The transcripts are AI-generated from the UN's English audio and can contain mistakes. We are checking them against the statements the missions publish; some errors are still expected.
The world has become accustomed to crisis. Wars are escalating. Major power rivalry is sharpening. The international arms control architecture is under strain. New technologies are transforming societies faster than our institutions can adapt. But perhaps the greatest danger is not any one crisis. It is the growing belief that the international system cannot solve them. This is the trust deficit confronting the UN today, and Malaysia, Mr. president, believes that we must confront it openly and honestly. Trust can only be restored through concrete action when international law means what it says, and when the people of the world can look to this hall and believe that their voices still matter. Mr. president, we must remember that the UN is not merely here for the aftermath of war, but to prevent war from taking place. Yet too often we respond only after disaster has arrived. We count the dead. We deliver supplies. We rebuild what has been destroyed, and then we wait for the next crisis.
We must balance robust protection for vulnerable communities while safeguarding accountability and legitimate expression. Coordinated interventions by governments, companies, civil societies indeed, all of us are needed to push back against hate. Excellencies. While peace and security, human rights and sustainable development are perennial concerns in this hall artificial intelligence, including artificial general intelligence, has moved from the margins of our discussions to the center. Four years ago, AI was raised in this hall by only five delegations. This year, 128 delegations addressed it, and this number was more than those who spoke on climate change and human rights. Leader after leader recognized the extraordinary potential of AI to transform public services, accelerate scientific discovery advance sustainable development and expand access to knowledge while pointing out potential risks arising from it. Many framed AI as a question of governance. Who designs it, who benefits? Who bears the risks, and who is accountable when harm occurs? A delegation emphasized a principle that should guide us all. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. That is the right starting point. AI governance must be human centred, inclusive and attentive to the needs of developing countries. It must prevent a new divide in which a smaller number of countries and companies control the data, computing power and rules that shape everyone's future.
Mr. president, Mr. Secretary-General, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. There are 193 countries represented in this hall today. At least I hope so still.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, excellencies, I ask every nation here. Are we still willing to work together? The principles in the UN charter, affirmed by each one of us taking our seat in this hall, are now tested, not by argument, but by neglect or ill intention. The credibility and effectiveness of multilateral institutions is imperative for small nations. It is past time to better turn the urgency expressed in political declarations and resolutions into results, not repetition. We speak from our own experience when we underscore the importance of acting together. An institution that takes decisions collectively must also be accountable collectively. Mr. president, the United Nations is long overdue to reflect and renew the same spirit with which our Marshallese people first came to the United Nations by delivering an apology and acknowledgement of the harm caused by impacts from the 67 nuclear weapons tested on our islands during our time as a UN Strategic Trust territory between 1946 and 1958.
It has held back conflict where it could and named it where it could not. It has given the powerless a language of rights. It has built one instrument at a time, the body of international law, on which every state in this hall, large or small, now depends. It has survived a Cold War, as it has division and doubt, because each generation that comes through its doors understood the same simple truth. No nation, however powerful, can secure peace, prosperity, or a habitable nation on its own. That was true in 1945. It is truer today. The Charter is hope. It speaks to our common humanity. It speaks to the rule of law, to the dignity of every person, to the sovereign equality of states, and to our duty to keep the peace. These are not the words of one region or one era. They belong to all of us. They bind all of us. Few in this hall would question that mission. But let us be honest with one another.
They pay for school fees, rebuild homes after lots of cyclones and sustain families between harvests. Your excellencies, they are not aid. They are the earnings of Fijians abroad and sent home. Yet Pacific corridors remain among the most expensive in the world through which to send money. In May, in this August Hall, we committed ourselves to bring transfer costs below 3% and to eliminate corridors costing more than five. Pacific corridors among those. Fiji asked that is to be treated as an obligation and not an aspiration. Labour mobility must also not become a one way transfer of the people that we have trained. Fiji does not begrudge any Fijian the chance to build a life abroad. We ask only that those who recruit our nurses and teachers, invest in the systems that produce them. And this belongs beside what I have said of reconciliation. Not every Fijian abroad left in search of work, some left in season of upheaval when they did not feel that the country was theirs. They are Fijians still, and so are their children. A supreme law that belongs to every citizen must belong to them also. Fiji's door is open. This month, Fiji declared a national HIV emergency.
Say our name. Naoero. Mr. president, Naoero is an ocean state. We are not merely guardians of the ocean, but rightful participants in its future. For Naoero, the ocean represents both opportunity and responsibility. Never one without the other. Both are essential, or the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea is left hollow. Today I focus on a part of it that belongs to no one, the deep seabed area beyond national jurisdiction. Mr. president, the convention established the International Seabed Authority and charged it with a clear legal obligation to put in place regulations and regulate activities in parallel with sponsoring states. Its role is not to determine whether deep seabed mining is, as a matter of public policy, a correct course of action. Naoero joined trusting in the commitment set out in the convention and the 1994 agreement. For 15 years, Naoero has invested critical resources in sponsoring the exploration of a portion of the deep seabed. Our sponsored entity, NORI or Nauru Ocean Resources, has contributed about one petabyte of data more than one third of all Clarion-Clipperton Zone data held in the authority's DeepData. We called on the authority to seek an advisory opinion on the responsibilities of sponsoring states, and we followed it. We established a national regulator with the powers and due diligence obligations that opinion requires. At every stage, our decisions have rested on the best available scientific evidence, on the convention and on that opinion. At every stage, we have called for the mining code to be finished, and when progress stalled, we looked to the 1994 agreement and invoked the two year rule. We were told then that we were rushing. That was five years ago, and today the rules remain unwritten. We are participating in the first contentious proceedings before the Seabed Disputes Chamber, because our obligations as a sponsoring state require legal clarity. For 15 years, we have done everything a member state can do, consistent with our obligations as a sponsoring state. And today we continue to wait. Mr. president, there is a general understanding within the authority's council that nothing is agreed until everything is agreed, and that the regulations will be adopted by consensus. Achieving that is a great challenge for an institution whose members remain deeply divided on whether deep seabed mining should proceed at all, a question the convention never asked the authority to decide. Naoero welcomes every effort to ensure that seabed mineral development proceeds responsibly, and I ask this Assembly to reckon with this. A principle declared in 1970 and a bargain struck in 1994, both in this hall still wait for the rules that would give them effect. When a multilateral process cannot deliver, the world does not stand still. Those with the means to act will not wait. And every year of delay makes that more likely not less. That is why the theme of this session matters. A multilateral system that cannot deliver for a state like mine does not deliver for all. That holds here, in this assembly and in any institution we build. Naoero therefore calls upon the authority to let the waiting end.
Ladies and gentlemen. 14 years ago, I stood on this podium and I drew a red line. I vowed to prevent Iran's murderous dictatorship from developing atomic bombs, nuclear weapons aimed at destroying Israel, nuclear weapons that could threaten the entire world. That's exactly what we did. Now let me say something that might surprise you. Devastating Iran's nuclear facilities was hard. It was very hard to do. But for me, it was one of the easiest decisions I've ever had to make as prime minister, because if we hadn't done it, we'd all be dead. Now you want to hear the ultimate irony in defending itself? Israel is also defending many of the countries whose delegates just left this hall. In fact, I want you to know that many of their leaders even thank us privately for taking out Iran's nukes. It's hard to imagine more mind blowing hypocrisy, but that's exactly what it is. Now, this isn't the first time we are faced with a threat of annihilation. On June 5th, 1967 Israel was surrounded by enemies who openly swore to destroy us. We weren't then in Judea, Samaria, the heart of the historic homeland of the Jewish people. We weren't in Gaza. We weren't on the Golan Heights. Oh, and Mr. O'Hara, you should know, the Jews have been on the Golan Heights since the days of Moses. You can read it in the Bible. No. At that time, on the eve of the Six-Day war in 1967, we weren't in any of these places.
