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Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, it is an honor and a pleasure to address the 81st session of the UN General Assembly on behalf of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are a symbol of a nation that has survived severe trials, but has not lost its path towards a better future. In the period from 1992 to 1995, my country was subjected to aggression, joint criminal enterprises, genocide against Bosniaks, crimes against humanity and other war crimes. Following the end of the aggression in 1995, destructive forces have sought through blockades, obstruction and other means to halt the progress of Bosnia and Herzegovina. They are slowing down our path towards a modern European state, but they cannot stop it. Today, Bosnia and Herzegovina stands at the doorstep of the European Union and NATO. These are our strategic foreign policy objectives, unanimously defined by the state authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Unfortunately, there are still those seeking to realize greater state projects at the expense of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the aggression, they attacked our country by military means. Today they do so by political, diplomatic and other means. It is very important that the UN courts have established the nature of the war waged against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Final judgments, including those concerning joint criminal enterprises, have established that this was an international armed conflict. Judgments of the highest UN courts have established that genocide was committed against Bosniaks.
And I thought it's a good idea to share with you my thoughts. Gunpowder changed the battlefield. Nuclear fission changed the meaning of human survival. Artificial intelligence is changing something even more intimate: who can enter the minds of a citizen, imitate a trusted voice, manufacture a reality calibrated to one person's fears, and do so millions and millions of times at once. Albania is not a developer of frontier models, but we are a nation that has already lived the future others are still debating, and I think a simple message is what we owe to all of you. The greatest immediate danger is not that artificial intelligence will stop obeying humanity. The greatest danger is that it will obey the wrong human beings perfectly. The challenge comes in three layers. What artificial intelligence does instead of us, what it does to us. And who gains the power to reach us? First, what it does instead of us. The public debate imagines machines that awaken, acquire ambitions and turn against their creators. But the systems confronting us today do not wake up with hatred in their hearts. They multiply ours. They have no ambition of their own. They serve the ambition of others. They carry no flag. But they can be deployed by a state. They tell no lie for their own benefit. But they can tell a billion lies on others behalf. The machine has no conscience. But it can borrow the reach of a government, the precision of a weapon and the intimacy of a friend. At the same time, the economic incentives surrounding artificial intelligence increasingly reward the replacement of human effort, rather than the enlargement of human capacity. Write the code so that I do not have to understand it. Draft the report so that I do not have to think through it. Make the judgment so that I do not have to assume responsibility for it. When success is measured only by how much work the machine removes from the human being, we may create more efficient institutions, but will have less capable people. A civilization that outsources effort may eventually outsource knowledge. A civilization that outsources knowledge may eventually outsource judgment, and the civilization that outsources judgment may discover that it also outsources responsibility. This is not inevitable. It is a choice. We can build artificial intelligence that teaches rather than merely answers, guides rather than commands, and strengthens the human being instead of making the human being dependent upon it. The question cannot be only how quickly did the machine complete the task? We must also ask, what did the human being learn? Who understood the decision? Who can challenge the decision and who answers for the decision when it is wrong? Albania became the first country to bring an artificial intelligence instrument into the architecture of government through Diella, our worldwide known artificial intelligence minister. We did not do this to transfer sovereignty from people to a machine. We did it to make public services more accessible, procedures more transparent, and the state more accountable. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. Behind every consequential public decision, there must remain a legal mandate, a human institution, and a name that can be called to give answers. The second layer is what artificial intelligence can do to us. Artificial intelligence inside an accountable state can reduce the distance between citizens and public services. Artificial intelligence outside accountability can eliminate the distance between a lie and the human mind. Albania experienced this directly. I am sure you must have followed or just known the so-called Flamingo Revolution, a fabricated narrative of an Israeli invasion of the Albanian coast, an invasion that never occurred, was manufactured, was personalized and delivered through voices, pages and channels citizens already trusted. One citizen received a story of national betrayal. Another received a story of religious provocation. Another received a conspiracy of foreign occupation. Different fabrications entered different emotional worlds, all serving the same strategic lie. The consequences were real. Citizens had their own reasons to protest. Don't take me wrong. But suddenly they started to protest also against a phantom enemy. Antisemitic tropes entered our public discourse for the first time ever. Don't forget, Albania is the only country in Europe that ended World War Two with more Jews than it started it. Fear became anger. Anger became mobilization and fabrication became political reality. And this is not and was not a laboratory experiment. I'm not talking to you about a science fiction movie. It was a Tuesday in Tirana, our capital city. The algorithm did not invent the objective. A human actor did.
