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For more than 80 years, this organization has stood for one answer. Power must be bound by rules agreed together, that answer secured Austria's sovereignty and our prosperity. It still does. We are a nation of 9 million people, an open, liberal democracy, and we are proud of it. Alone we cannot. We cannot keep trade routes open, stabilize energy markets, or prevent wars. Like most countries in this whole, we depend on a world in which borders are respected, agreements are kept, and strength is bound by law. When that order weakens, the gravest price is paid by those least able to bear it. By countries already in crisis. By populations heavily dependent on food imports and by people caught in conflict. In Austria, we are fortunate to live in peace, but the consequences reach us. Energy prices rise, factories close and families are forced to flee war and seek safety across Europe. This is why the United Nations matters. It is our life insurance. This is why we are a proud host country of the organization, why we successfully campaign for a seat on the UN Security Council. I would like to thank you wholeheartedly for your support at the elections in June.
Excellencies ladies and gentlemen. This summer, the Republic of Moldova turned 35. For much of that time, the world described us as a country caught between East and West, a place where others decided. I stand here as the new Prime Minister of a country that has decided. Small countries do not choose their geography or their size. But small does not mean powerless. Nations like people, are shaped by the choices they make, whom they trust, whom they elect, whom they call friends, and how they respond when things turn against them. For a long time, others made many of those choices for us. Soviet authorities deported our families to Siberia, forced our Romanian language into another alphabet, and told us it had another name. After independence, Moscow used gas and trade restrictions as leverage over our country. Step by step, we began choosing for ourselves. Romanian is again written in Latin and spoken freely. Governments change peacefully at the ballot box and when our democracy was threatened, Moldovans have defended it through elections and civic action. We also reduced Russia's economic leverage on us. We diversified our gas purchases. In just five years, renewables grew from nothing to around 30% of our energy supply. Our electricity system is increasingly integrated with Romania and the European grid, and our companies sell on some of the most demanding markets in Europe and the world. But the Kremlin kept trying. Moldova faced illicit financing, disinformation, cyber attacks and vote buying. Russia spent the equivalent of nearly 2% of our GDP trying to influence last year's elections. Moldovans answered that their home is not for sale. Each of these choices carried a cost, but each taught us the same lesson. We cannot control everything around us, but what we do still matters. That is the source of our optimism. Our future remains in our hands, and nowhere is that choice clearer today than in our European path.
This is what we expect from a statesman, Yasser Arafat and Zaki Rabin were statesmen. They challenged the past to envision a future of peace. They were defeated by hatred. Generations of Palestinians will carry the pain and trauma left by the genocide of women and children perpetrated. By Netanyahu. Government in Gaza. Israeli civilians pay the price for radicalism and intolerance of Hamas terrorist acts, persecuting the International Criminal Court and its members encourages these crimes to go unpunished. The U.N. special rapporteur, Francesca Albanese, must not be silenced for telling the truth. Illegal settlements in the West Bank. Are making the two state solution increasingly unviable, essential for Israelis and Palestinians to live in safety, threatening civilizations with extinction will not bring stability to the Middle East. The Strait of Hormuz became has become a battleground, when it should have remained a vital passage for international trade Families around the world are paying for the rising. The price of fuel, fertilizers and food. The war between Russia and Ukraine has dragged on for five years in a humanitarian drama that continues to claim lives. We all know that there will be no winners on the battlefield. Diplomacy is the only option. Initiatives such as the Friends of Peace Group, created by Brazil and China, revealed that there are forces in the international community willing to work towards dialogue in Latin America and the Caribbean region. Geographical proximity to the world's greatest military power is inescapable, especially in the context of renewed hegemonic temptations. Brazil does not fit in anyone's backyard. We need partners with a positive agenda that fosters development. Ideological differences should not hinder higher integration amongst neighbors. The countries in the region have experienced the horrors of authoritarian regimes. We have come a long way to restore popular will. Democracy is once again under threat. We witness once more interference in the electoral processes, dividing the world into zones of influence and neocolonial incursions for strategic resources are anachronistic gestures. The Venezuelan people deserve to define their own destiny. Nicaragua will not solve its problems by preventing the opposition from running in the elections. The crisis in Haiti continues to test the limits of the international community's indifference. In Cuba, the world watches in horror as collective punishment is imposed on 10 million people by an illegal economic and energy embargo.
Wars can disrupt food, fuel, energy, trade, supply chains far from the battlefield. Economic decisions made in the world's largest economy can reach an ordinary family in a small developing country. A mother buying food can feel the consequences. A farmer buying fuel can feel the consequences. Our small businesses facing higher transport costs can feel the consequences. And the developing countries trying to build roads, schools and hospitals can feel the consequences. This is why leadership in powerful nations carry responsibilities beyond your national borders. With great power comes great responsibility. Papua New Guinea respectfully asks leaders of the world's major powers to remember the ordinary people whose lives can be affected by decisions made far away from them. When wars disrupt food, fuel and trade, families far from the battlefield can experience higher prices and economic uncertainty. When climate changes, communities that have contributed little to global greenhouse gas emissions can nevertheless face rising seas, extreme weather, threats to food security, and damage to lives livelihoods. Mr. president, my appeal to leaders everywhere is really simple. Put human welfare ahead of war. Put humanity ahead of narrow geopolitical interests.