I had prepared a speech to present to you. Yesterday, the United States President described us as terrorists. We have been the victims of terrorism. I come from an Iran in which our esteemed Supreme Leader was assassinated without any legal framework or reason. I come from an Iran where, in truth, they bombed a school. You see these children? These children perished under bombs, with weapons used by the United States and Israel. They were innocent, had committed no crimes. Lamerd, one of the small cities in a province in Iran, a sports hall where children were busy playing. The United States, by using weapons with multiple warheads, targeted that sports hall. They martyred, assassinated, our scientists, our men, women, and children. Innocent children who, in truth, had committed no crimes, no sins. Those who are terrorists and train and protect terrorists describe us as such. We have only defended ourselves. We are not terrorists. Our innocent people have been the targets of cowardly attacks and aggressions imposed upon our country, and we defended ourselves with utmost strength. America and Israel attacked us, equipped with the latest technology and weapons systems, and our people stood steadfast. Yes, they did hit us, but we did not bend the knee. We did not bow our head. We responded, but we did not hit civilian populations. They came into surrounding territories and targeted our universities, our healthcare centers, our schools, our hospitals, our infrastructures—all of it against international law. When I took over the responsibilities as President, they assassinated Ismail Haniyeh in Iran. On the day of my inauguration, Israel targets any neighborhood, in any city, in any province, commits assassinations like a true terrorist. In Gaza, over 80,000 innocent civilians have been murdered, brutally murdered. Hundreds of thousands have been displaced. They are committing genocide by using the so-called technologies that they have at their disposal. Then they label others as terrorists. Are we the sources of instability? We only seek to live independently. We are the ones who cause instability. Those who are committing terrorism and committing crimes, are they the protectors of peace and stability? None of the international laws have been adhered to by them. This is what we're facing. We don't want anything. We have received our response. We need strength, because a people which is unable to defend itself will be trampled upon in today's world. We live in a world in which the powerful, instead of thinking about humanity, justice, fairness, and democracy, they seem to be the protectors and creators of instability and destruction. Whomever they wish to discredit, they label them as terrorists. Two hundred years—for the past two centuries— Iran has not attacked any country or any territory, but we've always defended ourselves steadfastly. But now we're being accused of being source of instability in the region? We're labeled terrorists? And this has made it so that the path that we have chosen for ourselves requires power to defend ourselves. We do not seek power in order to attack or commit aggression. We seek energy for progress, not to threaten societies with weapons. And we wish to cooperate and collaborate for security. The people of Iran, in the past 7 months, our people, have been in the streets every night demonstrating in support of their land, of their homeland, so as to not allow those who were equipped and trained and armed by Israel and America to cause disruption in the security of their country. For 7 months, day and night, they've been present in the streets. They are our source of power and our support. And that's why we stand fast. Iran must be powerful so as to avoid being threatened, to avoid its future being threatened. We do not wish to use our power for hegemony, and we do not seek our security in the insecurity of others. Vis-à-vis Iran's defense, our defensive systems have been built so that no one can think that bombing of Iranian cities will go unanswered.
Read around it: ·
SL
No. 11
Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 14 min2 mentions
Efficiency matters and reform must preserve the capacity to act. Mr. president, the choice of the next Secretary General offers another test of institutional effectiveness and equality. In 80 years, every Secretary General has been a man. The women put forward for this office have placed their competence beyond dispute. What remains is the will of the organisation to live by the equality it asks of others and entrust a woman with its highest office. Mr. president, our insistence on a capable United Nations comes from experience. For Sierra Leone, this organisation is part of our living history. It stood with us when our country was broken and helped us make peace durable. In this hall, a small state has the same vote as a great power. Imperfect as it is, that equality remains one of humanity's boldest promises. Sierra Leone will continue to contribute personnel to United Nations peace operations, uphold international law, support mediation and peace building, defend the right of women and girls, and serve as a bridge wherever member states seek one. We will also continue to support the institutions of international justice. In this regard, Sierra Leone has nominated Professor Charles Chernor Jalloh, a distinguished international jurist, endorsed by the African Union and ECOWAS for election as a judge of the International Court of Justice. We respectfully seek Member States support on the 3rd of November. Mr. President, the United Nations was created in a world of unequal power, yet it rests on a radical idea: nations differ in size and strength, but their people do not differ in human worth. United Nations that delivers for all makes that equality felt beyond this hall. Nearly 25 years ago, Sierra Leoneans placed their trust in peace because they believed tomorrow could be different. People around the world are asking something similar of us now. They need reason to believe that cooperation still works, that law still matters, and that promises made here will be honoured in their lives. Let this session give them that reason. The words for all should not remain at the end of this year's theme. They must become the measure of our work.
I owe it to the people who sent me here to be hopeful. I owe it also to people whom I have never met, who come from places I have never been to, but who nevertheless are my brothers and sisters. And so that brings us to the task at hand. We all know that the United Nations has its flaws, but we must not seek to abandon it. It is what we have made it. Some, no doubt are more culpable than others, but in one way or another we are all involved. We speak of culpability, not merely to point a finger of blame, but to understand better where the solutions may lie. We believe profoundly that more than ever, humanity needs the United Nations. Try to imagine a world without it. Where would we go to have the conversations we are having now and that we are having throughout the week? And that is only the beginning. As a global institution, the United Nations is fundamentally an inclusive space where every nation can play a role in addressing our common problems. A retreat from multilateralism undermines the interests of small states and indeed, of everyone. But we acknowledge that our support for the United Nations must be matched by our willingness to embrace reform, to make it more effective. Trust cannot be built or restored by declarations alone. It is only when ordinary people see that cooperation makes their lives safer, richer and happier that trust will be restored. Mr. President, let us restore trust through organisational reform and greater inclusiveness. The United Nations governance model designed in 1945, cannot adequately address the security and economic challenges of today. Therefore, we join with other nations in calling for reform, specifically of the Security Council, to include a permanent member from the continent of Africa with all the attendant rights and privileges. Failure to do so would only confirm that the current composition is not about governance and fairness, but about power. Further, as we proceed with selecting our next Secretary-General, let us be more open and inclusive. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is pleased to join other Caribbean community members in endorsing the candidacy of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana and of the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. We know her as a distinguished diplomat, a principled multilateralist, and a compelling advocate for developing countries and small states. Mr. President, as this is my first time here, like a tourist, I walked the halls of this historic building and admired the impressive portraits on the walls of the nine men who have served as Secretary-General since 1946. And while I appreciated the outstanding calibre and service of those men, I nevertheless could not resist thinking that after eight decades, surely the time has come for an equally capable woman to be Secretary-General.
Our mountains, our rivers, our forests, and the Adriatic Sea are not simply natural resources. They are part of our national identity and of the legacy we will leave to our future generations. But climate change is also a question of global fairness, because those who have contributed the least to this crisis are too often the first and hardest hit by its consequences. And no country can solve this challenge alone. This is one of the clearest reasons why effective multilateralism remains indispensable. Excellencies, to conclude, 20 years ago, Montenegro entered this very hall at the beginning of a new chapter in our history.
Mr. Secretary-General, Former Presidents of the General Assembly, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Forty years ago, I stood in this very Hall as a newly minted member of the Cabinet of the 41st President of the General Assembly, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury. At the time, President Choudhury said, and I quote: “In recent years there appears to have been a crisis of confidence in the United Nations itself... there is a general feeling that the United Nations today needs revitalizing in a number of aspects in order to bring it into line with the priorities of a changing world.” This shows that questions about multilateralism and the effectiveness of the United Nations are not new. They have been part of this place since the first stone was laid. Yet, through it all, the United Nations has persevered. Not because it is perfect, but because it is irreplaceable, and because the alternative is simply unfathomable. The world of 1945 was in peril. The Second World War, the colossal devastation wrought by it, and the Holocaust, left humanity bankrupt, morally and fiscally. Something had to change. And this place was that change. It ushered in a long era of diplomacy, which continues: Member States coming together to work through their problems because they knew that the alternative, guns blazing and bombs dropping, simply was not an option. Perhaps the clearest evidence of its achievement is here in this very Hall. In 1945, 50 nations participated in the San Francisco Conference. Today, eight decades later, the Organization has 193 Member States. The UN has brought together humanity under one roof; this is unprecedented in human history. The core promise of this institution, its raison d’être, was and remains to prevent the unimaginable: a third world war. The fact that we have avoided such calamity is among the greatest achievements this institution could ever deliver. (BRIEF PAUSE) But survival alone cannot be our sole measure of success. Outside these walls, people are not asking whether the United Nations still exists.
Mr. President, Secretary General of the United Nations, excellencies, distinguished delegates. I stand before this assembly conscious that I speak on behalf of a nation and a people whose future is being shaped in halls like this one. I bring warm greetings from the people and government of Solomon Islands, a nation of nearly a thousand islands stretching across as many miles of the blue Pacific. Our people hold the same hopes as people in every land, to live in peace and to raise their children in dignity. Mr. president, I congratulate you on your election and assure you of the full support of Solomon Islands. I also commend your predecessor for her determined leadership of the 80th session. I pay special tribute to Secretary General Antonio Guterres as he takes part in his final debate in office.
