure. It is part and parcel of a desire to rebuild a relationship, to rekindle ties, and to transform a very painful memory into a forward looking relationship. To this diaspora living all over the world, looking to Africa, to this diaspora, Benin would like to say the following. You inherited a very painful history, but you can become the agents of a new page in our history in which memory will not just be the memory of something we've lost, but the starting point from which you can build something new. It is with this in mind that Benin intends to reconnect with people of African descent. This will not be a simple return to the past, but a step towards a shared future. Benin doesn't just want to be a land of memory. We want to be a land of reunions of transmission to future generations, a land of the future.

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It is with my heart full of the memory of thousands of children women and men from Burkina Faso Mali and Niger, innocent victims of terrorism that I am taking the floor here this morning. But it is also with a sense of pride, inspired by the resilience of the populations of the Sahel and the hope of the bravery of the defence and security forces of the Confederation, as well as the crucial role played by volunteers for the defense of the homeland that I am speaking here and having the noble mission of delivering this statement, I also wish to pay tribute to the families in mourning, to the long suffering communities and all of those whose lives have been affected by terrorist barbarism. For more than a decade, this blind and sustained violence has been sustained, armed, financed and instrumentalized by criminal networks and their supporters intent on subjugating the Sahel through fear. But they must understand that they will never succeed here. I bow down with profound respect before the memory of the Defence and Security Forces of the Confederation of Sahel states. Our volunteers, defence volunteers working for the motherland and all patriotic forces who have fallen in the field of honour. Evoking their memory, I spare a thought and pay tribute to Army general Sadio Camara, who was assassinated, murdered, cowardly on the 25th of April 2026, and pay tribute to his commitment to peace and to Mali and the Sahel.

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We choose the international law. We choose dialogue over coercion, human dignity over domination and cooperation over confrontation. Fiji calls for the peaceful settlement of conflicts wherever they occur. We urge all parties to protect civilians, respect international humanitarian law and return to the negotiating table. The charter does not apply differently according to who is involved or where. Fiji asks the same of every party in every theatre. Energy, food security and supply chains are inseparable from peace. The freedoms of navigation guaranteed under the international law, including the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea, must be respected. Fiji will continue to serve in the United Nations peacekeeping operations. We ask only that they be properly mandated, properly financed and properly supported, and we support renewed investment in prevention, mediation and the quiet diplomacy that stops wars before they begin. We carry a very simple conviction the life of a stranger is worth protecting. Dialogue is worth pursuing, and peace, however difficult, is always worth building. Mr. president, the Pacific knows the cost of militarization and nuclear testing. Our ocean carries the memory of decisions made elsewhere, but suffered by Pacific peoples. That memory strengthens our determination that the Blue Pacific remain a region of peace. The Ocean of Peace Declaration expresses a regional vision grounded in sovereignty, international law, and rejection of coercion. Our message to all partners is clear the Pacific world welcomes our friendship, investment and genuine cooperation. But our ocean must not become a theater in which others settle their rivalries.

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They are now being held to account for centuries of colonial plunder, for the destruction of cultures traditions, and identities of enslaved peoples, and for the slave trade which claimed millions of lives. And in line with this, the U.N. General Assembly adopted a resolution in March of this year declaring the trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. Belarus supported this resolution without hesitation. This is not just a diplomatic gesture. It is the voice of a country that has itself endured a similar hellish chapter in history. We know what genocide is. A third of our population during the war was murdered in cold blood and tortured by civilized Europeans, united by Hitler 85 years ago. Now their descendants are telling us that they have nothing to do with this, and nor did their grandfathers, supposedly. But that village house filled with Belarusian children, the elderly and women, was not burned down by the Führer himself. And there were thousands of such houses. We know what the plundering of cultural heritage means. Our wealth, resources, works of art were all taken to the West. Young people were forcibly taken into slavery there as well, in Europe. And today, facing unprecedented sanctions, we have once again felt what it means to be a target. That is why we wholeheartedly and with fraternal feelings, support those who demand historical justice, including on the issue of reparations raised by the African Union. But reparations are not just about money, they are also about respect for memory. They are about returning people's own history to them. How many names remain on the world map that have erased millennia old memory? Here's a simple example. The great waterfall that the peoples of Zimbabwe have for centuries called Mosi-oa-Tunya the smoke that thunders. The colonizers, quote unquote, discovered it 150 years ago and named it after their queen, who had never even set foot in Africa. What is that, if not identity theft? Western elites do not like the new multi-polar world in which their voice is no longer decisive. But instead of adapting to positive changes they continue to exploit instability.