We have no other choice. At no time was this demonstrated more clearly than on October 7th, 2023, the darkest day in Israel's history On that horrific day, thousands of Palestinians terrorists stormed into Israel from Gaza. Now, I want you to know there wasn't a single Israeli then in Gaza. Not a civilian, not a soldier, not one. But it didn't matter one bit. The Hamas terrorists committed the worst slaughter of Jews since the Holocaust. They went house to house, shooting Israeli civilians point blank. They did so with with fiendish glee, with sadistic joy. They live streamed as they murdered. And who did they murder? The very Israelis, their neighbors. Who gave them jobs, who picked up Palestinian children at the Gaza border and drove them to Israeli hospitals for cancer treatment and then brought them back. Can you imagine such monstrosity? This these Hamas monsters, they slaughtered Holocaust survivors. They burned babies alive in front of their parents. They beheaded our men. They brutally raped our women, and then they murdered them. Altogether. They slaughtered 1200 Israelis that day. I want to give you an idea of what this means for a country of 10 million. Proportionately, this is equal to 40,000 innocent Americans slaughtered in less than 24 hours. That's 16 times nine, 11 16, nine, 11. That occurred not very far from here. On that darkest of days. Our enemies expected us to collapse. Well, we didn't collapse. Instead, we rose and fought like lions. For the past three years, our heroic soldiers have fought day in and day out in a seven front war. Do you know any other country the size of new Jersey capable of fighting a seven front war? And for three years, seven fronts Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, Iran, militias in Iraq, militias in Syria, Palestinian terrorists in Judea Samaria. They all ganged up on us to wipe us off the face of the earth. They failed because instead of collapsing, we delivered crippling blows to all of them. With our great American friends, we crushed Iran's army, navy, air force, and nuclear facilities. Israel hammered Hamas, we pummeled Hezbollah. You remember the beepers? Remember these things. Remember them? Yeah. Well, I can tell you this. Hezbollah certainly remembers them. Guess what happened to the bulk of the Hezbollah's vast arsenal of 150,000 ballistic missiles and rockets, all aimed at our civilians. They're gone. Hezbollah's leaders dead, their spirit broken. The arch terrorists, the worst mass murderers on earth. Not only killing Israelis, killing Americans, killing Brits, killing citizens of hundreds, dozens of countries. Khamenei, death, Sinwar, Haniyeh, Nasrallah and thousands of other terrorists who sought to destroy us. They're all gone to. The remaining terrorists are desperately trying to regroup. Every day they try to murder our people. And in particular, they try to murder our people in our historic homeland in Judea. By the way, that's where the word Jew comes from. Judea. That's our land. They try to murder us. Thousands of attempts per year on families, peaceful families driving along the roads. They shoot at pregnant women. They shoot entire families. Of course, none of this is covered in the international press or in the social media. None of it None of it. What they cover is a handful of young juvenile delinquents, about 150 in number who go, who throw stones who chop down olive trees. Occasionally they do. They fire up. They lit some fires. I can't stand that. I won't stand for vigilantism. We're a country of law. So we put our Shin Bet on them. But that's what they call settler violence And the number of casualties a year, maybe two. Three in the total time that this is being discussed, maybe 2 or 3 dead compared to the thousands of terrorist attacks against the peaceful settlers, honorable people, law abiding people. What a distortion. It's an obsession. I hear this discussion here. I mean, leaders of countries seriously talk about that. And they say it with such importance. We can't stand settler violence. You don't know what you're talking about. And listen, two days ago, two days ago, two days ago. I say this to my colleague Emmanuel Macron. Two days, three days ago, a French citizen, Netanyahu shukran, a father of six, was gunned down when he visited a spring with his 16 year old son and a Hamas terrorist in Judea. Samaria comes and fires point blank at him in the last words he uttered flee, flee, son, save yourself. That was three days ago. Two days ago, in Judea, Samaria, a reserve officer, a reserve soldier near your leader was mowed down by a drive down terrorist Palestinian terrorists. He's fighting for his life now in a Jerusalem hospital. I visited the family right before I boarded the plane to come here. Najjar, a father of four, is the son of Yahia Lider, our brilliant ambassador to the United States. Three years ago, Israel's oldest son, Moshe, a father of six, was killed while clearing a booby trapped building in Gaza. You killed my brother. Your pain is immeasurable. The entire people of Israel and many outside of Israel are praying for Neerja's life. But despite the pain, despite the agony, we do not give in. In a recent post before he was attacked, Najjar wrote this. Listen to this. We have no other country. It's a privilege to defend it to an area and to all the heroes of Israel. I pledge a sacred vow. Your sacrifice will not be in vain. We will continue to defend our state. We will continue to win because we have no other choice. In this battle against the barbarians. We've had no greater partner than President Trump, I thank him. I thank him for his bold leadership. He boldly confronted an enormous danger to America, Israel and the world decades ago. He understood that if left unchallenged, the fanatic ayatollahs who chant Death to America, death to Israel would eventually carry out their mad fantasies. So Israel and America acted together not only to protect ourselves, but to save civilization. Brave American pilots, alongside brave Israeli pilots, flew joint missions over the skies of Iran. America and Israel also worked together to bring back our remaining hostages. We brought back every last one of them. You ask, why are we winning?