Mr. President, excellencies, my friends, we meet at a time when the obstacles confronting human progress are multiplying, obstacles to peace, obstacles to food and clean water, obstacles to finance, medicine and education, obstacles to movement and opportunity. Obstacles to technology, to the knowledge and infrastructure needed to use it, and increasingly, obstacles between nations, between communities, and between people who no longer agree on the same facts or trust the same institutions. War continues to destroy lives and communities. Even though the international community possesses more tools than ever before to prevent conflict and to facilitate dialogue. The climate crisis is accelerating. Even though the science is clear enough for us to act, and many of the solutions are already known. And despite unprecedented global wealth, millions remain without reliable access to food, water, health or shelter. These challenges, my friends, are creating the crises of which we constantly speak, and at the same time, new challenges are emerging. Artificial intelligence is opening extraordinary possibilities in health, education, science, and productivity while also creating new risk of exclusion, exploitation, surveillance and the distortion of truth. And yet, the cooperation needed to confront these challenges is under strain. It is why I believe the theme this year is so apt. Restoring trust. Managing transformation. A United Nations that delivers for all. The theme reminds us that we have institutions created to preserve peace, to advance development, and yes, to protect human dignity. The institutions are these very United Nations. We have shared principles grounded in sovereign equality, and in the recognition that our responsibilities extend beyond borders. The reality is that we understand that there is, regrettably enough, for us to be able to invest in prevention rather than waiting to finance reconstruction. We understand enough about the climate crisis to reduce the emissions that are warming our planet, and take the necessary steps for our populations to adapt. We equally now understand enough about the rapid development of AI to know that as we welcome its promise, we must anchor its development in a universal, humanizing framework that does not imperil our existence as human beings. The failure, my friends, to address these challenges, therefore, is not one simply of knowledge or capacity. It is a repeated failure to convert what we know into what we do. To turn principle into practice and global capacity into solidarity. So beneath our many crises lies yet another one. And yes, it is a crisis of responsibility. Mr. President, that responsibility begins here in these halls.
So while others have talked, I have acted. While others have spoken of peace, I have made peace. While others have ignored threats, I have confronted them. While others have talked of courage, America has shown it. While others have promised strength, I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake. Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region. They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity. The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime were ever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation in this hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran, until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve, anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief. Morocco, Bahrain, these are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump in six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The Prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've had it. 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago. In January, at my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolás Maduro.
Mr. president. With a great sense of humility and respect, I address you and the excellencies here in this illustrious hall. More than eight decades ago, the founders of the United Nations understood that no peace built on brute force could stand the test of time. They opted instead for law, cooperation, and dialogue as pillars of a new international order. Today, this conviction is facing one of the toughest tests it has faced since the organization's foundation. The world stands in a period of deep rooted fragmentation. The world is deeply polarized. Armed conflicts are dragging on longer than before. Transnational organized crime is broadening its capacity to act. Its tentacles are growing longer. The effects of climate change are growing ever more intense. Development divides remain, and the technological transformation is posing unprecedented challenges to our institutions. At the same time, trust in multilateralism is waning precisely when we need it most. Standing before this landscape, Costa Rica reaffirms its belief that no state, no state can alone address challenges that are common to us all. Multilateralism is a prerequisite for the preservation of peace, to promote sustainable development and to protect human dignity. However, multilateralism will only preserve its dignity if it proves able to yield tangible results. Specific results for people for human beings. Costa Rica champions a United Nations which is more agile, more efficient, more transparent and more accountable to its member states. Our organization should establish priorities, do away with overlaps, make prudent use of its resources, and measure its results.
But security is not only about borders and war. People also need the chance to build a future where they live. They need homes, schools, health care, and ways to earn a living. Poverty and the lack of opportunity can drive people from their countries, just as conflict can. Hungary will continue to support development that helps communities build that future based on their own needs and priorities. We are ready to share our experience in education, health and digital development. Water is another area where our interests meet. Drought can destroy crops, threaten food and energy supplies, and take away people's income. Climate change is making these pressures greater. Rivers also cross borders. What one country does can affect the water available to another. This makes cooperation essential. Hungary has experience in water management, sustainable agriculture and climate adaptation, and we are ready to share it. For many countries represented in this hall, food, energy, education, health and jobs are immediate concern.
Mr. President, this past June, Seychelles proudly celebrated 50 years of independence. Half a century of self-determination has taught us a fundamental lesson. Size does not define sovereignty, and geography does not diminish dignity. We may be a small island developing state but we sit as an equal participant in this hall.
It reinforces it. ASEAN's experience shows that institutions remain relevant when rules are respected, dialogue stays open and differences are managed peacefully. The same must be true for the United Nations. Reform must not become an exercise in rearranging structures while confidence outside this hall continues to erode. Transformation must strengthen the United Nations ability to prevent crises, respond effectively to member states, and deliver outcomes that make a meaningful difference to people's lives. Brunei Darussalam, therefore, supports initiatives such as the Pact for the Future and the UN80 Initiative. Ultimately, reform must achieve more than efficiency. It must strengthen this organization's credibility and its capacity to deliver.
Mr. President, colleagues, on October 25th, 1971, right here in this august hall, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2758 at its 26th session with an overwhelming majority by which UNGA decided to restore all the rights of the People's Republic of China in the UN and recognize the representatives of the government of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate representatives of China to the UN. This is of profound and far reaching significance for both China and the world. Over the past 55 years, China has been a stabilizing force in times of volatility. China is firmly committed to pursuing peaceful development and has the best track record on peace and security among major countries. It is the largest contributor to peacekeepers among the permanent members of the UN Security Council. It also took the initiative that led to the issuance of the first joint statement of the leaders of the five nuclear weapon states on preventing nuclear war. China has been a main engine driving common development. China has created two miracles at home, namely fast economic growth and long term social stability. And over many years, it has contributed around 30% to global growth. China has joined hands with more than three fourths of the countries in the world in pursuing high quality Belt and Road cooperation. It has mobilized over 23 billion USD and carried out more than 2000 projects under the Global Development Initiative. And it has granted zero tariff status to all the African countries and LDCs having diplomatic relations with it, to empower the Global South in pursuing modernization. China has been a progressive force in an era of change. China has always spoken up for the global South, stood up for the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries, and continued to work toward a more just and equitable global governance system. In October, China will host the Global Governance Forum in the Xiong'an New Area. You're welcome to attend the forum and join in the discussion about the way forward in global governance. Mr. President, colleagues. No matter how the international dynamics evolve, China remains unchanged in its pursuit of peace and development and its dedication to safeguarding fairness and justice, and in its commitment to multilateralism. China will join hands with all other countries to build a community with a shared future for humanity and make the world a better place for all of us. Thank you.
Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. It is a great honor for me to once again return to this hall to address the 81st Session of the General Assembly on behalf of the Czech Republic.
And the same is true for every country represented in this hall. When one state believes it can redraw the borders of another by force, every border, on every continent, becomes negotiable. These principles now are being tested in Ukraine. Russia's war against Ukraine strikes at the very heart of the United Nations Charter. Borders changed by force. Territory seized by force. Children taken by force. Ukrainian civilians targeted by Russia. Schools, hospitals, homes, markets, energy infrastructure. Russia's attacks reach far beyond the battlefield. They are directed against the people of Ukraine and their foundations of daily lives. Drones are used to hunt civilians. Human lives are treated like targets in a safari. These are not policy disagreements. These are grave violations of international law. And where crimes are committed, there must be accountability. Let us not look away. Russia is a permanent member of the Security Council. With that comes a special responsibility for international peace and security. Instead, Russia is violating the very principles it is entrusted to uphold. Russia started this brutal war. Russia can end it. It can stop its attacks. It can withdraw its forces. It can leave Ukraine's sovereign territory. Latvia continues to call for an immediate and full ceasefire. Ukraine deserves just peace. Members of the United Nations, not every attack on the international order looks like war. Drones carrying explosives at airports. Drones crashing into homes. Airspace violated. Critical infrastructure damaged. Power stations suddenly in flames. Cyber attacks. We sometimes call them hybrid threats. But it sounds as innocent as hybrid cars. In reality, those threats to international peace and security are as dangerous as conventional wars. Guarding the eastern border of NATO and the European Union, Latvia faces these threats every day. Illegal migrants are deliberately exploited and pushed toward our border with Belarus. Cyber attacks target our critical networks. Acts of sabotage seek to create fear and instability in our societies. Russia's shadow fleet exploits legal gray zones and puts our security and environment at risk. Even in this very building, at the Security Council table, we have heard Russia spread blatant lies and make threats against Latvia and other free and democratic countries. Distinguished delegates, that brings us back to a fundamental question: what is the United Nations' role if its members are threatened and if its principles are violated?