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And those words give my compatriots and I courage to uphold the Pan-African and anti-colonial heritage that was bequeathed to us by our forebears. Another line in our anthem petitions God to fill our hearts with true humility and make us cherish fearless honesty. That prayer inspires me today to follow in the footsteps of Doctor Kwame Nkrumah, Haile Selassie, Nelson Mandela and other global icons who have stood at this very podium before me and have spoken boldly and fearlessly about the state of affairs in our world. The world may not transform overnight because of the speeches that we deliver here in this August assembly, but history would faithfully record the truths we choose to speak and the silences that we choose to keep When we are granted the privilege of addressing this global town hall. Allow me, therefore, to begin by reintroducing myself to the General Assembly. I stand before you as president of the Republic of Ghana. Yet we too often ascend these heights draped only in the robes of our titles, forgetting that alongside each of us stands a history, a people, and a legacy. I was born in a little town, Damongo, which was then a modest community in northern Ghana, and it's now the capital of the Savannah region of my country. I was born to Mr. Emmanuel Adama Mahama of Bole and Madam Abiba Nnaba Suluwu of Busunu, both of blessed memory. I belong to them and I belong to the foremothers and the forefathers who gave birth to them, who named them, who nurtured them, and who passed down the enduring values by which I live today. I grew up at the crossroads of several Ghanaian cultures. I speak Gonja, which is a Guan language. I speak Twi and Ga. I am fluent in Hausa, spoken across the West African savanna and the Sahel. I understand some Ewe. And I speak English as my official language. In a very real sense, I belong to all these people because their tongues, including English, have become my tongue. Language creates a kinship, regardless of the historical complexities through which kinship was forged. Mr. President, everybody in this chamber today and every global citizen listening to my words, possesses an origin.

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is not targeted against anyone. It is an expression of our will to rely on ourselves, to have total control over our resources, and also responsibility for our choices and our alliances. The Head of state, President Tiani has consistently said this. The only thing we are asking for is that we be left to manage our own destiny. We have never been driven out of a desire to trouble anyone else, so for us, it is simply a matter of moving towards the choice and supporting the choice that we have decided upon with our people behind us. Our organization must understand this truth. The sovereignty of our states is not negotiable. Our resources belong to our peoples. Our future will no longer be decided elsewhere. Ladies and gentlemen, this is an opportunity to commend the courage of our defense and security forces and to pay tribute to all of our civilian and military martyrs who have lost their lives in the struggle for our full and total liberty. I bow down before their memory. May their souls rest in peace.

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The victims of the genocide and the employees of the Memorial Centre, Srebrenica, are facing unacceptable pressures from the police of the Republika Srpska. We must not allow that the police and other institutions of Republika Srpska, which committed the genocide against Bosniaks, today threaten the survivors and those that are preserving the memory of the victims of the genocide. Those seeking to destroy the Dayton Peace Agreement are attempting to create the conditions for the secession of the Bosnian entity, Republika Srpska. In the period ahead, they will intensify their activities primarily with the aim of weakening and abolishing the mandate of the High Representative of the international community, which is also envisaged by the Dayton Peace Agreement, weakening the institution of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina and seizing the state property of Bosnia and Herzegovina, contrary to the national and international law. Ladies and gentlemen, Bosnia and Herzegovina is an unconquerable state. There is not a single map of Southeast Europe from the past 1000 years on which Bosnia or Bosnia and Herzegovina does not appear. Bosnia and Herzegovina is home to people who love freedom more than their own lives. Finally, as the chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, I wish to emphasize that I am proud of the brave people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. These are people who have suffered injustice, yet they continue to fight for justice. These are people who have been victims of lies, yet they continue to fight for the truth. These are people who support the struggle for justice, freedom and human dignity throughout the world. These are the honorable and proud people of my homeland, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thank you for your attention.

