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They also stand as judgments on the greater state policies that, through a joint criminal enterprise, sought to divide and destroy Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent, sovereign, indivisible and internationally recognized state. Ladies and gentlemen, we live in a world of injustice, insecurity and intolerance. The strengthening of authoritarian populism, the aggression against Ukraine, the suffering in Gaza, the war in the Gulf region, the catastrophic situation in Sudan and other flashpoints have brought humanity into a profound crisis marked by great uncertainty and fear. We must not remain silent in the face of injustice. The world did not respond adequately to the aggression against Ukraine and genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, just as it did not during the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is a flagrant example of a violation of the UN charter and international law, while Gaza is humanity's greatest defeat in the 21st century. The greatest global crises are directly interconnected and have the same root: the erosion of international law. Disrespect for international law cannot lead the world towards prosperity and a better future.
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. We have always focused on people. Between good and evil, reconstruction and destruction, peoples have struggled. This struggle between good and evil continues; however, good people choose the right path. Those who fight are very different from those who engage in bloodshed. People can be very cruel to each other if they resort to injustice. When land is usurped, when sanctity is violated, people suffer. And people pay the price. Falsehood forces people to confront evil. Many wars were waged over history. Unfortunately, our region has seen many of these wars. Sometimes the truth prevails, sometimes the truth does not. Not all peace is just. Wars have taught us that injustice does not continue forever.
My government is driving transformation through our National Development blueprint, the Arrest Agenda for Inclusive Development, which focuses on agriculture, roads, rule of law, education, sanitation and tourism. This year, we have made concrete strides in revenue, administration and infrastructure, including rural roads linking farm to market. Liberia contributes virtually nothing to global emissions, yet our communities face coastal erosion, flooding and disrupted agricultural cycles. My country also has about 42% of the remaining Upper Guinea rainforest, a vital global carbon sink that we maintain on behalf of all humanity. Climate responsibility must be paired with climate justice. We call on industrial nations to honour their financial pledges and operationalize loss and damage mechanisms. Democracy and human rights and responsible innovation. Mr. president, the ultimate ultimate measure of governance is inclusion in Africa. 60% of our population is under 25. The single greatest engine of innovation on earth. We must equip our youth with Stem education, digital literacy and technical training so they become co-creators in the global digital economy, not just consumers. Gender equality remains essential when women lead, peace agreements last longer, economies grow faster and governance becomes more accountable. Liberia Liberia remains committed to full political, economic and social equality for women and girls. Liberia welcomes global efforts to govern new technologies, including the Secretary General's Independent International Scientific Panel on Artificial Intelligence. Developing nations must not be left behind as mere consumers or algorithms designed elsewhere. We must be supported in building true digital sovereignty. We join calls for binding ethical norms and greater regulation of artificial intelligence, particularly in warfare. Innovation must protect human development, not automate human destruction. Reforming global governance. Correcting historic injustice.
Your excellencies, we see the cost of that neglect every day. In my region, from Lebanon to Yemen to Sudan, protracted conflict is deepening humanitarian suffering. And if anyone had any doubt that a crisis in our part of the world stays there, just look at the energy and grocery bills of ordinary families, from Mumbai to Madrid to Minnesota. The Iran war has shown how quickly instability can disrupt trade, investment and lives beyond the region. And then there is Gaza. For decades, I've stood before this assembly and warned of the dangers of leaving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict unresolved. But the international community chose to manage the conflict, not confront it. And every new Israeli violation was treated as temporary, diverting attention from the reality being created on the ground until temporary became permanent and permanent became policy. Of course, this is not the world's only injustice, but one of the world's longest running occupations forces a basic question if international law can be ignored for decades, then what exactly is that law worth and how can we enforce it if we won't even call out its violations? In Gaza, the evidence is overwhelming. In the first 300 days of the so-called cease fire, at least 300 Palestinian children were killed. Jordan's field hospitals have also been targeted. President Trump has pushed hard for peace and a path to end this war. But this Israeli government keeps moving the goalposts, continuing its attacks and destruction of civilian infrastructure, refusing to withdraw and squeezing Palestinians into barely a third of Gaza. This can no longer be dismissed as temporary military measures or a consequence of war. Accountability begins when we call things for what they are, an attempt to erase Palestinian life and impose a new territorial reality in Gaza. And while the world has been focused on Gaza, something extraordinarily dangerous is unfolding in the West Bank. Some may think we have seen this before settlements, violence, displacement, more of the same, but it is not. Nor is it simply an escalation. This is a fundamental shift. What was once a creeping process has exploded into something far more aggressive. Settler violence is rampant. Palestinians are being beaten, shot and terrorized, homes torched, property destroyed, families driven from their land and Israel is tightening its grip on more of the West Bank, seizing land, expanding settlements and pushing the Palestinians out. It is time to see what is happening for what it really is, because when the language is sanitized, the actions become normalized. Demolishing Palestinian homes to expand illegal settlements is not law enforcement. It is forcible transfer. Appropriating occupied land is not land registration. It is de facto annexation. A choking network of checkpoints and barriers is not security infrastructure. It is a system of subjugation. Systematic attacks on Palestinian communities are not settler unrest. The Israeli government criticizes the violence before the international audiences. They call those responsible a handful of rioters. They assure us that Israel is a country governed by law. Yet what's happening on the ground says otherwise. Israeli soldiers stand by as settlers attacked Palestinians, often protecting the attackers or joining them. They have blocked ambulances from reaching the injured. They have targeted international journalists who are trying to say the truth. And when soldiers watch, enable and sometimes even participate in violence against civilians, this is no longer about a handful of rioters. And the question is no longer whether a few extremists are breaking the law. The question is, is this the behavior of a democratic state governed by law? What is unfolding across the West Bank is not a series of isolated acts. It is elements of a single policy to compel an entire population to leave their land. And there is a name for that forced displacement, and that is a war crime. Your excellencies, if we are to resolve the Palestinian Israeli conflict, the world must abandon some illusions. The first is that Gaza and the West Bank are separate stories. They are not. They are two fronts of the same Israeli strategy. In both, Palestinians are being killed. In both, the reality on the ground is being remade. Gaza through destruction. The West Bank through de facto annexation. The objective is the same to make a viable Palestinian state impossible. Another illusion is that this Israeli leadership's rejection of Palestinian statehood is a position that might yet change. It is not. It is cemented on the ground. This government has been accelerating settlements and land seizures, but it began long before. Since Oslo, the map has changed piece by piece, settlement by settlement, and the most dangerous illusion that the Arab world never sought peace. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 offered Israel normalization with 57 Arab and Muslim states, including Iran and Iraq at the time, in exchange for peace and Palestinian statehood. For over 20 years, that offer has stood. The obstacle hasn't been the absence of a partner for peace, but the absence of an Israeli government willing to accept it. This Israeli government understands the power of attention, and lately it has not liked the attention it's been getting. When confronted with evidence of wrongdoing, rather than change the course, it opts for distraction, discrediting its critics. It has also tried to cast this conflict as a war of religions Islam on one side, Judaism and Christianity on the other. It is not. This is about whether Palestinians, Muslims and Christians are entitled to the same rights as everyone else. Distractions will not fly anymore. People across the world are paying attention. The question now is, will we act? Because the world's political inaction is not for lack of options. So let's call it for what it is a choice. We have tools, sanctions, asset freezes, embargoes, diplomatic isolation, and we have a record of using them elsewhere. Yet with Israel, resolutions end where they began on paper. The result is a state without restraint. This government's sense of impunity has reached terrifying levels. It no longer feels compelled to ask, can we get away with this? It already knows the answer, and that is precisely why no one in this assembly should assume its ambitions stop at Palestine. This Israeli government's expansionist appetite is now a regional threat. And today Syria is the warning the international community is choosing not to see. Repeated incursions, creeping territorial expansion, new facts imposed on the ground, including around vital water resources, step by calculated step, Israel is testing how far it can go, and every time the international community looks away, Israel learns that it can go even further across borderlines and legal limits. For Jordan, there is no ambiguity, any threat to our northern border or our water security is a threat to our national security. Jordan will not look away. We will protect our security, our water and the interests of our people. And the question here is, if Israel continues its antagonistic approach in southern Syria, will the international community stand by and let that happen?