Managing transformation requires institutions capable of adapting to a rapidly changing world, and delivering for all requires us to move beyond declarations toward tangible improvements in the lives and livelihoods of our peoples. Ultimately, our declarations, communiqués, and resolutions must travel the difficult road from this assembly hall to the daily lives of the peoples we represent. Persistent conflicts, geopolitical tensions, and growing divisions have tested trust between nations. Concurrently, our world is undergoing transformation driven by technology, climate change, demographic shifts, and changing patterns of economic power. The pertinent question is how we strengthen multilateralism so that the United Nations can deliver meaningful results for all member states. Humanity has traveled far enough to know that, on the great challenges of our age, none of us can go it alone. Whether a nation of a billion people or, like Botswana with just over 2.5 million people, we share one fragile planet and one imperfect but irreplaceable United Nations. The choices we make will determine whether multilateralism restores trust, manages transformation, and delivers for all, or becomes a cautionary tale of promises made and forgotten.
Restoring trust, mutual respect and equality before the law is our collective responsibility during this 81st session. Mr. President, distinguished participants, a year ago, we called in this very hall for peace to be the foundation of development and human rights. 12 months later, we must acknowledge that the gap between our commitments and reality remains evident. Everywhere around the world, from the Middle East to the Sahel, through the Great Lakes region, in Eastern Europe and Latin America, civilian populations continue to pay the high price of conflict, driven by interests that are often hidden. The devastating war in the Middle East, marked by massive civilian losses and destruction of critical infrastructure, has spread to Syria and Lebanon as a result of Israeli military operations and has had major global economic consequences. In addition to its worldwide impact, the conflict threatens the food and energy security of vulnerable countries, such as the Union of the Comoros, which remain highly dependent on imports and whose population face declining purchasing power And this demands greater international solidarity. Given this shared insecurity. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen allowing the conflict in the Middle East to continue directly weakens the United Nations by calling into question its ability to maintain world peace and by undermining its credibility amongst the peoples we represent. The theme of this 81st session acknowledges that something is broken, and that is why confidence must be restored through concrete actions that uphold the rule of law and collective security.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. It is a distinct honor to stand in this historic hall where so many great leaders have stood before to deliver my country's statement to the world. On behalf of Micronesia, I extend my warmest greetings of Kamorale. Let me begin by congratulating you, Mr. President, on your election as president of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. I also extend my appreciation to Secretary General Antonio Guterres for your dedicated and steadfast service, principled leadership and personal commitment to the values of the United Nations. As you conclude your tenure, we honor your advocacy for the most vulnerable and your tireless efforts in strengthening multilateralism. Micronesia stands in solidarity with all nations that have endured the recent waves of natural disasters around the world. The loss of lives, displacements, and destructions remind us of our common vulnerability. We extend our deepest condolences to the governments and peoples affected, and we honor the courage of those who chose to help in the face of tragedy.
Our world shaped by uncertainty, disruption and rapid change, but also by hope, innovation and opportunity. For Samoa, the theme is a promise the world must keep. Can trust be restored? Can transformation protect the vulnerable? The answer lies in the first words of our UN charter we the peoples. We must always put people at the centre of our decisions. For us, this is underpinned by the core values of our Samoan culture, the fa'asamoa and our faith such as respect, dignity, love, protection and service. Excellencies, every decision in this hall shapes the world that every child inherits. We meet at a pivotal moment in history. Profound and transformative changes are not only necessary, but inevitable. Across many societies, people are increasingly asking whether global institutions are delivering on the promises made to them. We must prepare ourselves to face the challenges ahead with resolve, and use the opportunity to herald in much needed reforms for the benefit of all, and leaving no one behind. For Samoa, multilateralism remains the cornerstone of our international engagement. Only through genuine cooperation and mutual trust can we craft solutions that no single nation could achieve alone. The UN80 initiative has merits, but also its risk, if not fully assessed and understood. Any reform must strengthen delivery on the ground by eliminating duplication, improving coherence and accelerating impact. Critically, such reforms must not weaken the operation of the UN Multi Country Offices or the Resident Coordinator system. Whilst Samoa reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the United Nations as the premier forum to address global crisis, we also caution against premature decision taken without the full consideration and endorsement by Member States.
Mr. president, the pursuit of restorative justice gained new momentum with the adoption of the Resolution on Slavery and Transatlantic Trafficking of Enslaved Africans in this hall in March of this year. This development is relevant for Suriname and equally important for the countries of the Caribbean region. The discussion is no longer about whether slavery and colonialism have caused lasting consequences, negative consequences. We know we are living them. We increasingly must focus on how to overcome these effects. And on the question of what form reparations should take to achieve that. How countries that have benefited from slavery and colonialism will compensate the affected. That is the important issue now. It is therefore, that the CARICOM ten-point plan for restorative justice is now of eminent importance. Mr. president, Suriname occupies a unique position. We are carbon negative and remain the world's most forested country with over 90% forest coverage. High Forested and Low Deforestation countries like Suriname should not first have to lose forests before climate finance institutions recognize the value of protecting them. Conservation costs cannot be borne only by the countries protecting ecosystems whose benefits are shared globally. So I will continue my plea for just and effective climate finance, because our forests are under even more pressure than when I addressed this meeting last year. I stated that the forests faced competition of rich natural resources like gold, diamonds and other precious minerals. We are now confronted, however, with a new threat of people who also want to clear parts of our rainforests for large scale agriculture. We will need to prevent that, and we can use every assistance. At this very moment, my government is introducing legal and institutional measures to better protect our forests and the immediate living environment of indigenous people and tribal communities. Their knowledge and participation are important at all stages of development.
At this juncture of global development, the success of reforms should be reflected by the conflicts prevented development advanced, assistance delivered, and communities strengthened. The selection of the next Secretary-General, therefore, comes at a defining moment. The next holder of the office should be an impartial custodian of the Charter, an independent voice for peace, a bridge builder among member states, and an advocate for those whose voices seldom reach these halls. The process should be transparent, inclusive and guided by merit, equitable geographical representation and gender equality. Above all, the next Secretary-General must bring the United Nations closer to the people. The Charter begins with we, the peoples of the United Nations. Those words should guide how the organization listens, how it communicates, and how it measures the success. In conclusion, Zimbabwe will assume its role in the Security Council, mindful that membership is not a badge of honor, but a commitment to serve the comity of nations. We will serve with balance and integrity, defend the sovereign equality of states, advance Africa's priorities and work constructively with all regions. Let this 81st session be recorded as the session that closed the gap between the promises of the Charter and the realities of the daily life. Zimbabwe is ready to play its part in building the future we all want.
What distinguished some of the past's best moments was our response. Countries came together, built institutions and negotiated treaties. They created Human Rights Council, ICC, UN Women and the UNFCCC. They placed Women, Peace and Security on the agenda of the Security Council and recognised sexual violence as a weapon and tactic of war. They adopted the Millennium Development Goals and later the Sustainable Development Goals. To put it simply, none of this happened by itself. It happened because political leaders consciously chose cooperation over retreat. That choice is before us again. Madam president, the United Nations next Secretary general must continue reforming this organization, make difficult choices and direct resources where they make the greatest difference. That will require courage from her. Yes, Iceland stands on. This is very clear. And so will the choices made by every Member State represented in this Hall. We must choose whether to uphold the law when it's inconvenient, whether to defend the rights of people who are not our citizens, and whether to protect and respect our system, even when that system does not deliver the outcome we want. That is the real test of our commitment to multilateralism, not what we say when the rules favor us, but what we do when they do not. For Iceland, the choice is clear. We choose international law over selective obedience, accountability over impunity, cooperation over isolation, human dignity over division. The generation that founded the United Nations had seen firsthand what could happen when restraints on power collapsed. The Charter, international law and the institutions that followed were their answer. In that sense, the United Nations is a gift from a generation that learned that lesson at an extraordinary cost. And now we need the courage to remember it. Thank you.
Ladies and gentlemen, one thing is clear there is a global trust deficit. Restoring trust will take time but greater trust will not just appear like magic. It's a result of increased, not decreased, international cooperation. And we must build it. The system of international cooperation we call multilateralism, in whose famous hall we stand today depends on us, just as we depend on it. True, the institution of multilateralism must deliver tangible benefits. But equally true, we, the Member States, must honor our commitments, adhere to global standards, and work together. Kazakhstan will remain a reliable partner for peace, security and sustainable development. We will continue to choose cooperation over confrontation and work with all member States to strengthen the United Nations and turn our shared commitments into meaningful action. And I thank you.