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It is simply putting off a bill that will have to be paid with interest. The CAR understands this trap, and it also knows how to escape it. It has undergone trials that remain fresh in our memory and has learned a lesson: peace cannot be decreed; it must be built day after day through dialogue, justice, and shared development. No peace imposed by force can be lasting. Only a negotiated peace that is just and inclusive can truly restore trust between nations. That is why we made the difficult and often criticized choice of an inclusive political dialogue, negotiated disarmament, and national reconciliation, instead of a military response alone. This olive branch policy has led to tangible results that I would like to share with this Assembly. Out of the 14 armed groups that signed the Political Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation, 11 have already voluntarily disbanded as part of the disarmament, demobilization, reintegration, and repatriation program. The last two groups involved in this process are continuing the process of disbandment in accordance with the N'Djamena Accord. I say this with the conviction of lived experience: holding out one's hand to yesterday's opponent is not a sign of weakness. It is often the safest path toward a lasting peace. And that is why I renew the proposal that the CAR has been making for several sessions now, to establish a global conflict prevention and mediation mechanism with predictable financing, and that is managed with complete transparency.

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It is in this spirit that the Republic of the Congo will continue with its commitment to Africa. The removal of the visas as of the 1st of January 2027 for Africans promotes free movement, intra-African tourism and solidarity amongst African people, making our trade more inclusive all the while promoting the African Continental Free Trade Area. Ladies and gentlemen, Your Excellencies, the duty of memory also forces us to look at our history squarely in the eye.

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At the same time, it is necessary to consider that peace is not a negative word, that is, the mere absence of war. Peace is first a gift, the gift of the risen Christ, yet an active and demanding gift. It is built in the heart of every person and is an integral part of the collective memory of every community, as well as humanity's heritage. In the effort of restoring trust and peace, disarmament is therefore not an optional ideal, but a necessary vehicle. No true peace is possible without genuine common resolve for disarmament. Mr. President, the dignity of the person finds concrete expression in the fundamental human rights and freedoms which are inviolable, since they are inherent in the human person and in human dignity.

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We have devised resilient, flexible economic plans and remained committed to our development projects, despite the severe adverse impact of the war and the heavy price it has exacted. At every juncture and in every crisis, we have chosen to combine resilience with flexibility and to place the interests of our nation, our people and those residing on our soil above all else. Our values are not mere slogans we proclaim, but a reality we live by. They are values that we put into practice. At their core is the conviction that the dignity of the nation cannot be compromised, and that wisdom and firmness are two sides of the same coin. This approach is firmly anchored in our nation. This approach has been championed by the leaders of Qatar, from the founder, Sheikh Jassim bin Mohammed bin Thani, to His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, our Emir from 1995 to 2013. May Allah have mercy on his soul. He passed away this year and was mourned with profound affection and gratitude by his people and all peace loving nations and people across the region and around the world. On this occasion, I would like to thank the United Nations General Assembly for convening a special session in honor of his memory and in recognition of his legacy. The experiences and challenges we have confronted have demonstrated that resilience is the outcome of prior planning, preparedness and investment in people and national capabilities. Accordingly, over the years, we have worked on assessing risks, securing supply chains, strengthening the capabilities of our national institutions, developing strategic reserves and forging trusted international partnerships. Recognizing the nexus of peace, security, development, human rights and the rule of law, the State of Qatar maintains its investment in development, education, health, security and economic diversification in conformity with the Qatar National Vision 2030. Your Excellencies. There can be no talk of a just international order, as long as Palestine remains a blind spot within it.

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Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this session of the General Assembly is of particular significance to my country as it takes place in the year in which we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Republic of Angola's admission as full member of the United Nations organization, which took place in December 1976. At that time, it was a historical achievement for the Angolan people, who waited more than 12 months from the date of proclamation of the national independence for the country to be accepted as a full fledged member of the international community. That event of great significance for the history of my country took place in a global context in which Angola became a victim of confrontation between world powers in the struggle for control of sphere of influence within the spirit of Cold War. Our entire journey towards the attainment of peace in 2002 was closely linked to the spirit of that period, which hampered the fulfillment of the dreams of Angolans and their plans to building a prosperous nation committed to its own development. These facts belong to the past, but have left us with a wealth of experience and lessons that we have drawn upon to build peace, understanding and reconciliation among all Angolans, and to chart the course of our foreign policy. Peace and national reconciliation is now a reality as shown through concrete gestures, including the holding of award ceremonies to honor the main political leaders of national liberation struggle and representatives of all segments of civil society, within the framework of the 50th anniversary of national independence. Still, within this framework, a monument in memory of all victims of the political conflict that occurred in Angola, from the proclamation of national independence until achievement of Peace in April 2002 will be inaugurated in October this year.