The Republic of Guatemala reaffirms its commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes and the observance of international law We welcome the fact that the International Court of Justice has set the date for the oral hearings concerning the territorial, insular and maritime dispute with Belize. For my country, this is more than a procedural milestone. With the notification of the hearings, the final procedural stage before the court delivers its judgment has begun. It marks the culmination of a legal dispute that has accompanied the people of Guatemala and successive governments since independence, and whose conclusion we eagerly await. We recognize that the court's judgment, once delivered, will bring the dispute to an end, and we trust that it will provide legal certainty to both parties and lay the foundations for a new chapter in relations between Guatemala and Belize. In closing, I wish to say that Guatemala will continue to do its part strengthening democratic institutions capable of meeting the needs of our people, resolutely confronting transnational organised crime, and those who seek to capture institutions defending international law, consistently promoting regional responses based on shared responsibility, and working for a United Nations capable of transforming itself to fulfil the promise contained in the opening words of our charter, we the Peoples. Restoring trust will depend on our ability to show that even in times of uncertainty and division, we remain capable of building together solutions that none of us could achieve alone. Thank you very much.
Excellencies. We refuse to surrender our technological future to paranoia. An invention can be destructive or beneficial depending on the purpose it serves and the judgment of those who use it. A knife can take life in the hands of an assailant and can save one in the hands of a surgeon. We can deploy artificial intelligence to wage war or use it to transform healthcare, education agriculture, governance, and economic productivity. Much of the anxiety surrounding AI reflects the distrust we have allowed to grow amongst us. Nigeria is investing in digital public infrastructure, broadband connectivity, innovation ecosystems, research institutions, and technology entrepreneurship. We invite the world to work with our inventive, resourceful and enterprising young people to direct AI towards humanity's advancement rather than its destruction.
Critical minerals must become a foundation for inclusive development with a value addition and beneficiation at source, along with the development of regional value chains being highly prioritized. Zimbabwe has more than 40 critical and rare earth minerals, and we have made bold decisions towards a mutually beneficial extractive industry. This has seen us dispatch the first export of locally produced lithium sulfate during the second quarter of the year, demonstrating that remaining value added resource retaining value at the source is possible for shared prosperity. Harnessing emerging technologies for national development is a key priority for our industrialisation agenda. Zimbabwe's National Artificial Intelligence Strategy 2026 to 2030 promotes human centred, ethical and responsible innovation. Artificial intelligence must narrow development gaps while its military use, including in nuclear command and control, must remain subject to human judgment, accountability and international law. Regrettably, however, my country's national development initiatives have continued to be undermined by unilateral coercive measures imposed by some Western countries. We call for their immediate and unconditional removal. I reiterate Zimbabwe is a friend to all and an enemy to none unless you choose to be an enemy.