Your excellencies, we see the cost of that neglect every day. In my region, from Lebanon to Yemen to Sudan, protracted conflict is deepening humanitarian suffering. And if anyone had any doubt that a crisis in our part of the world stays there, just look at the energy and grocery bills of ordinary families, from Mumbai to Madrid to Minnesota. The Iran war has shown how quickly instability can disrupt trade, investment and lives beyond the region. And then there is Gaza. For decades, I've stood before this assembly and warned of the dangers of leaving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict unresolved. But the international community chose to manage the conflict, not confront it. And every new Israeli violation was treated as temporary, diverting attention from the reality being created on the ground until temporary became permanent and permanent became policy. Of course, this is not the world's only injustice, but one of the world's longest running occupations forces a basic question if international law can be ignored for decades, then what exactly is that law worth and how can we enforce it if we won't even call out its violations? In Gaza, the evidence is overwhelming. In the first 300 days of the so-called cease fire, at least 300 Palestinian children were killed. Jordan's field hospitals have also been targeted. President Trump has pushed hard for peace and a path to end this war. But this Israeli government keeps moving the goalposts, continuing its attacks and destruction of civilian infrastructure, refusing to withdraw and squeezing Palestinians into barely a third of Gaza. This can no longer be dismissed as temporary military measures or a consequence of war. Accountability begins when we call things for what they are, an attempt to erase Palestinian life and impose a new territorial reality in Gaza. And while the world has been focused on Gaza, something extraordinarily dangerous is unfolding in the West Bank. Some may think we have seen this before settlements, violence, displacement, more of the same, but it is not. Nor is it simply an escalation. This is a fundamental shift. What was once a creeping process has exploded into something far more aggressive. Settler violence is rampant. Palestinians are being beaten, shot and terrorized, homes torched, property destroyed, families driven from their land and Israel is tightening its grip on more of the West Bank, seizing land, expanding settlements and pushing the Palestinians out. It is time to see what is happening for what it really is, because when the language is sanitized, the actions become normalized. Demolishing Palestinian homes to expand illegal settlements is not law enforcement. It is forcible transfer. Appropriating occupied land is not land registration. It is de facto annexation. A choking network of checkpoints and barriers is not security infrastructure. It is a system of subjugation. Systematic attacks on Palestinian communities are not settler unrest. The Israeli government criticizes the violence before the international audiences. They call those responsible a handful of rioters. They assure us that Israel is a country governed by law. Yet what's happening on the ground says otherwise. Israeli soldiers stand by as settlers attacked Palestinians, often protecting the attackers or joining them. They have blocked ambulances from reaching the injured. They have targeted international journalists who are trying to say the truth. And when soldiers watch, enable and sometimes even participate in violence against civilians, this is no longer about a handful of rioters. And the question is no longer whether a few extremists are breaking the law. The question is, is this the behavior of a democratic state governed by law? What is unfolding across the West Bank is not a series of isolated acts. It is elements of a single policy to compel an entire population to leave their land. And there is a name for that forced displacement, and that is a war crime. Your excellencies, if we are to resolve the Palestinian Israeli conflict, the world must abandon some illusions. The first is that Gaza and the West Bank are separate stories. They are not. They are two fronts of the same Israeli strategy. In both, Palestinians are being killed. In both, the reality on the ground is being remade. Gaza through destruction. The West Bank through de facto annexation. The objective is the same to make a viable Palestinian state impossible. Another illusion is that this Israeli leadership's rejection of Palestinian statehood is a position that might yet change. It is not. It is cemented on the ground. This government has been accelerating settlements and land seizures, but it began long before. Since Oslo, the map has changed piece by piece, settlement by settlement, and the most dangerous illusion that the Arab world never sought peace. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 offered Israel normalization with 57 Arab and Muslim states, including Iran and Iraq at the time, in exchange for peace and Palestinian statehood. For over 20 years, that offer has stood. The obstacle hasn't been the absence of a partner for peace, but the absence of an Israeli government willing to accept it. This Israeli government understands the power of attention, and lately it has not liked the attention it's been getting. When confronted with evidence of wrongdoing, rather than change the course, it opts for distraction, discrediting its critics. It has also tried to cast this conflict as a war of religions Islam on one side, Judaism and Christianity on the other. It is not. This is about whether Palestinians, Muslims and Christians are entitled to the same rights as everyone else. Distractions will not fly anymore. People across the world are paying attention. The question now is, will we act? Because the world's political inaction is not for lack of options. So let's call it for what it is a choice. We have tools, sanctions, asset freezes, embargoes, diplomatic isolation, and we have a record of using them elsewhere. Yet with Israel, resolutions end where they began on paper. The result is a state without restraint. This government's sense of impunity has reached terrifying levels. It no longer feels compelled to ask, can we get away with this? It already knows the answer, and that is precisely why no one in this assembly should assume its ambitions stop at Palestine. This Israeli government's expansionist appetite is now a regional threat. And today Syria is the warning the international community is choosing not to see. Repeated incursions, creeping territorial expansion, new facts imposed on the ground, including around vital water resources, step by calculated step, Israel is testing how far it can go, and every time the international community looks away, Israel learns that it can go even further across borderlines and legal limits. For Jordan, there is no ambiguity, any threat to our northern border or our water security is a threat to our national security. Jordan will not look away. We will protect our security, our water and the interests of our people. And the question here is, if Israel continues its antagonistic approach in southern Syria, will the international community stand by and let that happen?
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No. 7
Sierra Leone09/22 · first at about 1 min2 mentions
I also commend Her Excellency Amina Mohammed, the Deputy Secretary General, for her exemplary service and distinguished representation of Africa on the global stage. Mr. president, nearly 25 years ago, Sierra Leone completed disarmament and formally declared its civil war over. The formal declaration matters, of course, but peace became real in more practical ways. In the families that returned home in the communities that learned to live together again, in the citizens who chose the ballot, and in institutions that slowly earned back confidence. The United Nations stood with us through disarmament, election and the long work of peace building. So we know what international cooperation can make possible because we have lived it. The experience taught us that trust cannot be commanded by declaration. Trust grows when promises are honored, when the law protects everyone, when institutions serve their people and when citizens can see a future for themselves.
Technology is changing how we work, communicate, and understand the world. Climate change is reshaping economies, communities, and entire ecosystems. Conflicts are destroying lives and displacing families. Economic uncertainty is deepening inequality while progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals has stalled. These challenges are not unfolding in isolation. They are interconnected, global in scale and beyond the capacity of any one nation to address alone. They demand stronger cooperation and renewed confidence in multilateralism. Yet, excellencies, at the very moment when collective action is most urgently needed, this organization stands at a crossroads. The question before us, therefore, is whether we possess the courage, solidarity and political will to shape that change and guide our world towards peace, justice and shared prosperity. I strongly believe that most right thinking individuals would agree that the UN system has substantially delivered for all countries over the several decades of its existence. For more than 80 years, this organization has embodied humanity's highest collective aspiration that countries large and small, rich and poor can work together to prevent conflict, protect human dignity and improve the lives of their people. The United Nations provides shelter and protection to people enduring conflict, displacement, and natural disaster. It supports education healthcare, peacekeeping, elections and development in communities that might otherwise be forgotten. These achievements matter and must never be dismissed or diminished. What the United Nations does not currently do enough is deliver at the transformative level. Too often humanity and the institutions we have created to serve us have had to concentrate on managing one crisis after another, without giving enough attention to the conditions that allow them to persist. Excellencies, there is no question that managing crises is necessary. It brings relief, restores hope, and saves lives. But we cannot stop there. Our responsibility must also be to address the root causes of these problems and build systems that are fairer, stronger and better able to serve our people. The true test of this organization, therefore is not only how well we respond after people have suffered, it is also whether we can work together to prevent that suffering in the first place. This is not to dismiss what has already been achieved. It is a call for us to build on that progress, strengthen our cooperation and deliver the meaningful change that our people expect from us. A fundamental question that one must ask is, can the international system still deliver?