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I would like to use this opportunity to pay tribute to all victims of the cowardly barbarism of terrorism who have sacrificed their lives. I also would like to pay tribute to our defense and security forces for their courage, their professionalism and their unwavering dedication in defending sovereignty, territorial integrity of our countries and protecting our people. I pay special tribute to the memory of the General Sadio Camara, Minister of Defense and Veterans Affairs, whose legacy of patriotism, courage and sacrifice will continue to inspire future generations of Malians and people in the Sahel. Mr. president, to reinforce security and ensure the sustainable return of peace, the government is implementing a comprehensive and integrated strategy for stability and prosperity of our country, and for this, the state continues to extend a hand to all those willing to lay down their arms and return to the Republic, in line with the conclusions of Inter Malian dialogue and the National Charter for Peace and Reconciliation.

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We also recognize the work carried out by your predecessor, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, in the service of this organization, whose contribution we greatly value. Mr. President, the topic chosen for this session—"Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nation That Benefits All"— invites us to return to the opening words of the United Nations Charter: simple words, yet perhaps amongst the most powerful ever inscribed in an international treaty. We, the people, together, as the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility toward humanity. Eighty-one years ago, in the face of devastation caused by war, humanity chose cooperation over confrontation; the law over force and hope over fear. That promise has shaped generations; it has protected millions of lives in the whole world, and it gave voice to those that, during many times, remained on the margin of international decisions. Today, however, the promise that we face is one of the toughest tests, as we live in a world marked by protracted wars, growing geopolitical rivalities, persistent humanitarian crises, severe weather events, and other highly complex challenges in the world. At the same time, Your Excellency, the digital revolution, the demographic changes, and the organization of the value chains are transforming our economies every day and society at an unprecedented pace. Never has the world been so interconnected and, at the same time, so fragmented like today. And it is precisely in this context that the theme of this session takes on important significance:" Restoring Trust" requires consistency between the principles we proclaim as leaders and the decisions we make. It requires the fair application of international law and concrete results that translate into improvement in the lives of the people in the whole world. In short," restoring trust" means renewing the promise made eighty-one years ago. I repeat: we, the people. Mr. President, Mozambique knows from its own experience the value of multilateralism and the value of the United Nations, this organization. This organization has stood by our people at decisive moments of its history, on the path to our national independence as a people, in the pursuit and building of peace in Mozambique, and in the national reconstruction, in the responding to natural disasters, and in the promotion of sustainable development. Today, in the process of the national dialogue, thank you so much, UN. The trust of Mozambique is a result of a living memory of the Mozambican people. It is in this spirit that Mozambique would like to commend the leadership of the Secretary-General, António Guterres, whose tenure coincided with a period marked by enormous global challenges, and in which the limits of multilateralism were put to the test. He leaves behind a robust organization that is prepared to better respond to the challenges of our time. His legacy is, in our point of view, unquestionably positive and marked by transformative achievements of this organization. Thus, the best tribute we can pay to his legacy is to continue the work of strengthening this organization, because no generation is going to inherit the United Nations as a finished legacy.

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Mr. president, there are moments in the life of a nation when its people are called to remember who they have always been. This is such a moment for us. And so I begin with something deeply personal to my people and my country. And that is our name. For many years, the world has known our country as Nauru. Nauru is how our name sounded to those who found it hard to say and the world kept it. But it is not the name our people used among themselves. I rise on my first point not to announce a change, but to affirm a truth long before our country took its place among the family of nations, long before our name appeared on international records, our people knew our homeland by one name, Naoero. That name carries the memory of our ancestors, our language, and our identity. It has been there all along, never lost, never absent. Today we restore Naoero. We do not make this choice to erase our past. We make it because we honour it. We do so with respect for our history and with gratitude for the journey Nauru has carried us through to our independence and our place on the international stage. Mr. president, my government's priority is investing in our people and our future generations. Restoring our name gives back to them a piece of the inheritance, because the identity handed down by our own ancestors has a place in the community of nations, because their history and language matter, because they too have the right to inherit a nation that knows itself, names itself and speaks of itself. In light of this year's theme, let me say this there can be no genuine trust and no true transformation without respect for the identity, history, language and rights of every people to be treated as an equal and to speak for itself. I take the opportunity now to convey my sincerest gratitude to the Secretariat and to this Assembly and the many institutions and partners who have taken steps to recognise our restored name. It may seem a small courtesy, but it means a great deal at home. And so, Mr. President, I say this with the greatest pride. Anga dei-Naoero. That means I am from Naoero and so is every person I have the honour to speak for today. We take our seats under that name, proud of where we have come from, confident in who we are and determined to carry our name into the future. What I ask of the world costs nothing. Join us in recognising and respecting the identity that is already ours.