Mr. president, on the 26th of September 2025, almost to the day a year ago, right here before this august Assembly, I challenged the universal conscience on the distortion of the map of the world, which wrongly shrunk the size of Africa on the map of the world and in the global collective imagination. Just a few days ago, on the 4th of September 2026, to be precise, in this very hall, Togo's call was heard, and a reform of the map of the world was adopted. The international community made history by adopting, with a very large majority of 164 votes, by adopting resolution called correct the map. Togo is delighted that this resolution was adopted. This decision has a simple requirement: the need to represent the world based on scientific truth and respecting the equal dignity of the people. Correcting the map is not just rectifying a geographical distortion, it's also correcting the perceptions that come with, in particular in education, in information and in public action. Correcting the map of the world on behalf of scientific truth, on behalf of responsibility, in the face of history, on behalf of justice and equity, on behalf of repairing cartographic map distortions that were inherited from the past in English. Ladies and gentlemen, the adoption of this resolution is not the end of our journey. The adoption of this resolution is now the beginning of our resolution. For us as Africans, the adoption of this resolution is far more than a cartographic decision. The adoption of this resolution is an act of recognition. The adoption of this resolution is an act of reparation. The adoption of this resolution is an act of justice. The adoption of this resolution is for justice in the world. That way. Today we have not redraw the world. We have corrected the way in which the world is represented. Togo intends to build on this historic momentum. We count on the continued mobilisation of member states of the United Nations and its agencies of regional organization, of scientific institutions and of technologies platforms to translate this resolution into concrete action. Because a resolution must not remain a text, a resolution must become action. Action must become knowledge. Knowledge must become education, and education must become understanding among peoples.
The council has not. Five nations still hold a veto over the peace of 193. Most of the nations in this hall did not exist when that arrangement was made, none of us was asked. An institution that cannot reform itself, cannot hope to reform the world. Power without legitimacy is not order. It is control. And a peace kept only by the powerful is not peace. It is permission. That is why the Bahamas seeks a seat on the Council for the 2032-2033 term. The Bahamas does not seek a seat on the council to sit quietly inside that arrangement. We seek to help change it. A council that reflects the world as it is, and it gives small island states a dedicated seat at the table where our survival is decided. Change must also reach the leadership of this organization. The Bahamas supports the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana for Secretary General. A former foreign minister who has presided over the Security Council. She understands what rules mean for nations with no other protection.
In other words, too many nations now compete at the expense of basic rules. And that is why the world has slipped into disorder. But it matters more to find a prescription which would bring us back to order, stability and cooperation. Thus, I will offer you three remedies for a world in disorder. To begin with, we need to go back to the basics of international law. On my recent visit to India, I came across a quote from Mahatma Gandhi and I quote, the breach of one rule inevitably leads to the breach of other rules. End of quote. These words resonate all too strongly today. So there is a kick on effect of breaking the rules. We've moved back to a world defined by raw power and self-interest. Rules and values seem to be taking a back seat. Some are ready to throw in the towel, prepared to accept the defeat of the international rules based order. That is an exaggeration. International law has been questioned and challenged before. It has never been a perfect system, but we must admit that we are at a critical juncture. Fundamental norms are being questioned in a way that erodes confidence in the entire multilateral system. Therefore, the first remedy for a world in disorder is rule of law. Today, international norms are often presented as an obstacle to the pursuit of national interests. This is both wrong and dangerous. International law has never been merely an effort to achieve universal justice, but neither can it be reduced to a mere instrument of domination. It is not only about values, nor about interests, but about both. Despite the rhetoric, no major power is likely to give up its ability to shape the rules. That's why we see major powers still engaged here in the United Nations. Even when actors claim to abandon the rules, they rather seek to replace existing rules with ones more to their liking. Therefore, we will not face a world without rules. But we could be facing a world with less predictability, less restraint, a world based on rules that are more permissive for the powerful. For the collective benefit of the nations in this hall, we should continue to defend the rule of law and uphold its most fundamental principles. They include independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of nations, freedom of navigation at sea, and accountability for the most serious international crimes. The second remedy is about humanitarian principles, many of which have been mentioned in the speeches here today.
Lower trade costs in these decades have boosted global real GDP by an estimated 6.8%, and in the case of low income countries, by around 33%. Under the GATT and subsequently the WTO, disputes even between unequal powers could be settled by adjudication rather than the exercise of unilateral coercion. But we all know the multilateral trading system has frayed. This year's WTO conference in Yaoundé could not even reach consensus on several key issues, including the moratorium on the customs duties for electronic transmissions, which lapsed. Tariffs and supply chain restrictions have also returned as instruments of coercion. The consequences of all this cannot be overstated for Singapore. Trade is three times our GDP. For many in this hall, access to markets and technology are absolutely essential for our development. When the rules governing trade are eroded, all of us will pay the price. I know that consensus amongst 193 states is difficult, but it remains the gold standard.
Mr. president, we in Sudan are a peace loving nation, but we also seek a just peace. Therefore, from this UN hall, we reaffirm that comprehensive, lasting and just peace in Sudan in a manner that ensures the non-recurrence of conflict cannot be achieved without ending persistent external interference, halting the flow of weapons, ammunition and mercenaries into Sudan, dismantling the terrorist militia, stopping its attacks against civilians, cities, civilian objects, infrastructure, dams, medical centers and hospitals. Disarming this militia and ensuring that arms remain exclusively in the hands of the state and its established legitimate national institutions. We also call for the support for the steady progress being made by the Sudanese government in the protection of civilians and the peace building process. Mr. president, peace and stability in Sudan cannot be discussed while the destructive war waged by terrorist militia against the Sudanese people continues. The international community's silence and its failure to take steps to deter the atrocities and violations committed by the rebel militia in Sudan, despite the availability of documented and credible evidence and its disregard for legitimate calls to designate it as a terrorist organization and its failure to take decisive measures to stem the flow of weapons, material and mercenaries supporting the terrorist militia across our borders are the factors that prolong the war and encourage the militias continued aggression. Silence regarding the atrocities committed by the terrorist militia in Sudan is not only shameful, unethical and complicit, it is a betrayal of the civilian victims of women and girls who have demonstrated unprecedented resilience in enduring suffering beyond description, and indeed, of an entire people. Mr. president, the call for a comprehensive, nationally owned Sudanese-Sudanese Dialogue to achieve peace represents one of the key pillars of peace and the optimal path for resolving the current crisis. However, a conducive environment must be established to ensure its success and the achievement of its intended outcomes. This should be through the following Parallel and measurable measures to protect civilians, reduce polarisation, de-escalate tensions and contain political estrangement among civilian, political and military forces. Constructive confidence building measures to provide the dialogue with credibility and legitimacy. The dialogue being conducted through a purely Sudanese will free from external interference and free from bargaining, intimidation and coercion practised by some parties, at least at present. The implementation of the provisions of the Jeddah Declaration regarding the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, including fundamental obligations under international humanitarian law, the facilitation of humanitarian action, meeting the needs of civilians and affected persons, and ensuring the safe and voluntary passage of civilians leaving areas of hostilities. Mr. president, past experiences and the wars imposed upon Sudan have taught us that peace is not achieved merely through the signing of peace agreements, without addressing the root causes of the crisis and eliminating its underlying drivers, thereby preventing its recurrence. Rather, peace is a process requiring patience, determination and commitment to addressing the root causes of conflict, removing sources of instability, disarming armed groups, restricting arms possession to the state, and building peace. The state has already begun preparations and creating a conducive environment for this dialogue, aimed at reaching common ground through free discussion and placing the country on the path towards the most appropriate and inclusive political transition that excludes no one except outlaws and traitors.
He stood firm in defending our organization against attempts to undermine its foundations. He worked tirelessly to strengthen its role whenever efforts were made to diminish it, he devoted himself to keeping the voice of multilateral action strong whenever attempts were made to silence it. Today we meet at a crossroads. In many parts of the world, tensions are rising, conflicts are expanding, and crises are deepening. Meanwhile, trust among nations is declining. Isolationism and polarization are intensifying. Whereas selfishness and exclusion are prevailing at the expense of cooperation. Unilateral coercive measures are increasingly being imposed, and the logic of power is once again reasserting itself, eclipsing the virtues of dialogue and disregarding the benefits of consensus and understanding. In such a turbulent international context, the danger lies not only in the outbreak of wars, but also in the normalization and acceptance of war itself. It lies in the transformation of the exception into the rule, to a situation where the rules of international law become applicable at times and suspended at others, subject only to the dictates of power balances. What sort of international order can function properly when principles are selected according to the identity of those who violate them? What confidence can remain in international law when the aggressor is granted the right to self-defense, while the victim is required to justify even the right to survive? And what future await humanity if imposing fait accompli and once again becomes a tool for managing conflict or determining their outcome. This matter is not simply a temporary crisis facing the international system. Rather, it is a profound review of our collective conscience and our capacity to preserve and develop the order we established after two world wars, so that future generations would not suffer the scourge of war. Because we fail to learn the lessons of a not so distant history, and because we did not heed these lessons, and we did not transform them into measures that would protect us from the catastrophes of the past finally and in full. And because we built a system of international relations whose central purpose was to reject war. And to safeguard a lasting peace, but without providing the system with the means and instruments necessary to achieve an ambition of this size. For this reason, the theme that was chosen by the president of our General Assembly for this session, namely restoring trust and managing transformation: a United Nations delivering results for all, this theme not only reflects the challenges of our time, but also presents us with a fundamental question how do we restore confidence in an international system whose rules and institutions have lost credibility? Algeria believes that the starting point must be from the place where the will of the international community must be embodied, namely the United Nations itself, this very place and this very hall. Particularly reforming the United Nations system is no longer an institutional luxury, nor is it a choice that can be postponed indefinitely. It has become a necessity imposed by the profound transformations the world has undergone. It is imposed by the need for a more just international order, an international order that is more representative and more equitable. We cannot ask peoples to trust in multilateralism if its institutions continue to reflect the balances of a bygone era. We cannot speak of international justice without addressing the historical imbalances that still mar the structure of international decision making. Nor can we advocate for international peace and security while the system of international relations continues to favor war as a means of resolving dispute. Accordingly, Algeria calls for strengthening the role and the authority of the General Assembly. We call for a profound reform of the Security Council that would make it more representative, more equitable and more effective, and that would put an end to selectivity and double standards in the application of international law. In this regard, Algeria reaffirms its steadfast support for the common African position. We stress that correcting the historical injustice suffered by Africa requires permanent and fair African representation in the Security Council with full powers. If restoring trust begins with institutional reform, then it cannot be complete without doing justice to the peoples aspiring to self-determination and the realization of their national projects.