Patent disregard for international law and the principles of a charter, reinforced by the sense of impunity, too often dominates over adherence to the rule of law and cooperation between countries for a better future. Mutual dependence has come to be treated as a critical vulnerability. Aggression, wars, and conflicts are becoming the new normal. Millions of people are suffering in Ukraine, Gaza, Sudan, Haiti, Myanmar. Sometimes we tend to forget that behind the numbers, there are always human beings: families separated, children affected, homes destroyed, and lives disrupted by conflict. Over the past three years, more than 1,000 humanitarian workers have lost their lives. And beyond ongoing wars and conflicts, there is a looming crisis brought on by climate change, one in which time is running out for us to act. Indeed, the time to act is now. Estonia, for example, is contributing its share. We have reduced our emissions by 66 percent over the past 35 years while transforming our energy system. Yes, the world is on fire, troubles and problems mounting before our eyes. The cooperative spirit in international relations that emerged after San Francisco and was clearly present after the end of the Cold War is fading away.
We are at a watershed moment. The time is not a time for any half measures or partially honored commitments, or to a too tepid response. given the scale of the threat. Massacres, bereaved families, women that have fallen victim to despicable violence, children deprived of their innocence and communities chased away from their homes need to compel us to act. And here I want to pay tribute to all of the victims of this violence. Their loss compels us to ensure that justice is done. I want to pay tribute as well to the police officers and the soldiers, Haitians, Kenyans and the residents of other nations who fell while serving Haiti. Through their courage, they have written with their blood as ink a page in the book of our struggle for security and peace. Haiti will never forget their sacrifice. For them, for their families, for these 12 million women, men and children, for children that are asking only to grow up, to dream and to live in peace. We cannot resign ourselves to seeing deaths and wounded people be mere numbers in our reports. We need to act because in Haiti today, one more victim is too many victims and Haiti is already acting. We've made the choice to strengthen the operational capacity of our national security forces, because the security of Haiti must ultimately be based on the capacity of the Haitian state. We are recruiting, we are training, and we are becoming stronger. Through the P4000 program, we are continuing to train 4000 police officers. Over 2000 have already been trained, and a new cohort is set to graduate from the Police Academy next November. In parallel with this, over 1500 new soldiers have already been trained and we are putting in place a program aiming to train 15,000 new soldiers over the next three years. What's more, we've stepped up our budget to invest in our two security forces. Our goal is not only to respond to the crisis of today, it is to build capacity that will allow Haiti to ensure itself fully and sustainably its own security. It is regrettable that the force that was supposed to temporarily support these efforts, that this force is not yet fully operational and it still hasn't reached on the ground the planned force of 5500 members. That is why from this rostrum, we emphasize the need to renew the mandate of the gang suppression force. And we want to see its full implementation with the forces, the equipment and the resources that are needed for it to discharge its mission. The experience from the Multinational Security support mission should serve as a lesson. A mandate is not enough. There's a need for forces.
Second, Japan is devoted to enhancing cooperation towards peace and stability. Since the end of the Second World War, Japan has consistently and seriously pursued efforts towards nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. At the very heart of our aspiration for a world without nuclear weapons lies the earnest plea of the hibakusha. The catastrophic consequences of nuclear weapons must never be repeated. It is Japan's mission as the only country to have ever suffered atomic bombings during war, to lead the efforts of the international community towards a world without nuclear weapons. Japan strongly calls for solidarity within the international community to maintain and strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty NPT regime, to which both nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states are parties. Further, Japan will persistently advance realistic and practical efforts, including enhancing the transparency of nuclear forces and promoting a deeper understanding of the realities of atomic bombings. The situations in Ukraine and North Korea have reminded the world of growing risks and threats posed by nuclear weapons. There are also concerns regarding the proliferation of nuclear and missile related technologies through the strengthening of military cooperation between Russia and North Korea. The security of the Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic is inseparable. The advancement of North Korea's nuclear and missile programs, as well as its use of malicious cyber activities, including cryptocurrency thefts as a source of funding, are clear violations of relevant Security Council resolutions and pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The full implementation of Security Council resolutions under the principle of the complete denuclearization of North Korea is essential. Moreover, the issue of abductions by North Korea is an ongoing matter with lives at stake. The abductees are still denied their freedoms and their families continue to suffer. This is a matter of grave concern not only for Japan, but for the international community. As the abductees and their families are aging, the abductions issue must be resolved immediately.
Thirteen reached the scale of war. Nearly a quarter of a million people were killed in organized violence. Interstate conflicts doubled for the second consecutive year. Their number quadrupled from two to eight. One-sided violence against civilians reached levels not witnessed since 1994, the year of genocide in Rwanda. From Europe to the Middle East, from Sahel to the Horn of Africa, civilians are paying the ultimate price. Cities are destroyed. Families are displaced. Hunger deepens. Supply chains are disrupted, driving up the cost of food, fuel, and essential goods far beyond the battlefield. Children inherit wars they did not begin and cannot understand. Too many disputes are no longer being settled. They are being frozen, deferred, or decided by force. This is precisely what the charter was created to prevent. It did not ask the United Nations merely to describe war, or count victims, or organize relief after diplomacy has failed. It gave this organization, the United Nations, a duty to prevent conflict, defend peace, and make collective security real.