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The journey has not been easy, but the liberation generation fought for freedom. The generation of the Comprehensive peace Agreement secured the pathway to self-determination. The people of South Sudan chose independence through the ballots, and His Excellency President Salva Kiir Mayardit, carried the responsibility of leading South Sudan through referendum and into statehood. Today, President Kiir's vision is directed towards another historical responsibility to preserve peace, strengthen national institutions, pave the way towards elections through which the people of South Sudan can determine the next chapter of their nation. This ultimately about completing the promise of independence. A South Sudan at peace with itself. A South Sudan governed through strong institutions, a South Sudan where political competition does not lead to war. A South Sudan where women participate fully and where young people have opportunities, where refugees can return home, where the diaspora can contribute to national development, and where children grow up knowing South Sudan, not through the memories of war, but through the possibilities of peace. Doctor John Garang once challenged the people of South Sudan to unite and dream together. That dream did not end with independence. It continues. And today, the responsibility of President Kiir is and his government is. The political leadership is indeed is that people of South Sudan must dream and must have a functioning, peaceful and a prosperous South Sudan. To our international partners who stood with us during our liberation struggle and during the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and during the referendum and at independence, we say stand with South Sudan again, but let this chapter be a partnership that strengthen national ownership, a partnership that builds institutions, a partnership that recognizes progress while helping address remaining challenges.

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Ladies and gentlemen, we express our deep appreciation to the brotherly kingdom of Saudi Arabia for its unwavering support for Yemen, its people and its government, and for the kingdom's comprehensive support to the state and its institutions. The Kingdom has borne and continues to bear significant burdens in support of Yemen's security and stability. These efforts will remain firmly engraved in the memory of the Yemeni people. From this podium, the Republic of Yemen condemns the terrorist attacks carried out by the Houthi militias against the kingdom, targeting its territory, facilities and resources.

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Algeria will contribute to every effort that opens to them pathways towards stability, development and integration. Within this framework, Algeria reaffirms its principled support for the right of the people of the Western Sahara to self-determination. This is based on our firm conviction that issues of decolonization cannot be resolved ever, through imposing a fait accompli or following that logic. Rather, decolonization ends when people are enabled to exercise their rights guaranteed to them under international law, fully and without any distortion and without any curtailment. Algeria welcomes the organization of direct negotiations between the two parties to the conflict, namely the Kingdom of Morocco and the Polisario Front at the beginning of this year. These negotiations were held under the auspices of the United Nations and with the assistance of the United States of America. From this viewpoint, allow me to present what we sincerely and genuinely consider necessary for a lasting and just solution to the question of the Western Sahara. First, Algeria stresses that the success of the negotiations process requires both parties to engage in good faith and with a genuine commitment to reaching a political solution that is fair lasting and mutually acceptable, away from the logic of dictates and bargains. Algeria also stresses that any serious negotiating process can only be conducted properly within the framework of the relevant United Nations references, and with full respect to the organization's long standing doctrine on decolonization. Second, Algeria warns that any attempt to circumvent this framework of reference or to marginalize those who hold legitimate rights, namely the people of the Western Sahara and their sole legitimate representative, the Polisario Front. Any such attempt will not contribute to resolving the conflict. Rather, it would further complicate it and exacerbate tensions in a region that is in dire need of stability, reassurance, cooperation and development. Third, Algeria reiterates in this matter that it hosts Saharawi refugees on its territory and has done so for over half a century because their land is occupied, this occupation cannot be simply summed up in a refugee issue. Given the choice to return voluntarily or resettle or integrate with the local hosts, it is a matter that fundamentally requires the completion of the decolonization process in the Western Sahara through a comprehensive political process. Such a process can only be achieved by the people of the Western Sahara, exercising their inherent right to self-determination. This is undoubtedly the correct and proper approach to addressing the situation of the last colony on the African continent. The right of peoples to self-determination remains a fundamental principle of international law. The passage of half a century cannot transform an imposed reality into a legal fact, nor can the passage of a half a century transform an imposed reality and a right into a legal fact, or diminish a right whose holders need no one to explain it to them. The collective memory of peoples, such as is the historic experience of the United Nations, both confirm that genuine peace is not built by disregarding rights. Rather, it is built through settlements that respect these rights and respond to the aspirations of those who hold these rights.