From the offgoing and in the spirit of the charter for a United Nations that delivers for all, the UN has a responsibility to protect and facilitate the participation of its all members and observers in its work. Mr. President, the adoption of the United Nations Resolution on the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in March 2026 is the beginning of a journey—a journey towards truth, acknowledgment, healing, and justice for millions of Africans and people of African descent whose lives were forever changed by slavery, colonialism, and other historical injustice. As we commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Debent Declaration and Program of Action, we are reminded that racial discrimination must not have any place in our societies, and that restorative remedies, including reparations, must be put in place to address those historic injustices. Mr. President, Namibia, congratulate the outgoing Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, as he nears the end of his tenure.
is a crisis you will one day inherit. Defending the rules is not a favor to the small. It is an insurance for the strong. Mr. president, nowhere is that truer than the climate crisis. Here too, we are told there is uncertainty. There is none. The sea does not negotiate. It does not read communiques, and it does not recognize a veto. In 2024, for the first time, the world was more than one and a half degrees warmer for an entire year. The line which small island states fought to write into the Paris Agreement has already been crossed. A new report released only days ago warns that El Nino phenomena now heating the planet is likely to cost some 450 000 lives by next February. In 2019 Hurricane Dorian inflicted damage and losses on the Bahamas equal to roughly a quarter of our national output. Families watched the sea take the only land they had. Most of my country sits barely above sea level. For us, a rising ocean is not a forecast. It is a boundary inching towards our doorsteps. That is why the Bahamas proudly endorses yesterday's declaration on sea level rise, which affirms that our statehood, our boundaries and our seat in this assembly will not be washed away by the sea. The science is certain. Last year, the International Court of Justice made clear that the law is also certain. The injustice is certain: the people who bear least responsibility are asked to adapt first, pay more, and recover from disasters they did not cause. And the self-interest is certain. People who lose their homes do not disappear. They move and they arrive at someone's border. Protection, prevention costs less than rebuilding or relocating. The Bahamas is taking action, but no nation acting alone can hold back the tides. Nor can we build resilience inside a financial system designed at Bretton Woods in 1944, which still declares us too prosperous to help until the next storm makes us poor. The Vulnerability Index exists.
Created in the aftermath of the Second World War, the immediate focus was obviously on peace and security but the UN system has evolved significantly over the decades to expand its scope and sphere of influence within the confines of its charter. However, the UN must now look to the future, building on its record of achievements as well as from lessons learned from what it could not achieve. As we look to the next 80 years, we must ask ourselves a searching question is the UN fit for the purpose for the 21st century, not the world of 1945, but the world of today and beyond? We are entering a new era of international relations defined by unprecedented technological developments, often absent from the table where the rules of tomorrow are being adopted, developing countries risk being left further behind. The same exclusion afflicts the international financial architecture, which remains skewed against the Global South. Developing nations must have a seat at the table as equal stakeholders. We all acknowledge that the three pillars of the UN charter are peace and security, development and human rights. The twin institutional pillars provided in the charter were and still are, the Security Council and ECOSOC as the apex bodies for achieving these purposes. However, over the years, optimal use has been made primarily of only one of these organs. We need to enhance and accelerate the revitalization of the General Assembly and that of ECOSOC so that they are not merely forums for debate, but engines of action. This must be done as we bring about the reform of the Security Council, the historical injustice regarding the composition of the Council was acknowledged in action 39 of the pact for the future, but the process for reform is still stalled. Mauritius fully supports the Common African Position, the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration calling for no fewer than two permanent and five non-permanent African seats on the council. Mauritius also supports the call for SIDS to have a seat on a reformed council. On the question of the veto, Mauritius aligns itself with the position of a growing number of states that, in the event the veto is retained, any new permanent member must have the same rights as the original permanent members. Mauritius also supports the Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. We support the positions of the G4 and the L69 on council reform, and we reiterate our support for India's candidature for a permanent seat commensurate with its constructive role in global affairs. Mr. president, Mauritius welcomes the increasing recourse to the International Court of Justice as a mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes and determination of issues of international law. We call upon Member States which have not yet done so, to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. We welcome the landmark unanimous advisory opinion of the ICJ on the obligations of states in respect of climate change. This was a vindication of the tireless advocacy of Vanuatu and the core group of states. Mauritius was proud to stand among them.
Attack from reactionary forces that wish to normalize injustices, inequality and underdevelopment or the result of political choices. It is possible to include the poor in the budget and make the rich pay their share. It is necessary to cut privileges and invest in free quality education and health care. There is a legitimate desire for change throughout the world, but change is not the same as going backwards. It's not about taking away rights. It's not about reviving theories of racial supremacy or female subjugation. It's not about recolonizing the global South. Change means moving towards a more participatory future and more achievements. It is about creating and sharing effective public solutions to development. Challenge through a democratic, strong, efficient and capable state. It's about betting on the spirit of solidarity and cooperation with Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean region. Initiatives such as the Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty, launched by Brazil and the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Inequalities, launched by South Africa's team.