Mr. President, a few situations illustrate so painfully the gap between international commitments and lived reality as that of the East of the DRC. For more than three decades, millions of Congolese have been suffering attacks, forced displacement, and bereavement. Territories have been occupied, families dispersed, women and girls have suffered sexual violence, while children are recruited by armed groups or deprived of education. At the same time, the looting of our resources continues to fuel international trade. My country continues to face a war of aggression led by Rwanda through its proxy, the AFC M23, in violation of its sovereignty, our sovereignty, and our territorial integrity, as documented by the UN. The atrocities committed by other armed groups, especially the ADF and CODECO, are exacerbating this humanitarian crisis even further. To combat this challenge, the DRC has chosen the path of diplomacy without ever abandoning its rights. The peace agreement signed in Washington on June 27, 2025, the commitments made as part of the Doha process, and the roadmap coordinated by the African Union have opened up prospects that we have constantly supported. I commend the United States, Qatar, the African Union, African facilitators, regional partners, and all those who are sincerely striving to restore peace. However, for the sake of truth, we must recognize that for millions of Congolese, this peace remains only a promise. Resolution 2773 of the Security Council has laid out an unambiguous path. It calls for an effective cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Rwandan forces from Congolese territory, and, to all support for armed groups, the disengagement of the AFC M23, the dismantling of parallel administrations, the restoration of state authority, unhindered humanitarian access, and the safe and dignified return of displaced persons and refugees. But we don't need new texts to replace those that have already been adopted. What we need is their implementation. With regard to the issue of the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda, the FDLR, long cited by Kigali to justify its military presence on our territory, the DRC is shouldering its responsibility. The protocol signed by the political and military leadership of the FDLR on May 30, 2026, provides for the disarmament, demobilization, and containment of their combatants, with a view toward their repatriation or resettlement without prejudice to potential judicial prosecution for serious crimes, until the movement is disbanded. The repatriation on September 8, with the support of MONUSCO, of 120 persons associated with the FDLR, is a first testament to the protocol's implementation. The issue of the FDLR, therefore, should no longer serve as a pretext for maintaining foreign military presence in our territory. The coordinated implementation of the mechanisms of Washington, Doha, and the African Union must be subject to a precise time frame, independent verification, regular information exchange, and clear consequences in case of violations. In this context, MONUSCO maintains a vital role in protecting civilians, monitoring the ceasefire, and supporting agreed-upon mechanisms. Any change to its presence must be determined by the conditions of security on the ground, the strengthening of national capacity, and the guarantee that no vacuum of power will remain to the detriment of populations. The DRC, for its part, will continue to fully shoulder its responsibility, especially through pursuing reforms of its defense and security institutions, through bolstering state authority, and through reconstruction on territories affected by the conflicts. And because the peace sought after in the subregion ought to go hand in hand with cohesion within our nation, the President of the DRC launched on August 28 a national dialogue for peace, cohesion, and the rebuilding of the state. This dialogue is open to the political and social forces that are committed to the Republic, our constitution, our territorial integrity, and to the rejection of violence.
I return to this issue of belonging at the end of my speech. But, Mr. President, last year, from this very podium, I made a solemn pledge on behalf of Africa and the global African diaspora to seek full international recognition of the transatlantic trafficking and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. Some cautioned that we were reopening old wounds, but we came not to provoke division or render empty judgment. We came to seek healing. And true healing requires truth, and truth requires acknowledgement, and acknowledgement must lead to meaningful repair. Mr. president, for centuries, this tragedy was rendered in the passive voice as though the millions of African men, women and children just vanished into the shadows of time. Mr. president, they do not vanish. They were hunted. They were captured. They were trafficked. They were bought, they were sold. They were exploited and exchanged for profit. They were ripped from their families and communities they belonged to. They are unpaid labor built. The cities, industries, banking institutions, and empires of the modern Western world. Meanwhile, the African continent was left depopulated. Split families, structural disruption and generational trauma. Mr. president, on 25th March this year, the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Ghana had the honor of tabling resolution 8250 in this very August Assembly. Mr. president, 123 nations voted to affirm this fundamental truth that the transatlantic slave trade and chattel enslavement were the gravest crimes against humanity I stand with respect at this podium to thank every nation that voted for justice, and am deeply grateful to our brothers and sisters in the African Union, the Caricom, Celac and our partners across the Global South. That resolution was not a mere gesture. It was adopted because the structural legacies of those historic crimes continue to fuel systematic racism, economic marginalization, and a global financial architecture that is weighted against Africa and people of African descent. Since the passage of the historic resolution, we welcome the positive overtures from many countries and institutions that have joined the dialogue on reparative justice. The Netherlands, Germany and France have all made positive moves to join the conversation on Reparatory justice. Mr. president, real repair demands structural transformation. It requires dismantling the persistent engines of exploitation, unfair global trade, predatory resource extraction, discriminatory, discriminatory credit ratings, unsustainable debt burdens of the global South, and the continued export of raw materials from Africa. While real value addition and job creation occur elsewhere. Mr. president, the injustices of the past remain embedded in today's power structures.
Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, distinguished delegations, ladies and gentlemen. There was a time in which, in my country, fear prevailed over the law. This was the experience of families that weren't going out at night, business owners who had to pay to be able to work, young people who were given weapons before they were given a diploma. We decided that this should not be the destiny of Ecuador, and we have acted with determination.
The principles of the charter, therefore, therefore matter to all of us. Human suffering cannot wait for diplomacy to succeed. People in conflict need food, medicine and protection. Now, Hungary will continue to provide humanitarian aid to people in danger, especially the most vulnerable in the Middle East. We call for full respect for international humanitarian law and for aid to reach those who need it safely and without interruption. Israelis and Palestinians Palestinians must be able to live in security and dignity. A lasting peace must give their families reasons to believe that their children can grow up without the fear that has marked so many lives for people forced from their homes by war and or persecution. Protection May 1st mean finding safety in another country. Hungary's own history gives us reason to understand that need. At the same time, every state has the right to protect its borders. Hungary will do do so in accordance with international law. We will fight illegal migration and the criminal networks that profit from it by respecting human dignity and the protection given to refugees.