Croatia will continue to support merit based EU enlargement. EU membership can turn borders of division into lines of cooperation and reforms on paper, into stronger institutions and better living standards. But European transformation requires honesty about the past. Reconciliation becomes possible when responsibility for the crimes of the past is acknowledged and their glorification rejected. That standard allows no national exceptions. That means respect for victims and clear rejection of historical revisionism, not the glorification of war criminals. Ratko Mladić was a convicted war criminal responsible for the Srebrenica genocide, the first genocide in Europe since the Holocaust. While his criminal record reached its nefarious culmination in Srebrenica, his trail of war crimes stretches further back to the shelling of Croatian cities, the murder of civilians the mining of dams and the destruction of cultural heritage and industrial facilities. The military and official honours accorded to Mladić in Serbia were an affront to his victims and to the judgments of international courts. The participation of state representatives and the public acclaim that accompanied the ceremony is totally incompatible with the values of a Union Serbia seeks to join. The same commitment to equality and reform should guide Bosnia and Herzegovina. As a signatory to the Dayton Peace Accords, and a neighbour and a friend of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia is one of the strongest advocates of its European future. The Dayton Peace Accords ended the war and established the constitutional framework for Bosnia and Herzegovina. One state, two entities and three constituent peoples Croats, Bosniaks and Serbs. That balance is the foundation on which peace was built. Yet the Croats of Bosnia and Herzegovina are still being denied legitimate representation, including in the presidency of the country. That is unjust, destabilizing and contrary to the spirit of Dayton. The solution is neither division nor domination.
The control of these powerful tools must not remain in the hands of a select few. They must serve humanity, not the other way around. In particular, the development of lethal autonomous weapon system raises profound moral questions. In this critical domain, Pope Leo provides clear criteria for discernment. The first concerns personal responsibility. The second pertains to the moral time frame for making judgments. The third is the protection of civilians. These criteria give rise to certain non-negotiable requirements. First of all, systems used in war setting must guarantee the possibility of retracing and reconstructing decision making processes so that accountability and blame are not collapsed into the machine. Second, the decision to use lethal force cannot be delegated to opaque or automated processes, but must remain under effective, self-aware, and responsible human control. Finally, it is imperative to establish a shared framework also at the international level in order to curb the technological arms race and ensure robust protection for civilians and the infrastructures necessary for their survival. For some years now, the world has spiraled into violence that has progressively spread and intensified, continually opening up new theatres of war. The Holy See strongly emphasized the urgent need for an immediate and total cessation of hostility as a prerequisite for any serious engagement in restoring and building the future.
We await the court's judgment with confidence, and we look forward to borders that are respected by all. Mr. President, this is a new dawn for my country and a moment of renewal for this organisation. This year, the United Nations will select its 10th Secretary-General. Belize proudly supports the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana, a distinguished daughter of the Caribbean. A Caribbean woman at the helm of the United Nations would be historic, but history alone is not the argument; her record is. The next Secretary-General will inherit an institution under strain and a world impatient for results. Small and vulnerable states must be placed at the centre of the organisation's work, not at the margins of decisions that determine our survival. The United Nations must become more agile, more representative and better equipped to deliver. A leaner United Nations is not automatically a better one. Peace and security cannot be an afterthought to budget exercise. Human rights cannot be separated from development, nor development sustained without peace. Reform must honour all three pillars of the charter peace and security, development and human rights as one indivisible promise. Mr. President, trust will be restored when commitments are kept and law is applied evenly without fear or favour. Transformation will be fair when small states help to design the future, rather than learning of it afterwards. Delivery will be real when it reaches beyond conference rooms into the life of a child, the livelihood of a farmer, and the resilience of a nation. Belize will do its part. We will invest in our people, protect our natural capital, modernize our economy and choose dialogue over division and law over force. As we ask this Assembly and its next leadership to meet the same standard. Let the smallest voice be heard as clearly as the largest. Let agreements become action. Let this United Nations prove that cooperation is not weakness, but the highest expression of our common strength.