We thank them all for their staunch commitment side by side with the Haitian people. President, before this august Assembly, I am bringing to you the voice of a people that has etched its name in the annals of history by daring to do what was unthinkable, breaking the chains of slavery and bringing to life, on a land conquered by sacrifice, blood and sweat, the first free black republic of the world. This epic story is the eternal proof that no empire can be more powerful than the thirst for freedom of a people. How can we forget the destiny and the hidden tears of Toussaint Louverture, torn violently away from the land of his birth, cast into icy solitude and a dungeon in Fort de Joux, made to suffer hardship and humiliation. This all brought down Toussaint Louverture, but his fight for freedom remained alive through Dessalines, Christophe, Pétion and all of our other founding fathers and mothers. Toussaint Louverture predicted it. He said, in overthrowing me, you have done no more than cut down the trunk of the Tree of Liberty in Saint-Domingue. It will spring back from the roots, for they are numerous and deep. The tree did grow back. It got larger. It has gone through the centuries and is continuing. And even though today criminal violence is threatening its roots and trying to strip our children of the fruits of this liberty so dearly won, Haiti will resist. Haiti is standing tall. It is standing tall because the peoples born in light have never given in to the forces of chaos. Haiti is standing tall because the people born of sacrifice know the price of liberty, peace, and security. Haiti knows because it felt it in its own flesh, that these gains are never definitively won, and that when they are under threat, one must have the courage to defend them. This is the struggle that Haiti is undergoing today, and that's why we call upon the world not to save it, but to stand side by side with it while it takes its own destiny into its own hands. Mr. president, I am bringing to you the voice of Haiti, but also the voice of those peoples who our world too often asks to bear the weight of crises that they did not create. For small states such as Haiti, the cost of climate change has become unsustainable. This is a deep injustice. The fact that those who historically contributed the least are among those who are paying the heaviest price, often to the detriment of their own development. Resources devoted to adaptation and resilience need to be commensurate with these challenges. No people must have to choose between responding to an emergency and financing its development. Access to capital, to markets, and to technologies need to be more fair. Our international financial architecture must evolve to better respond to the needs and realities of the most vulnerable countries. Artificial intelligence offers up colossal opportunities, but without regulations or ethical guardrails, it risks deepening existing rifts. Technology must remain a tool for shared progress, and it must serve humanity. We need to be the masters of technology and never its subjects, and no people should ever be left behind.
But for that conviction to carry weight, we ourselves must be consistent. Values are not sustained by speeches. They are sustained when they are upheld precisely at the moment when it is easiest to abandon them. And this may be the greatest challenge of our time. The world is changing at extraordinary speed. The centers of power are shifting. Technology is changing. Economic relations are changing. Security doctrines are changing. Alliances are changing. History is accelerating once again. In such a period, there is always a temptation to declare that old principles are no longer practical, that the law must adapt to power, that values are a luxury that can wait until the crisis has passed. But that is precisely when we need them most. Because if in times of change, we abandon the rules that protected us in times of stability, we will not gain greater freedom. We will inherit a world in which every subsequent decision depends on who has more power at that particular moment. And such a world is especially dangerous for small states. That is why our duty as leaders is not to promise our people a world without injustice, without disappointment, and without conflicting interests. Such a world does not exist. Our duty is far more demanding: to preserve faith in the rules, even when it is clear that the rules are being broken, to defend cooperation, even when confrontation appears more popular. To sustain trust in institutions, not by asking people to look less closely and ask fewer questions, but by making institutions more worthy of their trust and not to allow disappointment with the imperfections of the international order to lead us towards something far worse: a world in which there is no order at all. That, in my view, is one of the greatest political and moral responsibilities of our generation.
First and foremost, I would like to express my sadness over a matter. The state of Palestine is officially recognized by the overwhelming majority of member states here, but His Excellency Mahmoud Abbas, the esteemed president of the State of Palestine, has been unable to attend these sessions for two consecutive years now. This injustice against our Palestinian brothers and sisters deeply offends the conscience of humanity. Let it be known that although President Abbas is unable to be with us here in person, we will as we did last year, continue to be the voice of a free and sovereign state of Palestine. And from this rostrum, from this podium, we'll continue to make the Palestinian people's fight heard throughout the world. On this occasion, I once again call upon all countries who have not yet recognized the State of Palestine to reconsider their position. Mr. president, distinguished members. When the UN charter was signed on the 26th of June 1945, the Member States declared the following with a lot of hope.
International law must apply to all states. It must protect all civilians, and where violations occur, there must be responsibility and accountability. This is why Austria will also continue to stand firm in protecting the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court rules do not defend themselves. They need institutions capable of upholding them. Today, the United Nations too often falls short, not because it has failed, because we have let it stand still. But there is no alternative to the United Nations. There is only the work of making it work. The United Nations was not created to discuss international problems. It was created to solve them. Yet as conflicts and injustice multiply, the UN too often fails to act inside this building. That failure can look like another meeting without a decision. Outside these walls. It means that wars continue, help does not arrive, and more families bury their dead. For these families, U.N. procedures do not matter. What matters to them is whether food arrives, whether a doctor reaches them, whether peacekeepers protect them. Reform must therefore pass a simple test. Does it make the United Nations more able to deliver when people need it? Austria has been a strong supporter of the reform efforts of the Secretary General, and as an incoming member of the Security Council, we are committed to protect the principles of the charter, to show the world that the Council can act and to work towards making the decisions we take more inclusive because it matters who decides. The United Nations was built to confront the dangers of 1945. Today we must face new and rapidly emerging dangers.
Nigeria's prolonged struggle against Boko Haram, Iswap and other armed groups has taught us that military victories require enduring foundations in education, economic opportunity accountable governance and communities whose rights and dignity are protected. Development cannot take root, while violence repeatedly uproot livelihoods and peace cannot endure, while injustice and exclusion replenish the ranks of those who threaten it. Our common security therefore, demands cooperation equal to the reach of the threats before us. We must exchange intelligence, strengthen institutional capacity, interrupt the financing of violence, and prevent weapons from crossing borders that are responses too often failed to cross. The turmoil in the Sahel illustrates how insecurity in one territory can imperil its neighbors, displace populations and frustrate commerce. Regional integration and democratic governance as a founding member of Nigeria, upholds regional solidarity and African leadership in resolving these challenges. Reinforced by principled international partnerships, no country can claim less than safety. While the force is capable of destabilizing, it retains sanctuary resources and recruits elsewhere.