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Mr. President, Mongolia has consistently championed and supported numerous initiatives within the international community aimed at preserving and promoting cultural heritage traditional knowledge and the shared values of humanity. For instance, in 2025 at Mongolia's initiative, a United Nations General Assembly resolution proclaiming World Horse Day was adopted, which recognises the invaluable contribution of horses to the history, civilization and socio economic development of peoples around the world. Moreover, last July, the Cemetery Complexes of the Xiongnu Nobility, Mongolia's first statehood were inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, reflecting international recognition of their historical and cultural significance. It is my pleasure to underline that Mongolia is serving for the first time as a member of the UNESCO World Heritage Committee for the term 2026 2029. Moreover, this year marks the 820th anniversary of the Great Mongol Empire, founded by Great Chinggis Khaan, Man of the Millennium, King of Kings. The United Nations General Assembly resolution, adopted on the occasion of the 800 years of Mongolian statehood, highly values and emphasizes the contribution of Mongols to the history of humankind by recognizing the richness of nomadic civilization and its important contribution to promoting dialogue and interaction among all forms of civilization, and that nomadic civilization influenced inter alia, societies across Asia and Europe, and in turn, absorbed influences from both East and west in a true interchange of human values, the important role in the development of extensive trade networks and the creation of large administrative, cultural, religious and commercial centres. This demonstrates that this historical contributions embodied progressive ideas that could serve as a foundation for today's collective efforts to safeguard peace and stability. For example, the renowned Mongolist Władysław Kotwicz in his work, Mongols are the promoters of the idea of global peace from the early 14th century, noted that Öljeitü, Il-Khan of the Mongol Empire, in his letter sent to King Philip the Fourth of France in 1305, eloquently underscored the value of harmonious relations among nations and peoples in the thoughtful words, what could be better than true concord? History is the foundation upon which we reflect on the past, shape the present, and build the future, and is the memory of our statehood. Scholars advise that studying the establishment of Pax Mongolica by Great Chinggis Khaan and his successors, as well as the history of its foreign policy and diplomacy, offers good practices and enduring lessons.

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Artificial intelligence will transform professions, industries, and the ways in which decisions are made. Energy will be governed by a new configuration and a new logic of operation. Climate change will affect economies, agriculture, cities and the movement of people. Demographic change will reshape labour markets and social protection systems. Security will no longer depend on armies and borders, but also on power grids, data centers, cables, satellites, algorithms and trust in the information we receive every day. And yet today, as we prepare for the future, millions of people are living through war or under the threat of war. More than 100 million people have been displaced by force, more than 270 million children and young people are not in the school. This is the paradox of our time. Humanity has never possessed such immense scientific and technological capabilities, and yet it has never been more evident that technological capability does not automatically produce political wisdom. That is why the real question before this assembly is not simply how we will manage the crisis of 2026. The real question is this: what kind of international order will we leave to the generation that is entering school today? For a small size country like mine, this is not an academic question. It is a question of survival. 33 years ago, since we become a part of the United Nations, the world looked very different. The Cold War had ended. There was hope that a new era was beginning, an era in which cooperation would gradually replace confrontation. Our region, however, was living through a very different reality. Yugoslavia was disintegrating in bloodshed. Wars were being fought just beyond our borders. The fear that the violence might spread was real. And yet my country chose peace. It chose stability. It was in those circumstances on our territory that the United Nations did something it had never done before. It established the first preventive peacekeeping mission in the history of the organization. That experience left a profound lesson in our national memory, a lesson to which I will return towards the end of my speech. Peace does not begin when war ends. Peace begins when politics is wise enough to prevent war from beginning. Perhaps that is why small countries sometimes see international politics differently. Great powers have room for strategic shifts that small sized states simply do not have. For a great power, a mistaken geopolitical calculation may mean a change of strategy. For a small sized country, the same mistake can mean a lost decade. That is why we cannot afford to be indifferent to the rules, nor can we afford to believe that the rules will defend themselves. The world taking shape before us is a world of sharper competition. Power is being redistributed.

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