Africa must be listened to more. It must be better represented and more closely involved in the decisions that shape the future of our planet. This is what must build trust between Africa and other continents, as well as with international institutions. We no longer wish to see the Human Rights Council become a forum for oppressing countries that are deliberately singled out because they defend and fight for the interests of their peoples. We want to see this council working for justice and equity for all states, without distinction. International human rights law must apply without exception to all states of the world, both in its corrective function as well as in its regulatory function. The Human Rights Council cannot be instrumentalized by other countries to the detriment of others, given that all member states of the United Nations enjoy a status of sovereign equality. Burundi wishes to reiterate, once again, its opposition to the imposition of a special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burundi, who was appointed without any prior dialogue or consultation. Burundi is a responsible country that respects human rights. It has fought impunity for decades. It upholds the rights and freedoms of all and ensures security as well as the guarantee that crimes it has experienced in the past will not be repeated. Mr. President, Africa intends to be a full-fledged actor and not a mere observer called upon to applaud decisions in whose preparation it played no part. Africa is not seeking any privileges. It is demanding justice, equity, and representation. We, therefore, strongly reaffirm the need for reform of the United Nations Security Council in order to allow for permanent African representation and more equitable participation by the continent in the international community's decision-making mechanisms. In this regard, Burundi believes that discussions on reform must also address the financial viability of the United Nations system by strengthening the predictability, transparency, and sustainability of its financing. It would not be coherent to entrust the organization with ever greater responsibilities without guaranteeing it the resources necessary for their implementation. We, therefore, call on member states, particularly the wealthiest, to demonstrate responsibility and solidarity in order to preserve the organization's financial stability. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, as part of this process of reform, strengthening, and consolidation of our organization, Burundi also wishes to contribute to the debate on the selection process for the next Secretary-General of the United Nations. In the current international context, marked by deep geopolitical divisions and growing challenges to multilateralism, this process must be conducted in a spirit of transparency, openness, and collective responsibility. Burundi believes that this process must be based above all on qualifications, experience, integrity, independence of judgment, diplomatic skill, and the ability to bring together the positions of all member states. We need a true bridge-builder, a leader capable of engaging in dialogue with all parties, of bringing positions closer together even when divergences appear unsurmountable, but also of showing firmness, courage, and independence when it comes to defending the principles of the United Nations Charter and ensuring that the collective interest prevails. Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, peace remains the primary condition for development. The African Union is deeply concerned by the persistence of conflicts and crises that continue to cause massive population displacement, destroy infrastructure, and deprive millions of children of their right to education and to a better future.
For us, the European Union is not simply a destination we wish to reach, but a value-based journey that we have embarked on. When the European perspective of the Balkans was reaffirmed at the Thessaloniki Summit in 2003, the world looked very different. Multilateralism and international cooperation were expanding back then. The European Union was one of the most attractive political projects in the world and would welcome 13 new member states over the following decade. At the same time, the Balkans was still emerging from the devastation and divisions of the '90s. More than two decades later, we live in a profoundly different international environment. The international order is entering a new and uncertain phase, and this is why enlargement of the European Union is an act of strategic foresight. It is one of the best investments Europe can make in peace, security, and long-term stability. And Montenegro is proud to stand today at the forefront of that process, ready to serve as an example for the other countries, not because our journey has been without difficulties, but because our journey demonstrates something essential: that progress is possible, that reforms matter, and that democratic political culture pays off. Earlier this year, leaders from across Europe gathered in Montenegro for the European Union-Western Balkans Summit. For Montenegro, that gathering carried a meaning far beyond the protocol. It demonstrated how far our country has traveled and how close our European future has become. And it also sent an important message about our region: that the future of the entire Balkan region lies within the European Union. Our region has carried the weight of division for too long, and a new chapter is being written through cooperation, connectivity, economic opportunity, and European integration. And my generation has a responsibility to help complete that chapter. These responsibilities are not important because of the titles they carry. They are important because of what they allow us to contribute: to reconciliation, connectivity, democratic resilience, and the European future of our region. And lasting reconciliation cannot be built on denial, selective approaches to justice, or the glorification of those convicted of war crimes. It requires respect for the judgments of international courts and equal dignity for every single victim, regardless of their identity or background. And in a world searching for proof that cooperation still works, Montenegro is contributing to the vision that the Balkans become that proof. Excellencies, the principle that guides us at home guides us here as well, in this very organization. Our engagement with the United Nations system is guided by the same principles. Montenegro is a reliable, credible, and predictable partner, committed to an effective multilateral system with the UN Charter at its core, aligned with the European Union's Common Foreign Security Policy, and working closely with our NATO allies and EU partners in support of international peace and security.