Because even the most complex historical differences can and must be resolved by peaceful means. We are deeply concerned by the persistence of armed conflicts in different regions of the world, and their devastating consequences for civilians. In every case, our position rests on the same principles respect for the charter and international law, the protection of civilians, safe humanitarian access and dialogue and diplomacy as indispensable paths towards a just, sustainable and lasting peace. We must not grow accustomed to war. We must not accept violence as a permanent condition of our time, or allow entire generations to grow up believing that force is the only way to resolve our differences. Guatemala stands for peace. This December, we will mark 30 years since the signing of the agreement on a firm and lasting peace, which brought an end to 36 years of internal armed conflict. After years of negotiation, we chose to replace armed violence with the pursuit of dialogue. That is why we understand the value of international support and the role of the United Nations. Our experience allows us to share one conviction. Negotiation is not a sign of weakness. Dialogue does not mean abandoning our principles. Seeking peace must never mean accepting injustice. We have also contributed to United Nations peacekeeping operations More than 6300 Guatemalan women and men have served under the United Nations flag in peacekeeping operations in different parts of the world. A country that knows the cost of war must also take responsibility for helping others preserve peace. Mr. president, we must strengthen the timely exchange of information, operational and judicial coordination, border security with respect for human rights, the protection of ports and transit routes, financial and asset investigations, and the recovery of assets derived from illicit activities. We must also work together on prevention. Lasting security cannot be achieved through law enforcement alone. It requires education, decent work, resilient communities, accessible institutions and opportunities for young people. It requires us to reduce the social, territorial and economic spaces that criminal structures exploit to recruit, exert control and supplant the state.
We will not succumb to that. The expansion of warfare will not result in security. One cannot create chaos for the coastal countries seeking naval security. Excellencies, vis-à-vis Palestine, Palestine remains an open wound on the conscience of the international community, and Gaza remains a symbol of the failure of international mechanisms to prevent civilian suffering. For decades, resolutions have been adopted, yet occupation and violence have continued. We cannot speak of peace while ignoring Palestine. Lasting peace in West Asia is impossible without justice for Palestine. As long as occupation, aggression, and injustice persist in the world, resistance will continue. If it is weakened in one form, it will reemerge in others, perhaps stronger still. Gaza, despite relentless killing and widespread devastation, has strengthened the people's faith in resistance. And resistance cannot be destroyed by bombs and siege. This is human nature. If a human being is driven from his or her land, they will resist. If their homes are subjected to bombings and aggression and attacks, they will resist. What other choice do they have? Succome to bullying?
We carry no larger agenda other than to ensure that the United Nations will do better. Mr. president, as we face a world in which scientists tell us overshooting the 1.5 degree temperature limit that we agreed in Paris is increasingly likely. We all need to wake up and act. Our focus now must be on preventing or minimizing the overshoot. Shortening the time we spend above 1.5, and doing everything possible to fight our way back. As we gather in Tuvalu, Fiji and Türkiye for this year's climate pre-COP and COP, our response to the threat of overshoot must be overwhelming. A much accelerated transition away from fossil fuels is the only logical response. Continued investment in fossil fuels is not only immoral but irrational. Technologies exist which provide secure, stable, zero emissions energy. We are employing them in my own country, where in the next 18 months, renewable energy will cut fossil fuel use in our remote outer islands by 88%, giving many access to electricity for the first time. We must do everything in our power to accelerate the deployment of renewables and to reduce fossil fuel production and consumption with equal speed. This includes shipping, where we have the opportunity at the International Maritime Organization to adopt binding regulations that will place international shipping on a clear path to net zero by 2050, and generate the revenue required to ensure a just and equitable transition. Mr. president, the denials and delays that have slowed the transition away from fossil fuels mean that countries like mine are already experiencing grave challenges. We have developed our national adaptation Plan, working across ministries and with our people to determine how to make a safe future. Adapting is costly and takes time. Even as we've seen schools destroyed by rising seas, salt water poisoning our wells, and disease outbreaks linked to environmental change. This injustice must be addressed. Our communities deserve restitution. The Marshall Islands and vulnerable people everywhere need sufficient, timely and accessible finance for adaptation and loss and damage. Those who have profited to the detriment of the many must pay. We have created homegrown institutions that are ready and willing to respond, like the Pacific Resilience Facility, a regionally managed platform, and the Marshall Islands Adaptation and Resilience Trust Fund, designed to enable donors to support our adaptation efforts. Mr. president, the crisis has the power to divide us or to prove that we all remain willing to achieve common goals. This week, the Marshall Islands convened the High Ambition Coalition, a diverse group of countries committed to a rigorous response to the climate crisis. We are united in the view that the best available science must lead the decisions we make, the importance of a 1.5°C temperature limit, an urgent transition away from fossil fuels, and the need for adequate and accessible climate finance, especially for adaptation and loss and damage.
Of course, nations have legitimate security needs, but the speed with which the world finds resources for war compared to prevention and development, reveals a grave disorder in our priorities. The credibility of international law also depends on who has the voice in applying it. The credibility weakens when institutions entrusted with the law preserve an unequal distribution of power. The Security Council still reflects the world of 1945. Africa, home to more than 1.6 billion people and the subject of most of the council's work still has no permanent seat. That's not fair. Africa seeks its rightful place because the council cannot be fully legitimate or effective while an entire continent remains permanently absent from its highest level of decision making. No durable global solution on peace, climate, food, energy or technology can be built without African leadership. The common African position espoused in the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration calls for no fewer than two permanent seats, with all the rights and privileges of permanent membership, including the veto if it is retained, and five non-permanent seats. As coordinator of the African Union Committee of ten, Sierra Leone will continue to advance that position. Years of intergovernmental negotiations without realizing the reform has tested the credibility of the process. Before this session concludes, member states should have a consolidated model, which we committed to in the pact for the future. Sierra Leone speaks with the authority of service. During our time on the Security Council in 2024 2025, we worked as a voice of reason and a bridge across Division. We convened the Security Council's first high level debate on redressing historical injustice against Africa, placed conflict related food insecurity at the centre of its agenda and with Guyana, Co-drafted unanimously adopted resolution 2807 on youth, peace and security, strengthening young people's role in conflict prevention and peace building. Mr. president. Representation becomes meaningful when it changes decisions and improves lives.