If international finance is to serve reality, it must first measure reality correctly. Looking ahead, we must also address the rapid rise of artificial intelligence and emerging technologies. Whilst these tools offer immense opportunities for development and ocean management, they also risk widening the global divide and enabling new forms of warfare and cybercrime. We must ensure technology serves human dignity. We call for global digital governance anchored in human rights, ethical standards and international law, with a United Nations playing a central role in steering this transformation. Mr. President, excellencies, across every crisis we face, one fundamental truth endures. Our ultimate duty is to the people we represent our families, our youth, our coastal communities, and future generations.
That reflects who Latvia is, and that reflects what Latvia believes in. At the core are real people. That is why Latvia will continue to do everything possible to help return Ukrainian children deported to Russia. Those children have been taken from their families, their communities, and their country. We know such stories from the darkest chapters of history. Today, those things are happening again. We support every genuine effort to secure the return of Ukrainian children. We are very grateful to the First Lady of the United States, Melania Trump, and her efforts to help bring those children home. These children need to come home now. The most vulnerable must be protected. And this includes conflict-related sexual violence. Survivors need justice.
Numbers and statistics can obscure the true magnitude of our trials. Behind every metric is a human story. Put a face to the climate emergency. A single disaster can erase decades of hard won progress. Look at Nepal. Bearing the heavy cost of rising temperatures. Despite contributing less than 0.1% of global emissions. Look to the Philippines, one of the world's most climate vulnerable nations since August alone, ferocious monsoons and storms have battered our islands, affecting more than 2.7 million families, destroying homes and shattering livelihoods. We share these vulnerabilities with many developing countries, particularly small islands in coastal states. Those who have contributed less to the climate crisis must now bear its heaviest cost. We call for the effective implementation of the Paris Agreement, the full operationalisation of the fund for responding to Loss and Damage, and strengthened implementation of the Sendai Framework. Put the face to the pursuit of sustainable development.
Mr. President, this session is taking place at the time of a twofold need: to restore trust and to manage transformation, to understand the urgent need for action. Let us gaze upon the world as it is, first. It has been a long time since peace has seemed so fragile. On all continents, conflicts are multiplying, becoming entrenched, and fueling one another. Each has its reasons, its history, its instigators, but they all have one thing in common: they are costing civilian lives, destroying schools and hospitals, and displacing entire families. These crises never remain contained. Disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz are causing energy and fertilizer prices to skyrocket. Migration—forced migration—routes are growing crowded. Terrorism, trafficking, and armed groups are flourishing in zones beyond state control. However far they may be from the front line, no state is safe from the repercussions of these conflicts. At the same time, divisions within the Security Council— the body charged with protecting international peace and security— are paralyzing action where it is the most urgently needed. International law is supposed to protect the weak from the ambitions of the powerful, and yet it is increasingly being dismissed as optional.
You have brought us together to restore trust and manage transformation. To achieve this, we now require serenity, clarity, and unity— serenity because the international order is going through a profound transition, clarity because this organization faces an unprecedented financial situation and conflicts that are ongoing, and a technological revolution that is progressing quicker than our ability to govern it, and unity because none of these challenges can be addressed by one country acting alone. As a developing island country, the Dominican Republic is well aware of vulnerability. Situations that happen far away from our coasts can directly impact the dinner tables of our families.
I wish I could stand here today simply to talk about development, democracy, peace, and the hopes of a young nation. Instead, I must speak about death and destruction of epic proportions, about families waiting for loved ones who will never come home, about communities searching through the mud, rocks, water for the people whose bodies may never be recovered, about bridges, about roads, schools, homes, livelihoods swept away in minutes, about a country whose steady progress to achieve Sustainable Development Goals has been interrupted. Four weeks ago, the world saw shocking images of catastrophic floods that swept away Nepal's mountain communities, with ferocity many have called" mountain tsunami" or "Himalayan tsunami." The Bhowtekosi-Trishuli disaster was not just a local tragedy; it was a warning to the world, and I ask you today, have you really heard that warning? Nearly three years ago, standing in the shadow of our Mount Everest, the Secretary-General of the United Nations warned humanity about the madness and impending climate disaster. That cry from the rooftop of the world was not heard enough, loudly. We in Nepal heard it. Our communities heard it. Scientists around the world heard it. They repeated it with evidence. But we, the political leaders, have been negligent to translate those warnings into action at the speed and scale that the vulnerable people require. Last month, we saw the tragic consequences: a warming climate that is destabilizing the fragile Himalayan ecology, melting permafrost that is fracturing mountains, slopes beneath the glaciers, and accelerating the risk of ice rock avalanches, floods, landslides, and other cascading hazards. The resulting devastation unleashed havoc on both sides of Nepal's China border. The flood continued downstream to India. This tells us something fundamental: climate change does not recognize borders. Glaciers and floods do not travel with stamps on passports.
In the late 70s, we provided temporary refuge and assistance assistance to large numbers of Cambodians fleeing violence and famine. Today, we are giving displaced persons from Myanmar who have lived in a temporary shelter in Thailand for decades greater opportunities to work and support their families. For the Rohingya transiting in Thailand, we have adopted a community based alternative to immigration detention for Rohingya children to better protect their rights and access to services. Our.
Mr. president, we meet during a pivotal moment when the world is facing numerous interconnected and complex crisis conflicts are spreading, climate shocks are intensifying and technology is advancing faster than the rules that govern it. As the current crop of leaders, it should concern us that today, somewhere a child is born into war, a families displaced by conflict. A farmer loses another harvest to drought, and the young person wonders whether technological progress will expand opportunity or deepen inequality. Through separated by geography, those separated by geography. These experiences reveal a common truth. Humanity's challenges are increasingly interconnected, and no nation can overcome them alone. The trust deficit among nations has continued to erode the gains that cooperation fostered within the United Nations system. We must therefore choose between purposeful reform or unmitigated repression. Trust will be restored when conflicts are prevented. International law is applied equally. Development commitments are fulfilled, and all nations are fairly represented in global institutions. Multilateralism is a crucial equalizer. It ensures that all have an equal voice under international law, and an equal role in shaping our shared future. Undoubtedly, the charter remains our common compass sovereign equality, political independence, territorial integrity, non-interference, peaceful settlement of disputes and international cooperation must be applied universally, not selectively. International law cannot be a shield for some and a sword against others. The United Nations has a sacred duty to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.