Mr. president, there can be no world in which might make right. Sovereignty and territorial integrity, political independence and self-determination matter. These principles are not optional, and they cannot depend on the size of a country or the power of a government. There can be no impunity for violation of international law. The law must apply to all. For San Marino, this is not an abstract principle. For small state, international law is our protection. It is the ultimate equalizer. A rule based international order allows every state, large or small, to have an equal voice and equal legal standing. This is why San Marino strongly support the Secretary-General UN80 initiative. The United Nations must become more effective, more efficient and more responsive. And reform must include the Security Council. The Council must better reflect today's world. It must be more representative, transparent and accountable. San Marino is also a member of the Uniting for Consensus group and support its effort to promote a comprehensive and balanced reform of the Security Council based on a greater regional representation, equitable geographical distribution and wider access to elected seat. Reform must strengthen the voice of all Member States, including small states, and it must be achieved through broad consensus. We support efforts to restrain the use of the veto, including the French-Mexican initiative and the ACT Code of Conduct in a situation involving mass atrocity alongside the General Assembly Initiative. We also reaffirm our full support for the International Court of Justice. Its order and judgment are legally binding. Mr. president, the next Secretary General will carry a vital responsibility. The United Nations must remain relevant and credible. Above all, it must remain capable of protecting people and upholding the charter. San Marino stands ready to contribute. I now turn to one of the most painful crises of our time.
I return to this issue of belonging at the end of my speech. But, Mr. President, last year, from this very podium, I made a solemn pledge on behalf of Africa and the global African diaspora to seek full international recognition of the transatlantic trafficking and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. Some cautioned that we were reopening old wounds, but we came not to provoke division or render empty judgment. We came to seek healing. And true healing requires truth, and truth requires acknowledgement, and acknowledgement must lead to meaningful repair. Mr. President, for centuries, this tragedy was rendered in the passive voice as though the millions of African men, women and children just vanished into the shadows of time. Mr. President, they did not vanish. They were hunted. They were captured. They were trafficked. They were bought, they were sold. They were exploited and exchanged for profit. They were ripped from their families and communities they belonged to. Their unpaid labor built the cities, industries, banking institutions, and empires of the modern Western world. Meanwhile, the African continent was left depopulated, split families, structural disruption and generational trauma. Mr. President, on 25th March this year, the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade, Ghana had the honor of tabling resolution 80/250 in this very August Assembly. Mr. President, 123 nations voted to affirm this fundamental truth that the transatlantic slave trade and chattel enslavement were the gravest crimes against humanity. I stand with respect at this podium to thank every nation that voted for justice, and am deeply grateful to our brothers and sisters in the African Union, the CARICOM, CELAC and our partners across the Global South. That resolution was not a mere gesture. It was adopted because the structural legacies of those historic crimes continue to fuel systematic racism, economic marginalization, and a global financial architecture that is weighted against Africa and people of African descent. Since the passage of the historic resolution, we welcome the positive overtures from many countries and institutions that have joined the dialogue on reparative justice. The Netherlands, Germany and France have all made positive moves to join the conversation on Reparatory justice. Mr. President, real repair demands structural transformation. It requires dismantling the persistent engines of exploitation, unfair global trade, predatory resource extraction, discriminatory credit ratings, unsustainable debt burdens of the global South, and the continued export of raw materials from Africa, while real value addition and job creation occur elsewhere. Mr. President, the injustices of the past remain embedded in today's power structures.