They're increasingly technological. Mr. president, digital connectivity and rapid technology advancements are transforming how we live. They offer significant opportunities for big ocean sovereign states, BOSS, but they also risk creating new inequalities and dependencies. Those who benefit last from global change often bear its highest costs. We continue to live with that injustice through climate change. We cannot again be asked to adapt only after systems have been built and the rules written. For Tonga, submarine cables and satellite links are foundational infrastructures that connect our islands to global opportunities. But connectivity alone is not enough. Digital skills and secure, resilient systems must support it, and we will protect our children online and retain sovereignty over our national data. Tonga does not need to be first in artificial intelligence, quantum computing or every technology that follows. But Tonga will not simply endure global transformations. It will exercise sovereignty by helping shape the rules and norms around it. Tonga is looking beyond conventional development models. We are seeking to unlock new forms of finance through responsible valuation of our natural assets, our ocean assets, while exploring the potential of frontier technologies such as quantum science. We will form the right partnerships. We will direct innovation towards our priorities. But the Pacific's data, ocean biodiversity, critical minerals and traditional knowledge must not power the next technological revolution while returning only a fraction of their value to our people. Mr. president, from experience, Tonga knows its challenges and we will meet them with determination that has always defined our people. We also know our strengths as a BOSS. We are not asking for charity. We will do our part. We will simply ask that others do theirs. Meet the 1.5°C threshold. Help us protect the planet we all share and the ocean that connects us. Ensure that everyone benefits from technological advancements. Recognise the imbalance between the funds we commit to addressing our collective development challenges and those we are prepared to spend on conflict.
We need a United Nations that does more than respond to crises after lives have been lost and communities destroyed. We need an organisation that works with determination to prevent conflict, advance sustainable development, confront injustice and protect those who are most vulnerable. We need a system in which every country, regardless of its size wealth or influence, has a voice and a meaningful place at the table. We need multilateralism that is not selective in its concern or uneven in its response, but fair, effective and responsive to the needs of all people. Our development must include young people, women and girls, Indigenous Peoples, persons with disabilities, the elderly and communities that have too often been left behind. If the United Nations is to deliver for all, it must first see, hear and include all. Multilateralism is our best hope for addressing challenges that cross borders, threaten our shared future, and demand collective action. We therefore remain committed to peace, climate action, sustainable development and the dignity of every human being. We remain ready to work with all nations in a spirit of mutual respect and shared responsibility to build a fairer, safer and more resilient world. Mr. president, let this 81st session be remembered as the moment when we collectively renewed our faith in cooperation and matched our words with action. Let this 81st session be remembered as the moment when vulnerability was met with solidarity, promises were honoured and trust was rebuilt through meaningful delivery. Above all, let this 81st session be remembered as the moment when this family of nations found the courage to act together and recommitted ourselves to ensuring that no country, no community, and no person was left behind.
In this context Egypt continues to advocate genuine and comprehensive reform of the Security Council in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, particularly to mend the historical injustice suffered by Africa. The imbalance in political representation is matched by another imbalance in the global economy. Developing countries are required to accelerate development, create jobs, finance green transitions and adapt to crises while simultaneously facing growing debt burdens, higher financing costs and a shrinking fiscal space. Therefore, reforming international financial architecture is no longer a luxury but a necessity. We need financial institutions that are more representative and responsive. We need expanded concessional financing, greater mobilisation and lending capacities for multilateral development banks and accelerated debt workout in a fair and effective manner. We need innovative financing tools and a fairer system for assessing countries needs and investment risks, thus enabling the mobilisation of private capital without shifting risks onto the most vulnerable countries. Countries should not be forced to choose between debt servicing and financing, education, health care, food security and essential infrastructure. Development is not charity. It is a right and a shared interest. Investing in development is an investment in global stability and in the ability of states to prevent crises before they become cross-border, humanitarian and security crises.
And of course, with her president speaking here, you never know whether this will be the low point or the high point of her career. Be that as it may, former Secretary General Kofi Annan once said, and I quote, whatever our differences, we stand or fall together. End of quote. When we forget this wisdom of Kofi Annan, disorder is what happens. Last year, from this very podium, I stated that foreign policy is based on three pillars values, interests and power. This year I come with something much simpler a choice, a choice between cooperation or conflict. In today's world, cooperation is undermined by a lack of trust, disregard for rules, and the weakening of institutions. And we've heard that in so many speeches here today. Conflicts are spreading, bringing suffering, violence and injustice. According to some accounts, there are currently 65 active armed conflicts, more than at any time since the end of the Cold War. Now competition will always be there. Nations compete now harder than they did a generation ago. This doesn't worry me. What does is that more and more of them now compete against the rules on which the international order rests. So this speech defends these rules, and it calls for cooperation. It calls for multilateralism. Small nations need it to survive, and large nations need it to be great. Upholding the most basic rules, values and institutions is our best option to ensure that competition does not escalate into conflict and that cooperation gains ground. Now, I want to begin by analyzing how the world is changing today. And as a pragmatic Finn, I will always try to deal with the world as it is, because it often helps in building a world that I wish we would have. In other words, a world which we can build together. I will then make a few suggestions about what we should do next. So here we go. I think we should all be steadfast defenders of multilateralism. As Strobe Talbott reportedly remarked, multilateralism is hell and can be a real pain in the neck, but it is the best option for humanity as a whole. We need multilateralism in order to address our shared agenda, ranging from conflicts and climate change to sustainable development and artificial intelligence. Currently, however, we seem to be going the other way more towards a non-cooperative and multipolar world order. This order, as it turns out, is based on zero sum deals, transactions, and unrestrained power. This is a short sighted approach. Tempting as it may be for some, such a multipolar order will ultimately lead to conflict. It will turn against us, whether you represent a great power, a middle power, or a small state like Finland. Between these two approaches, there is of course, a third option: plurilateralism. It means building ad hoc coalitions when global cooperation is unattainable. And this is my first observation today the emergence of flexible forms of cooperation around different themes and interests, be it in the economy, climate, defense, or technology. Coalition building can be a force of good but with one condition it should not challenge multilateralism, but build on it. It should support the UN system, not substitute it. The coalition of the willing for Ukraine is particularly close to my heart. It's a group of countries working to end Russia's war of aggression. The war is unlawful, unjustified and unprovoked. Its solution will have far reaching consequences for Ukraine and beyond. It is really about upholding international rules. The coalition works for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, in accordance with the UN charter.