Mr. president, doctor Khalilur Rahman, Excellency, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary General of the United Nations. Your Majesties Excellencies, head of State and government, heads of delegation, distinguished delegates. Ladies and gentlemen it is a distinct honor for me to address this assembly on behalf of His Excellency, Mr. Adama Barrow, president of the Republic of the Gambia. I bring to this hall the warm greetings of the government and people of the Gambia, together with our enduring friendship, solidarity and goodwill to all nations represented here. Mr. president allow me at the outset to congratulate you most warmly on your election as president of the 81st session of the General Assembly. The Gambia assures you of our full support and constructive cooperation as you guide our collective work under the timely theme you have chosen: restoring trust and managing transformation so that the United Nations can deliver for all. That theme speaks directly to the moment in which we meet. Permit me also to express our profound appreciation to your predecessor, Miss Annalena Baerbock, for the dedication, dignity and determination with which she presided over the 80th session of the General Assembly. I also wish to place on record The Gambia's appreciation for the Secretary General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, and Deputy Secretary general Amina Mohammed, whose steady and principled leadership, through years of compounding global crisis, have done much to keep the flame of multilateral cooperation alight even as the winds against it have grown fiercer.
And those words give my compatriots and I courage to uphold the Pan-African and anti-colonial heritage that was bequeathed to us by our forebears. Another line in our anthem petitions God to fill our hearts with true humility and make us cherish fearless honesty. That prayer inspires me today to follow in the footsteps of Doctor Kwame Nkrumah, Haile Selassie, Nelson Mandela and other global icons who have stood at this very podium before me and have spoken boldly and fearlessly about the state of affairs in our world. The world may not transform overnight because of the speeches that we deliver here in this August assembly, but history would faithfully record the truths we choose to speak and the silences that we choose to keep When we are granted the privilege of addressing this global town hall. Allow me, therefore, to begin by reintroducing myself to the General Assembly. I stand before you as president of the Republic of Ghana. Yet we too often ascend these heights draped only in the robes of our titles, forgetting that alongside each of us stands a history, a people, and a legacy. I was born in a little town, Damongo, which was then a modest community in northern Ghana, and it's now the capital of the Savannah region of my country. I was born to Mr. Emmanuel Adama Mahama of Bole and Madam Abiba Nnaba Suluwu of Busunu, both of blessed memory. I belong to them and I belong to the foremothers and the forefathers who gave birth to them, who named them, who nurtured them, and who passed down the enduring values by which I live today. I grew up at the crossroads of several Ghanaian cultures. I speak Gonja, which is a Guan language. I speak Twi and Ga. I am fluent in Hausa, spoken across the West African savanna and the Sahel. I understand some Ewe. And I speak English as my official language. In a very real sense, I belong to all these people because their tongues, including English, have become my tongue. Language creates a kinship, regardless of the historical complexities through which kinship was forged. Mr. President, everybody in this chamber today and every global citizen listening to my words, possesses an origin.
It also charged it to advance the economic and social well-being of all peoples. Peace and prosperity were never two mandates; they were one promise. Today, both sides of that promise are under strain. The crisis of multilateralism is not a shortage of commitments, institutions, or rules. It is the widening distance between the equality this system proclaims and the inequality that is inherent in its structures. That is precisely why we cannot accept its present limitations. On peace and security, the contradiction is increasingly difficult to ignore. Every nation in this hall has one vote. Every nation is sovereign and equal under the charter. Yet, on the gravest question of war and peace, five nations possess a permanent power that the other 188 do not. The equality proclaimed in this Assembly ends at the doors of the Security Council. That imbalance might have reflected the world of 1945. It does not reflect the world that we know today. Africa has 54 member states, more than a quarter of this Assembly, yet no permanent voice in the body entrusted with the primary responsibility of international peace and security. We are frequently the subject of its decisions: permanently discussed, yet permanently excluded. The problem is not that the world lacks law. It is that confidence in its consistent application is weakening. International law cannot be invoked loudly in one crisis, cautiously in another crisis, and disregarded when convenient. Every perceived double standard carries a price, and that price is trust. Trust cannot be restored by declaration.
It applies to the international system and it applies to Europe. We will not abandon the European idea because the European path has been difficult. The European Union remains for us our natural political, economic and institutional home, and we have work to do at home. We must strengthen the rule of law, build more effective institutions, build a more competitive economy and strengthen our citizens' confidence in their own state. That is our responsibility, and we will not shift it to Brussels. At the same time, we expect European integration to remain a merit based process based on measurable criteria, not a process in which bilateral issues can continually move the goalposts. We are not asking for an easier path. We are asking for a path governed by rules. We are not asking for lower standards. We are asking for standards to remain standards. This is equally important for Europe's credibility at a time when its geopolitical weight will increasingly depend on its ability to translate its commitments into tangible political outcome, and on its resolve to uphold the values it espouses and to remain steadfast in advancing them despite the many challenges it faces. Excellencies, the future international order will not be shaped only on battlefields or in diplomatic halls.
Today, once again, we choose dialogue over confrontation, cooperation over isolation, democracy over authoritarianism, peace over war, and development over resignation. The United Nations will not restore trust simply because we declare it so in this hall. We must be firm and unequivocal in our defense of multilateralism, democracy, peace, and, above all, human dignity. And before this assembly, I wish to say this with absolute clarity. Paraguay is ready to play its part. Because our history has taught us to resist. And our future calls on us to build. Beyond words lie actions.
The power fuelling climate chaos and the war on nature. And the power unleashed by artificial intelligence. Excellencies, The first great power test in the 21st century is peace and security. Peace is far more than the absence of conflict. It is the presence of restraint of power by law. It is the recognition, as enshrined in the UN Charter, that force cannot be the final arbiter of whose lives, rights and future matter. Today that principle is under profound strain. Across the Middle East, conflicts are cascading. So-called ceasefires have amounted to little more than “lesser fires” – with civilians continuing to pay the price. Enough is enough. I appeal to the leaders in this Chamber to maximize this High-Level week for de- escalation and dialogue. Together, let's send a clear message from this Hall: The fighting must stop. Humanitarian aid must flow. And navigational rights and freedoms must be fully restored in accordance with international law. Amid the turmoil engulfing the region, we must not lose sight of the devastating situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. It is nearly three years since the abhorrent terror attacks by Hamas on 7 October. What followed was an onslaught on Palestinians in Gaza, with a scale of killing and destruction unlike anything I have witnessed in all my years as Secretary-General. The International Court of Justice has issued legally binding provisional measures in the case entitled: “Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip.” In an advisory opinion last year, the Court was clear that the United Nations needs to be allowed to perform our mandates in Gaza – and for our staff and humanitarian personnel to be protected. All parties must comply with international law and the Court’s orders. Meanwhile violence, displacement and settlement expansion by Israel in the Occupied West Bank are bulldozing the path to peace and raising the spectre of ethnic cleansing. We cannot allow the two-State solution to disappear before our eyes. In Ukraine, Russia’s full-scale invasion has subjected a sovereign country to a brutal war in blatant violation of the Charter. Civilians continue to be killed far from the frontlines. Mainly in Ukraine, but also more recently in parts of Russia – homes, energy and water systems, and transport have come under repeated attack, threatening food and energy supply chains globally. In Sudan, a war for raw power fed by outside actors has become a war on civilians: Millions displaced. Hunger spreading. Drones striking hospitals and homes. Sexual violence and ethnically driven attacks escalating. And a country being torn apart as the world looks away. And in Myanmar, another crisis is at risk of slipping from global attention with: escalating violence; mass displacement; and expanding transnational crime. Excellencies, These and so many other conflicts show what happens when power gets out of control, force outpaces diplomacy, military budgets soar, and accountability goes out the window. The test before us is whether power will be exercised with the law – or beyond it. We must pass that test: We must defend the Charter without double standards. Protect civilians without exception. Ensure humanitarian access without obstruction. Shield humanitarian personnel without fail.