Excellencies complementing the regional normalization process, Azerbaijan's post-conflict rehabilitation agenda aims to ensure that hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis can eventually exercise their right to a safe and dignified return to their homes. Due to large scale reconstruction efforts taken by the government, life is now returning to our liberated territories. Azerbaijan is rebuilding the entire region through smart cities and smart villages powered by green technology areas that were once rubble and ashes are now rising as modern settlements. Today, more than 90,000 people live, study and work in the liberated territories. Regrettably, a massive contamination of the territories of Azerbaijan with landmines and other explosive devices remains a serious obstacle. This significantly obstructs the reconstruction and return process. Since the liberation of occupied territories in 2020, more than 400 individuals, including women and children, became victim to landmines. The cumulative toll of landmines over the past 30 years exceeds 3500 peoples. Given the scale of the problem, Azerbaijan considers mine action an essential prerequisite for fulfilling human rights and has formally decreed humanitarian demining. Its 18th National Sustainable Development Goal. Similarly, the need to clarify the fate and whereabouts of nearly 4000 Azerbaijanis who went missing due to the conflict is essential not only for accountability and the rights of the victims and their families, but also for post-conflict reconciliation and normalization. Mr. president, in the face of increasingly complex global challenges, our collective response must be inclusive, equitable, and universal.
That is why in Guatemala, we are restoring the state's capacity to reach those who have been excluded from opportunities for far too long. The intersectional mano a mano strategy brings together health education, housing, nutrition and community development to address poverty at the local level following crop losses caused by climate related events. More than 450,000 families have received food assistance, while small scale producers have gained access to seeds, tools, inputs and insurance mechanisms. Public education is central to this effort. More than 1 million students have participated in initiatives to strengthen reading comprehension. We have expanded educational opportunities, promoted scholarships, strengthened instruction in national languages, and accelerated the digital transformation of the school system. In healthcare, we have expanded and refurbished facilities, strengthened regional services, and made progress in the comprehensive treatment of chronic diseases and cancer. Alongside the revival of road projects and public works in historically underserved communities, the National Digital Connectivity Plan now provides internet service to 383 public entities. We have also strengthened early warning systems for earthquakes, tsunamis, floods and volcano hazards, restoring the legitimate presence of the state also means providing security in accordance with the law, strengthening prevention, protecting communities, and pursuing criminal networks rather than only their visible manifestations. It means improving investigations, institutional coordination, and the tracing of the financial flows that sustain illicit economies. Guatemala maintains that the charter of the United Nations and international law must remain our common point of reference. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of states must be respected.
These crises may seem distant, but their effects reach in every household. They drive up the cost of energy, grain, bread, and fertilizers. They hurt businesses, agriculture, and families. Food security concerns us all and demands common solutions. To address this challenge, we are working side by side with United Nations Rome-based agencies, making available the best Italian expertise, from agriculture and food production to satellite technologies that help reduce the use of land, water, and pesticides. Food security and water security are part of the same struggle. There can be no harvest without water. There can be no stability, only hunger, conflict, and migration if there is no water.
The sacred trust of the UN trusteeship to ensure our wellbeing was jeopardised by these tests and the lack of due acknowledgement remains a moral failing. For generations, our families have testified to displacement, illness, contamination and loss. All of them impacts to our core human rights, as our survivors would say, and I quote, this is a song that has been sung far too many times, unquote. It was in the same building that the UN Trusteeship Council sat in session and voted on resolutions 1082 and 1493 in 1954 and 1956, respectively, to effectively authorize further nuclear testing over the demands of our local leaders and many citizens. The United Nations ultimately allowed testing to continue, but the shock and tragedy of nuclear exposure in the Marshall Islands was a profound driver of the 1963 global ban on atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons. We acknowledge the ongoing actions, dialogues and complex legacy of the UN's administering authority, the United States. But the role of the United Nations cannot pass without comment. For us and for fellow member states. This apology is an opportunity to reflect upon the past, to bring healing and closure to the Marshallese.
Because the reality, the reality is that we still need to fight impunity, not least through the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine, which the Netherlands has offered to host in The Hague. And let me be absolutely clear we cannot accept impunity in this fight. Ukraine has no choice but to defend itself. But Russia makes a choice every day to wage war, and Russia must be held to account for its flagrant violations of the UN charter, for the immeasurable suffering inflicted on so many victims and families in this senseless war. And since the downing of flight Mh17, the Netherlands has come to understand this only too well, and many others understand it too. With Russia threatening global food security and millions of people experiencing the consequences. And history teaches us that the only way to resolve conflict is through justice. That was the idea underpinning the establishment 80 years ago of the International Court of Justice, the principal judicial organ of the United Nations.
Since 2021, this organization has been working on recommendations and calling out illegal migration across the Darien and established a basis of humanitarian aid, and it looked like more of a concentration camp in the midst of the 21st century. However, in practical terms, the transit of people increased in 2022, and even more in 2023 and in the first six months of 2024. So it went from being uncontrolled migration and turned into huge illegal migration. People trafficking organizations linked to drug trafficking used and abused this space to transport more families, and the result of it was women and children, children ending up orphaned in one of the worst social disasters that my country can remember. In addition to this, we must add the ecological damage caused in a biodiversity reserve, the Darien Gap Reserve, and this has still not recovered. And this is a situation where there's more than a million people transiting across it, and since the first day I knew that we needed to resolve this issue individually, like I did, because this organization wasn't able to do it. And it's for this reason that at the beginning of my term I signed a memorandum of understanding with the government of the United States. This, at the end of the day, is a border issue for the United States also, but it was taking place in Panama. And so in the second six months of 2024, with colossal effort being made by my country, we managed to oversee a 50% drop compared to the first six months of the year. In 2025, when restrictive measures were implemented in the United States and we worked in better coordination with one another, we saw a 99% drop. So this means halting one of the worst humanitarian disgraces that Panama has ever seen in its history, putting an end to family separation, and also we stopped criminals profiting. This description is something that should not be seen as an isolated criticism, but rather as an inflection point to understand the increasingly widening gap between what citizens expect and what they are able to obtain from this organization on issues such as illegal migration, for example.