Its campaign is conducted under the slogan "Consolidating Justice for Security and Peace: Libya, a Bridge Among Nations." Libya looks forward to the confidence and support of the member states in this endeavor. This candidacy is not merely a diplomatic ambition. It embodies a national will for Libya to regain its natural role in the international arena and to shoulder its responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. It stems from a firm conviction that peace is built not merely on the absence of conflict, but on establishing justice and addressing the causes of injustice and instability. Libya does not seek the seat merely to occupy a position. Rather, it seeks to contribute to building a more equitable international order and to serve as a bridge among nations, a voice for consensus, and an active partner in peacemaking. Hence, our message to our friends and partners is not that they should abandon their interests in Libya, but that they should build those interests with us on a firmer foundation, namely that their interests lie in Libya's stability, not in the fragility of its institutions, and in partnership with Libya, not in influence within it.
We renew our call for Taiwan's meaningful participation in the United Nations system and its specialized agencies. Mr. president, let us also restore trust through support for Reparatory justice. The past is not the past when its consequences still shape who is rich and who is poor in the world today. The Caribbean community has for over a decade advanced a ten point plan for Reparatory justice, seeking acknowledgement, repair and genuine partnership to address the historic injustices of the enslavement of African people and the near annihilation of our indigenous populations. We are encouraged that in March 2026, this Assembly strongly adopted a resolution sponsored by Ghana and supported by the African Union and Caricom, declaring the trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. This is a hopeful and historic event, and after the follow up conference in Accra in June, momentum grows, so necessary actions must follow. When the continent from which our enslaved ancestors were taken and the islands to which they were brought in chains, spoke in one voice, this chamber listened.
Without sufficient transformation in their daily lives. New declarations and targets have value, but they cannot substitute for effective implementation. This is why this year's theme is both timely and necessary. Trust in the UN will not be restored through declarations alone. It will be restored when institutions act consistently, uphold international law, and produce results that people can see and experience. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Charter is found on sovereign equality, territorial integrity peaceful coexistence, human rights and dignity of every person. The most important word in this year's theme is all not some. Not a selected group of nations, not only those with the greatest economy and military might. The promise of the charter belongs equally to every human being and every Member state. Yet the United Nations has increasingly become associated with political gridlocks in the Security Council, prolonged negotiations without tangible outcomes and a weakening capacity to mobilize collective action in response to the threats to international peace and security. This should concern all of us, not because the United Nations is not important, but precisely because it is indispensable and appears absent from the global solutions for peace and stability in this dangerous and unpredictable time. The Security Council must become more representative, transparent, and effective. Africa remains unrepresented in the permanent category and not represented enough in the permanent, in the in the in the permanent category as well. This historical injustice against the 54 sovereign states cannot be postponed indefinitely. Somalia supports the common African position and a meaningful African representation in both categories of the Council. Given that many of the discussions directly concerned Africa's African states, they have the right to full representation on equal par with all other permanent Security Council members. Reform is not an attack on the United Nations. Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Somalia currently broadly serves as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and as a member of the African Union Peace and Security Council. We carry these responsibilities with great seriousness, humility and determination in both institutions. Somalia works to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter and Constitutive Act of the African Union, strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union, prevent conflict and support peaceful African led solution with global benefits, respect for national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity is not an abstract principle for Somalia only. It is a foundation for peace and stability in our country, our region and the wider international community. Therefore, Somalia firmly rejects unilateral actions that undermine its sovereignty, unity and internationally recognized borders. This agreement is between nations must be resolved through dialogue and in accordance with international law, and not through actions that create new tensions or threaten regional stability.
This is following long decades of historic injustice, uprooting asylum seeking occupation and the deprivation of its basic right to self-determination, freedom and independence in the Gaza Strip, our people are being subjected at the hands of the Israeli occupation forces to killing, destruction, starvation and attempts at displacement, as well as a genocidal war that has created an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. It has destroyed neighborhoods, cities, camps, institutions, schools, universities, hospitals. Mosques and churches. And it has targeted all the basic necessities of life and the future of entire generations. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Settler expansion is accelerating, the West Bank is being fragmented and Jerusalem is being isolated and judaized. Settler terrorism is escalating under the protection of the occupying forces. While the crimes of land theft, home demolition checkpoints and raids continue under a system of laws, measures and practices All built on racial discrimination, ethnic cleansing and state terrorism. Ladies and gentlemen. We have long warned the international community, through the United Nations General Assembly and through the Security Council, that these Israeli policies, in violation of international law, would destroy the two state solution, and that this is what and this is what is happening now. Today, we warn of an even greater danger ahead, one that requires international action to address it. The danger is no longer limited to undermining the two state solution and preventing the realization of the Palestinian state. It has now come to threaten the very life and existence of the Palestinian people on their homeland. What is taking place in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are not isolated incidents, but rather a malicious colonial scheme aimed at making the lives of Palestinians more difficult in their homeland and forcing them to leave it. We warn you today do not allow another Nakba to occur. Do not allow further massacres like those that occurred in 1948. Do not allow terrorist gangs protected by the Israeli occupation forces to burn Palestinian homes while their occupants are sleeping inside them. Do not allow our children to live afraid and threatened. Once again, I ask before this assembly. How much longer will some states continue to remain silent on Israel, or supply it with the weapons that it uses against our people? The world has witnessed the tremendous cost in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. So what is the international community waiting for in order to protect the Palestinian people, ensure their continued presence on their land and the Israeli occupation, and implement the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy. This solution guarantees peace for all. Instead of the threat emanating from Israeli extremism, which seeks to expand its colonial project towards establishing the so-called Greater Israel and completely erasing Palestinian presence. Mr. president, esteemed member states. We welcomed President Donald Trump's 20 point plan. We also welcomed Security Council Resolution 2803 and the roadmap for implementing the second phase. This was to hold the aggression against our people and their humanitarian suffering, and secure the withdrawal of the occupation forces from the Gaza Strip and begin rebuilding the Gaza Strip However, regretfully, we have not seen any of this materialize on the ground. The Israeli killing and aggression continue to claim the lives of men, women and children in Gaza. Nearly a year has passed since the adoption of resolution 2803 and the establishment of the Board of Peace. And only one year remains of the designated transitional period before the end of 2027. Therefore, we call for accelerating the implementation of the second phase rather than wasting any more time. The transitional period must not be allowed to become a permanent or open ended situation without any clear time bound political horizon. Rather, it must lead to the reunification of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, under the authority of the State of Palestine and its legitimate institutions, in accordance with the principle of one state one government, one law, and one legitimate entity authorized to bear arms. Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed Member States. The threats and attacks carried out by extremists. Against Islamic and Christian holy sites, particularly Al-Aqsa mosque and the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron constitute a violation of their historic and legal status and of freedom of worship. They must cease immediately before they devolve into a broader religious conflict in the region and beyond. No one is in need of such an outcome. The ongoing Israeli attacks on United Nations headquarters and institutions in Jerusalem and the West Bank also undermine UNRWA's ability to continue carrying out its duties.