Culture, science, sport, technology, business, and young people from all parts of the world will come together in Belgrade, and I look forward to our hosting a large number of the states represented in this hall today. At the outset, I spoke about trust and responsibility, and that is where I wish to conclude. We will not restore trust through grand declarations if we then continue to act as before. Each of us must begin with our own decisions.
Excellencies, we are gathering in this hall of nations, countries, large and small, some insanely rich, too many shockingly poor, but all enjoying equal voting rights. Yet we know equality is an illusion. Some possess non-threatening antiquated guns, while few others have perfected their nuclear arsenals, now 100 times more destructive than the ones dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. As primitive as they were then, these experimental bombs incinerated two cities, almost all living beings in them. Those unfortunate ones who survived the blast died long, painful deaths. Russia, U.S., China, France, the U.K. —all members of the NPT— were joined by four countries not members of the NPT: Israel, India, Pakistan, North Korea. Yes, North Korea had a nuclear arsenal estimated to be around 100. And North Korean leaders seem to have learned lessons from Libya, Ukraine, and the ongoing Iran-Israel-US war. Dismantle your nuclear capabilities and you lose the only deterrence you have against a nuclear power deciding to bomb you into submission. On June 30, 2019, President Trump traveled to DMZ in the Korean Peninsula. The mysterious Swiss-educated leader of North Korea, half the age of the American president, walked halfway, and the two leaders engaged in an embrace that promised peace. This is what leaders do to advance peace: they show courage, audacity. President Trump, you did the right thing. Friends are friends. We cherish and embrace our friends, never ignoring them or excluding them from the table. But we talk to adversaries so that we don't become enemies. We talk to enemies to prevent wars, and perhaps we become partners in peace. Those countries amassing nuclear weapons keep us all living near imminent catastrophe. One day, any day, by accident, miscalculation, computer error, madness, or foolish strategic design, we could become the last human generation. All the while, the brandishing of these weapons reinforces adversity and fear, which create a high barrier to achieving rational cooperation necessary to fulfill our responsibility to future generations. Trillions of dollars are invested in perfecting forms of death instead of investing a fraction of these trillions in clean water: food, schools, clinics. No thought was given to the tens of millions of fellow human beings pushed back to extreme deprivation by COVID-19, Ukraine-Russia war, and as if innocent bystanders on the periphery had not suffered enough, we are presented with another catastrophe: the Iran war and disruption of vital waterways for trade. We know the madness of Iranian leaders seeking regional supremacy, pouring fuel into the fire of religious extremism in neighboring countries to destabilize wealthy, stable monarchies. Iranian leaders launch unwarranted attacks against neighbors, destroying civilian industries, infrastructure. Iran's rationale for these attacks is that those countries host American bases. So is Iran going to launch waves of drones and missiles against U.S. bases in Europe? Can we change course? Can we stop sleepwalking into wider wars? My invitation to President Trump: be audacious, be unpredictable, be visionary. Invite all nuclear powers and all major conventional military powers and industries, without exception, to a summit somewhere, maybe a town in Portugal, to talk on no first strike. Enhance regular communication between leaders of the nuclear powers. Commitment on reduction of nuclear weapons toward total deactivation and destruction of nuclear arsenals over a decade. Be yourself, be President Trump, be audacious, be unpredictable. Do the unthinkable, and you will gain worldwide gratitude and respect.
What is difficult is to light a candle that will dispel that darkness. Turkey has chosen the second path and hopefully will follow it with patience. May God ease our way and be our guide and helper, I pray. I invite our friends listening to us in this very hall today, and from every corner of the world, to embrace this shared vision of the future. I greet you all with the warmest of regards on my own behalf, on behalf of my people. Until we meet again, I salute you all once with respect.
Russia's bet on cruise missiles and Shaheds didn't work the way Putin planned. They still caused damage, but they didn't break us. We built our defense. What is truly difficult for us now is Russian ballistic missiles and their new jet-powered Shaheds, Iranian technologies. Just imagine this: since the beginning of this year, Russia has already used more than 2,100 missiles of different types against us, against Ukraine, our people, and our children. More than 950 of them were ballistic missiles. In 8 months of this year, Russia used 63,000 attack drones of different types against Ukraine, our people. And more than 7,700 of them were jet-powered Shaheds. Truly destructive and very dangerous weapons. Just think about it. The Russians launch jet-powered Shaheds every hour, every hour, against our cities, our economy, our infrastructure. Our combat aircraft are fighting them 24/7. And this is part of Russia's strategy: to create an air threat every hour, to make life harder for the economy, and to disrupt people's lives, and to stop children from being able to study, just to study at school. Would your country survive if, God forbid, you had to face something like this? Ukraine has. Our soldiers have already successfully tested four new jet-powered interceptor drones against Russian jet-powered Shaheds. So we are scaling up production, and we will build, of course we will build, protection against these threats too. We have also launched an anti-ballistic program, FREYJA, together with our partners. Ten countries are already part of it: Ukraine, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom, Spain, and the Netherlands. Last week, I invited Poland to join. And we are also in consultations with a couple of other allied governments who want to join FREYJA. And we remain open to every country that can contribute to building protection against ballistic missiles. Our FREYJA program does not replace proven and effective systems, like, for example, Patriot systems or upgraded anti-ballistic SAMP/T systems. We want to build a system that can be produced on a much larger scale and at a lower cost, a system that can become an integrated part of Ukraine's defense and Europe's defense. One that can help any freedom-loving nation. The global waiting list for anti-ballistic systems is very long. There are more and more ballistic threats, and the industrial capacity of those who choose war is very large. So we need to produce enough protection so that every person sitting in this hall can say," My people are truly protected." That is our approach to security. Today, even the richest countries in the world can't find enough missile interceptors. Current production is simply not enough. And even those who spend years building up interceptor stocks have already used a large part of them. Unfortunately, this is the reality, even in the Gulf, where countries really worked to build strong anti-ballistic system, anti-ballistic defense. So we need a new program. We need FREYJA. Join these common efforts. And yes, sometimes it may seem that Ukraine is focused only on war, because we speak about weapons, we speak about defense and sanctions against the aggressor. But Ukrainians did not choose this war. We choose not to die, not to lose our country, our families, not to lose our independence, our freedom. And we are defending ourselves. And this matters not only for us, I'm sure. Most of you here are like Ukraine was before this war. You are peaceful nations. And you do not think about war every second. But that does not mean you are weak. And those who may wish you harm should not make that mistake. Most of you do not have nuclear weapons. You do not have a habit of attacking your neighbors. And you may not have the money to finance years of war. But that does not mean you have no chance to stay safe, to deter those who may threaten you, to make anyone who may threaten you think twice, and to protect your life and, of course, protect your people. Ukraine has proven that even against a much bigger enemy, you can stand and survive. And we also have the drone deal format. This is not simply about selling drones. Not, of course. It is cooperation with other countries to build a modern, integrated defense system against drone threats in the air, at sea, and on land. And this is not only about protecting the sky. Drones help us control our borders, it's important, mountain areas and, of course, roads, and without them, this would simply be impossible. And it is also about protecting infrastructure, critical infrastructure, about resilience, about organizing resources and defense forces so that critical infrastructure and transport can keep working even in the most difficult conditions, this is also part of the deals we offer. These are ready-made security formats that we adapt to each specific country and each specific region. We are already working with partners in the Gulf, the South Caucasus, and across Europe through drone deals. Today, I signed a drone deal, serious drone deal, with Finland, and this is significant. Also, today, I signed a security agreement with Australia, and drones are part of it too. And we are preparing drone deals with Canada and with other countries as well. When Russia started this war, it could never have imagined that Ukrainian long-range drones would one day reach its factories, its military factories, somewhere in Siberia and on the Yamal Peninsula, thousands of kilometers from our borders. Thousands. No Russian admiral expected that we would be able to sink Russia's pride cruisers that were supposed to dominate the sea but could not survive our naval drones. And along with different types of drones, we also produce a wide range of conventional weapons quickly, at lower cost than in many other countries, and tested in modern war. Ukraine is building its security so that we reinforce our role of a real provider of security and help others get the protection that has already worked for us and that can truly reduce the space for starting and spreading wars in the world. Peace through protection. Ladies and gentlemen, just think about it. No Russian official ever imagined that Army General Winter, which had fought on Russia's side for centuries, would one day switch sides and support those defending themselves from Russia. We will make that happen this winter if Russia continues to target our energy system and our heating. Ukrainians understand that this winter could be very harsh for us. But in response, we will have no choice but to make it painful for Russia too. And that's exactly why we say that de-escalation steps are important, are needed before winter, now. We need diplomacy, and we need strength. And step by step, we are closing the gaps in both. Yesterday, we met with the President of the United States, and this is exactly what we discussed. Unfortunately, we have not had a chance to speak directly with the leader of China, who is in America today, but not here. And he is someone who can influence Russia too, more than many, many others can. And we would like him to want peace as much as we do in Ukraine. We believe the world has the power to make this happen. We are sure the world needs this. This is about energy, about critical infrastructure. This is about food security.
That's why we are so united behind Ukraine. And let me say we salute the Ukrainian people. They are showing depths of resilience and courage that is an inspiration to the whole world. I was in Kyiv last month and it gave me a glimpse of life under Russian attack. I went to a bustling market, just a normal scene from any European city. The traders singing the praises of their products, pushing into my hands peaches and plums from Odessa. But their stalls were out on the street because the market hall had been destroyed. In the background, there were burned out cars. Behind us, a building that had taken a direct hit just a few weeks before. I met people riding the metro home from work, people just getting on with their lives. But at night, those same metro stations doubling as shelters for thousands of people, from the elderly to little kids, some who have known nothing but war. People told me about the freezing conditions in the stations last winter, when temperatures dropped below -20 degrees outside. Meanwhile, Russia was targeting their energy infrastructure, trying to make them suffer even more. We can't let them do that again this winter. So we're working to help Ukraine protect their skies and civilians. We're leading the charge in raising the cost for Russia of continuing this senseless and illegal war. The Graham Bill, which President Trump signed last week, will make a huge difference to that effort. And we will support Ukraine to repair and protect the heat and power plants that Kyiv will depend upon this winter. It is right that we provide that support, but we should call Russia out this time and every time. Everyone in this room knows that strikes on civilian infrastructure are explicitly forbidden by international law. Yet we stand here in the U.N. announcing funding to mitigate the effects of these war crimes, which we reliably expect to be perpetrated yet again by a permanent member of the Security Council. It must end. Russia could choose a different course tomorrow: accept a cease fire, come to the negotiating table. I urge them to do so. But until then, we will stand with Ukraine stronger than ever for as long as it takes. This is about upholding the UN Charter and the rule of law. We will stand firm in the face of any threats and challenges to the rule of law, not just from Russia but from others too, including where they threaten the rights of British territories to remain British, such as the Falkland Islands. That's why we're also working with France and other partners to support freedom of navigation in the Gulf. And it's why I have acted on the Middle East. Just eight weeks into becoming Prime Minister, working with my Foreign Secretary, Ed Miliband, I comprehensively reset our position and we built an international coalition of countries to come with us. The terrorist attack on Israel on the 7th of October 2023 was utterly horrific. I have condemned it in the strongest possible terms. We continue to condemn Hamas, and we stand with Israel in the face of the ongoing threats, including from Iran against Israel and Jewish people around the world. But this does not justify the Israeli government's actions in Gaza or the West Bank. Far too many people have died, including so many children. Far too little aid is getting in and it has gone on for far too long. We will not stand by as the horrific suffering continues to grow and the prospect of a two state solution, the best hope for peace and stability for both nations comes under attack. Last month, Israel issued tenders for the construction of the E1 mega settlement, which would drive a wedge through the West Bank and threaten to put a viable Palestinian state beyond reach. It cannot be allowed to happen. So we have acted by banning trade in goods with illegal settlements, recognizing that the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory is unlawful, and sanctioning those taking part in the construction of illegal settlement. We want to see the suffering and death finally come to an end. We want to see Israeli and Palestinian people living side by side in peace and security, and we will do all we can to keep the hope of that possibility alive. And look, we live in an age of low trust in politics. If we were to continue to talk about the two state solution, but failed to back those words with deeds, that trust will fall even lower and our enemies will seek to exploit the alienation that follows from that. We won't let it happen.
Mr. president, at the end of August, the Vanuatu government initiated proceedings against France before the International Court of Justice concerning sovereignty over Umaenupne and Umaeneg/Leka islands, or Matthew and Hunter, as they called in English, and the maritime boundaries between Vanuatu and New Caledonia. These islands are integral part of Vanuatu's territory, grounded in customary governance, long standing historical connections indigenous ownership and is seen as part of our duty as ancestral custodians to protect and preserve. We recognise France as a steadfast champion of the international rules based order and under the leadership of President Macron, a strong supporter of international judicial institutions. France has stood alongside Vanuatu in advancing global climate action, including through its support for initiatives before the International Court of Justice. We greatly value this partnership and France leadership on issues of international importance. It is in the same spirit of mutual respect and commitment to international law that we respectfully invite France to consent to the jurisdiction of the court. Mr. president, trust is important for the United Nation's credibility. It cannot be restored through declarations alone. Trust must be earned through action. People will trust the United Nations when they see it preventing conflict. They will trust it when international law is respected. They will trust it when humanitarian assistance reaches those who need it. They will trust it when development commitments become real projects. They will trust it when climate finance reaches vulnerable communities. They will trust it when small states are heard and they will trust it when the international system treats all nations with equal dignity. For Vanuatu, restoring trust also means restoring confidence in multilateralism itself. We must resist the temptation to conclude that because the international system is imperfect, it is therefore irrelevant. The UN80 reforms currently implemented are paramount to rebuild trust again at the United Nations, and therefore needs to be managed diligently. Vanuatu supports efforts to strengthen the United Nations. But reform must preserve what is most important the principle of sovereign equality. The United Nations cannot become an institution where the voices of the most powerful states dominate, where smaller states are expected merely to follow. Reform must strengthen General Assembly. It must make international institutions more accessible to developing countries. It must address the financing and capacity constraints facing small delegations. It must strengthen preventive diplomacy. It must improve the implementation of international decisions. It must ensure that the development pillar remains resourced and that the implementation on the ground is effective and efficient. And it must ensure that international law remains central to the international system. Vanuatu calls for UN Security Council that is more representative, transparent and accountable, with membership and working methods that reflect today's realities and give all regions a meaningful voice. But reform cannot be limited to institutional structures. The deeper reform we require is political and renewed commitment by member states to the principles we have already agreed to. That charter does not need to be reinvented. It needs to be respected. Mr. president, excellencies, for Vanuatu, the United Nations Charter remains our compass. It tells us that the nations are sovereign equals. It tells us that disputes must be settled peacefully. It tells us that the force must not be used against the territory or political independence of states. It tells us that the nations must cooperate. And it reminds us that the ultimate purpose of the international system is not power for its own sake. It is peace, justice, human dignity, development, and cooperation. And it is a better future for succeeding generations. These principles are particularly important to Vanuatu because we know what independence means. Our independence is not merely the absence of colonial rule. Independence means the right of a people to determine our future. It means sovereignty. It means dignity, it means equality, and it means having an equal place in the family of nations. That is why Vanuatu will continue to defend the multilateral system. That is why we will continue to defend international law, and that is why we will continue to speak for the principle that every nation, regardless of size, matters. Mr. president, we meet at a critical moment in international affairs. There are wars that remain unresolved. There are communities facing humanitarian catastrophe. There is growing geopolitical rivalry. There is economic uncertainty. There is climate disruption. There is technological transformation. And there is declining confidence in the international institutions. Yet I remain convinced that this is precisely the moment when we must choose cooperation over confrontation. We must choose dialogue over division. We must choose law over force. We must choose solidarity over indifference. And we must choose multilateralism over fragmentation. Vanuatu comes from a part of the world where our ancestors navigated vast oceans using the stars, the winds, the currents and the knowledge passed from generation to generation. Today the international community is navigating another uncertain ocean. We need a compass. The United Nations Charter is that compass. It provides the principles by which we can navigate a world of competing interests while preserving our common humanity. The theme of this 81st session Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all reminds us of what is required. But ultimately, restoring trust will depend not on the words we adopt here, but on the actions we take when we leave this hall. Let us therefore, build a United Nations that is strong enough to prevent war, fair enough to protect the vulnerable, courageous enough to defend international law, and inclusive enough to give every nation a meaningful voice. Let us build a United Nations where the concerns of a small island nation in the Pacific and all over the world can stand alongside those of the largest powers of the world. Let us not allow division to rule our era. Instead, we choose cooperation. We choose peace. We choose justice. We choose solidarity. And we choose to renew our faith in the idea that together, nations can build a world. We can build a better world.