We will continue to advocate for full implementation of the Doha Programme of Action. Mr. president, migration is another area where our collective response must be guided by human dignity and shared responsibility. Migration continues significantly to economic development, cultural exchange and human progress. Yet irregular migration continues to expose young people and vulnerable population to exploitation, trafficking, abuse, and tragic loss of life. We must strengthen cooperation for safe orderly and regular migration, protect the rights and dignity of migrants, and expand lawful pathways for labour mobility, as well as invest in young people, women, education, health and social protection to safeguard sustainable development and lasting peace. Mr. president, the government welcomes the call for the reform of United Nations. We recognise the constraints facing the organisation was limited, with limited resources and increasing demands. This notwithstanding, the reforms would strengthen the capacity of United Nations to serve its member states and the people of the world better, as well as correct the historical injustice that continues to prevail.
I return to this issue of belonging at the end of my speech. But, Mr. President, last year, from this very podium, I made a solemn pledge on behalf of Africa and the global African diaspora to seek full international recognition of the transatlantic trafficking and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. Some cautioned that we were reopening old wounds, but we came not to provoke division or render empty judgment. We came to seek healing. And true healing requires truth, and truth requires acknowledgement, and acknowledgement must lead to meaningful repair. Mr. president, for centuries, this tragedy was rendered in the passive voice as though the millions of African men, women and children just vanished into the shadows of time. Mr. president, they do not vanish. They were hunted. They were captured. They were trafficked. They were bought, they were sold. They were exploited and exchanged for profit. They were ripped from their families and communities they belonged to. They are unpaid labor built. The cities, industries, banking institutions, and empires of the modern Western world. Meanwhile, the African continent was left depopulated. Split families, structural disruption and generational trauma. Mr. president, on 25th March this year, the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Ghana had the honor of tabling resolution 8250 in this very August Assembly. Mr. president, 123 nations voted to affirm this fundamental truth that the transatlantic slave trade and chattel enslavement were the gravest crimes against humanity I stand with respect at this podium to thank every nation that voted for justice, and am deeply grateful to our brothers and sisters in the African Union, the Caricom, Celac and our partners across the Global South. That resolution was not a mere gesture. It was adopted because the structural legacies of those historic crimes continue to fuel systematic racism, economic marginalization, and a global financial architecture that is weighted against Africa and people of African descent. Since the passage of the historic resolution, we welcome the positive overtures from many countries and institutions that have joined the dialogue on reparative justice. The Netherlands, Germany and France have all made positive moves to join the conversation on Reparatory justice. Mr. president, real repair demands structural transformation. It requires dismantling the persistent engines of exploitation, unfair global trade, predatory resource extraction, discriminatory, discriminatory credit ratings, unsustainable debt burdens of the global South, and the continued export of raw materials from Africa. While real value addition and job creation occur elsewhere. Mr. president, the injustices of the past remain embedded in today's power structures.
Whether in the Security Council or in the international financial system, institutions built for another age are being asked to govern a completely different world that we live in today. Restoring trust requires more than defending those institutions. It requires having the courage to reform them. This is not a conversation we are beginning today. For decades, member states have debated how to make the Security Council more representative, legitimate, and effective. In 2008, after years of discussion, this General Assembly moved Security Council reform into intergovernmental negotiations. Those negotiations began the following year. Seventeen years later, we are still negotiating. The central question remains before us: membership, the veto, regional representation, the size and working methods of the Security Council, and its relationship with this General Assembly. The world has not stood still while we have been debating these issues. In the Pact for the Future, member states agreed that redressing the historical injustice against Africa must be a priority in the Security Council reform. We should not accept that reform is impossible because it is difficult. This organization has changed its architecture before. In 1963, this General Assembly adopted amendments to enlarge the Security Council. The council grew from 11 members to 15 because member states recognized that the institution had to respond to a changing membership. What was possible then, ladies and gentlemen, is possible today. Reform must deliver equitable and permanent representation with all the prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership to Africa and other deserving regions. Political reform and financial reform are not separate projects. They ask the same fundamental question: whether the institutions that govern our common future will reflect the sovereign equality they proclaim or preserve inequalities inherited from another age. More than half a century ago, this General Assembly called for a new international economic order founded on sovereign equality, interdependence, and cooperation among states. We need not recreate the debates of another era. But we must ask the question they left unfinished: what does equality among nations require in the world of today? It requires a world in which no continent is permanently excluded from the highest decisions on peace and security. A world in which international law does not change with the identity of the state to which it is applied. A world in which a nation's prospects are not determined by how expensive the world has decided its capital to be. It requires that no child lose a classroom because debt service came first. That no mother finds an empty clinic because essential investment became unaffordable. And that the resources of developing countries became foundations for their prosperity rather than pathways for extraction.
It has never brought war and it will not bring war against another country. It is determined to defend itself and to control its natural resources. It is very important for us to say this. We have chosen transformation that is based on national responsibility, making use of our resources, strengthening our institutions and tangibly improving the living conditions of our citizens. Since the 26th of July 2023, Niger has been continuing its inexorable march towards the total reconquest of its sovereignty under the leadership of the National Council for the safeguarding of the homeland, led by the president, His Excellency the General of the Army, Abdourahamane Tiani, president of the Republic Head of State. This change is a radical break with the policies imposed from outside, which were disconnected from the real needs of the population. It is rooted in the social values of the people of Niger, aware of the challenges that it faces, the government, which I coordinate, has chosen to mobilize the necessary resources to finance agriculture and basic social sectors through funds from voluntary contributions of Nigeriens themselves. In addition to revenues drawn from the exploitation of our mineral and oil resources revenue, which previously the state did not have control over. Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen a few days ago in the night, from the 28th to the 29th of August 2026, after two previous fruitless attempts to attack Diori Hamani International Airport in Niamey, a third attempt which General Tiani said a third attempt at destabilization, led by obscurantist and colonialist forces, targeted our institutions. As in the previous cases, it failed. It failed thanks to the loyalty of our forces, of our defence and security forces and the loyalty of our armed forces. It failed. Thanks to the solidarity of our allies and to the categorical refusal of the Nigerien people to go backwards. Niger emerges from this united and determined. Investigations are underway. The necessary investigations are underway in order to establish the circumstances, who is responsible and the internal and external support linked to this attempt. Following that procedure, Niger reserves the right, in accordance with the United Nations Charter and international law to turn to and have recourse to the competent mechanisms to defend its sovereignty. In this regard, we ask that any concern a Member State may have about their security be examined with haste and impartiality without differentiated treatment. The credibility of our organization Mr. President, also depends on its ability to ensure that the voices of all of its member states are heard. You have a lot of work to do, Mr. President. Niger is not pursuing confrontation with any country. It opens its arms to all partners that wish to build a new relationship based on equality, reciprocity and mutual interest, and shared interest. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, for more than half a century, uranium, this miraculous substance, Niger's uranium, has lit the cities of Europe, while our cities have remained in darkness. That injustice is now over. It is at an end. In June 2025, the state of Niger recovered control of SOMAÏR, the Société des mines de l'Aïr. Our resources will now be managed by us and for us and Niger intends to sell its uranium on the international market in full transparency and in strict compliance with its nuclear non-proliferation obligations. You will have heard at some point in the past, Air France say that Niger was intending to use this uranium. When they left our country, they sabotaged all of the material. And Niger has invested some 30 billion of our francs to continue that production. Totally making use of Nigerien workers and experts. Not a single foreigner was involved in that. The current stock belongs to our country. It does not belong to anyone and we will sell it to all those who wish to buy in total transparency, as I have just said. Similarly, in 2024, our country became an exporter of crude oil thanks to the oil pipeline linking Agadem to the Atlantic coast along the African continent, the longest one in the African continent, making Niger one of the continent's fastest growing economies in 2025. That revenue is going into our own security to agriculture, electrification, water and sanitation, education, health, the health of our fellow citizens. And the Solidarity Fund for the safeguarding of the homeland, which is made up of the voluntary contributions of millions of Nigeriens, tells you everything you need to know about a people that has understood that sovereignty has a price and that it is willing to pay it. Ladies and gentlemen, three years after breaking with the old order, progress on the ground is remarkable. Our economy has seen 7% growth in 2026. In 2025, excuse me. Driven above all by oil and agriculture. Inflation, which reached 9.1% in 2024, has fallen to -4.7% thanks to exceptional agricultural production and a targeted reduction of fuel and cement prices. All of the country's riches will be redistributed to benefit our population. The large scale irrigation program initiated by the president of the Republic, has 527 billion CFA francs and aims to ensure that around 22,000 hectares of new irrigated land can be established. The results achieved in this regard are very satisfactory because for the first time in decades, our country has not faced food shortages or had to call upon foreign assistance. Through this program, we intend to halve our grain imports by the end of 2027. Inshallah. On health. We have reduced by 50% the cost of services in public health facilities. Some services are free, for example, childbirth, care for children aged 0 to 5, and dialysis. The assisted birth rate went from 36% in 2022 to 42.5% in 2025, and the rate of prenatal consultations went from 32% to 38.2%. Education is free and mandatory for all children in public schools. What's more, a 20% reduction in school fees in private schools was decided upon in July 2025. These instructions that are contained in the programme for the Refoundation of the Republic 2025 to 2029 make up the reference framework for all of the state's actions in pursuit of the structural transformation of our economy. These results are very encouraging despite the scale of the challenges, because they are our results that we have achieved through our own means and resources. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Three years ago, some people predicted that Niger would collapse under the weight of sanctions and isolation. Today, Niger is standing tall. It is standing tall because its people has refused to bow down. It is standing tall because within the Confederation of Sahel states, it has found a family, solidarity and a family in the full African meaning of the term. It is standing tall because the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, a kindred and neighboring country, chose to support us with a substantial investment in the exploitation of our natural resources and through constant support for our defense system. With Algeria, we are also engaging in dynamic cooperation in the areas of health, education, energy, water and agriculture. On top of that, there are significant structural projects such as the tripartite gas pipeline and the trans-Saharan Road. Niger is above all standing tall because it has regained possession of its land, what lies beneath the land and of its voice. Mr. president, our country is also standing tall because it is speaking within our shared organisation, the UN and because among its members we count countries with which we have fruitful cooperation based on mutual respect. In this regard, allow me to say that Togo, Turkey, the Kingdom of Morocco, the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China are among our friends, true friends. On behalf of the president of the Republic, the Head of State I would like to express our gratitude to them. Mr. President. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Niger remains faithful to the values included in its motto fraternity, work and progress, and to the values in the motto of our Confederation one space, one people, one destiny. The security, development and dignity of our peoples cannot be envisaged separately.
But on its own, that's not enough, is it? In this dangerous, turbulent age, it is more important than ever that we give people the power to build their own resilience and do more for themselves, and give them the platform to stand up for what they believe in. I am working to rebalance power across all regions of the UK, and as part of that, I have set up a second Downing Street office in Manchester. We call it number ten North. Outside that office stands a statue of Abraham Lincoln. It marks the personal connection he made with Manchester and the bond between our two nations, a bond which he described in a letter to the working people of the city as perpetual. This was not due to some military or material support. There was no quid pro quo. It was because Manchester's humble mill workers took a principled stand during the American Civil War in 1862, despite the hardships it brought them. They refused to touch raw cotton that had been picked by slaves. In 1862, people with little power used it to help those with none on the other side of the world. The best change is change like that, bottom up change led by people. And whatever distorted view social media offers today, the world is still full of good and decent people all over the world who are ready to stand up for what is right. I see that shining through all the time. Nothing brings the British people together across age, race, and class more than their hatred of injustice, the misuse of power against the powerless. We will always stand for the underdog against the bully.
Humanity will have to address this question, no matter how devastating the consequences may be. My friends, this was true in 1961 and sadly remains manifest today. This is why Barbados throws its full support behind the establishment of the International Panel on Inequality that is being proposed. Growing inequality is at the centre of geopolitical discussions, tensions, distrust in institutions and indeed the increasing number of conflicts that we see. It is for this reason that we reject the notion that governments must refrain from policy interventions that are essential to creating a level and fair playing field for ordinary citizens. We know that it is the policy choices of government that has led to this injustice, and it is the policy choices of governments that must now remove it. For us, this is as important a battle of the as the climate crisis. Mr. president, that brings me to that crisis.