It is ruining the world order. If this organization wants to restore trust, it should begin by applying its own principle consistently, either for proposed two things. First, this organization should strengthen transparency around its responses to the crisis to crisis. We should establish. We should establish an independent mechanism answerable to this Assembly as a whole that annually compares the scale, duration and severity of major crises with the scale and nature of the international response. Not to dictate political verdicts, but to make it impossible for us to remain unaware of our own patterns of selectivity. And second, we should strengthen safeguards against the political instrumentalization of United Nations, of United Nations mandates and institutions. Their credibility depends on transparent procedures, consistent criteria of scrutiny for all Member States. Distinguished delegates, the multilateral. The multilateral system was created to prevent power from replacing principle. We must not allow political convenience to reverse that relationship. So that principle becomes merely a language used by institutions when it serves political interests. The answer is not to weaken multilateralism, it is to protect it from instrumentalization. A United Nations that delivers for all cannot mean an organization that responds loudly to some crisis and quietly to others. If we want to speak credibly of the United Nations, that delivers for all, and we must be prepared to ask a difficult question does it really deliver for all? For those living through war. For those displaced by violence. For states. For states whose concerns receive little international attention. For families struggling to build a future. So, dear friends will restore trust when a crisis matters. Because human beings are suffering. Not be. Not because the politics surrounding it are convenient and will restore trust. When the institutions of multilateralism are strong enough to serve universal principles rather than political convenience. But restoring trust is not only about correcting what is wrong today, it is about deciding. It is about deciding what kind of international system we are willing to pass on. Those who come after us. A United Nations that cannot uphold its own principles has no standing to ask the world for its trust. What we owe the people of the world is not sentiment. It is an institution consistent enough and far sighted enough to be worthy of their trust. Thank you very much.
is a crisis you will one day inherit. Defending the rules is not a favor to the small. It is an insurance for the strong. Mr. president, nowhere is that truer than the climate crisis. Here too, we are told there is uncertainty. There is none. The sea does not negotiate. It does not read communiques, and it does not recognize a veto. In 2024, for the first time, the world was more than one and a half degrees warmer for an entire year. The line which small island states fought to write into the Paris Agreement has already been crossed. A new report released only days ago warns that El Nino phenomena now heating the planet is likely to cost some 450 000 lives by next February. In 2019 Hurricane Dorian inflicted damage and losses on the Bahamas equal to roughly a quarter of our national output. Families watched the sea take the only land they had. Most of my country sits barely above sea level. For us, a rising ocean is not a forecast. It is a boundary inching towards our doorsteps. That is why the Bahamas proudly endorses yesterday's declaration on sea level rise, which affirms that our statehood, our boundaries and our seat in this assembly will not be washed away by the sea. The science is certain. Last year, the International Court of Justice made clear that the law is also certain. The injustice is certain: the people who bear least responsibility are asked to adapt first, pay more, and recover from disasters they did not cause. And the self-interest is certain. People who lose their homes do not disappear. They move and they arrive at someone's border. Protection, prevention costs less than rebuilding or relocating. The Bahamas is taking action, but no nation acting alone can hold back the tides. Nor can we build resilience inside a financial system designed at Bretton Woods in 1944, which still declares us too prosperous to help until the next storm makes us poor. The Vulnerability Index exists.
We meet at a time when the Arab Gulf is facing a security situation of a severity not witnessed in decades. The states of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to waves of unjustified Iranian attacks involving ballistic missiles and drones targeting civilian infrastructure, residential areas, ports, airports and energy facilities. This came in flagrant violation of international law and the charter of the United Nations. These are indiscriminate attacks without justification under any law. My country also condemns the attacks carried out by the Iran backed terrorist Houthi militia against civilian objects and Islamic holy sites in the brotherly kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We also condemn their threats to freedom of navigation in the Bab el Mandeb and the Red sea. Allow me to put the facts before you in figures. Our countries have been subjected to nearly 7000 attacks at the hands of Iran, involving 1700 ballistic missiles, 80 cruise missiles and 5220 drones. 2000 cargo vessels and tankers with 200 seafarers on board have also been detained, while 72 commercial vessels have been targeted, resulting in the deaths of 22 seafarers. These are not merely numbers. Behind every figure is a ship, a port, a market and families waiting for those that provide for them to return home. Commercial vessels have been targeted in the Straits of Hormuz. Mines have been laid in an international shipping lane. Restrictions on passage have been imposed in contravention of international law. The consequences of all the above extend far beyond the Arabian Gulf. It affects energy and food prices, shipping and insurance costs, as well as supply chains across the world. As the kingdom renews its full solidarity with the brotherly countries subjected to these attacks, it commends the professionalism of the Bahrain Defence Force and the Air Defence Forces of brotherly countries, and their readiness in confronting these attacks. We reaffirm the right of all states to take all lawful measures to defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity. Pursuant to article 51 of the UN charter and the Joint Defense Agreement of the GCC states. All the same, we continue to exercise the utmost restraint, seeking to ensure that security and peace prevail for the benefit of the people of the region. Mr. president, the position of the Kingdom of Bahrain is grounded in international law, the rights of peoples and. The Strait of Hormuz is an international strait, and the right of transit through it is established for the vessels of all states under the UN convention on the law of the sea. That right may not be suspended or obstructed, nor may it be subjected to conditions imposed unilaterally by any state. Accordingly, the Kingdom categorically rejects any permit or fee regime imposed on the passage. It rejects the use of international waterways as instruments of pressure or economic coercion, or any attempt at the seizure of vessels. Such actions would set an extremely dangerous precedent, because what is accepted today in one strait may be demanded tomorrow in every international waterway. Upon which global trade depends Alternative routes cannot be treated as a solution to conduct that violates international law. Mitigation measures are an emergency response. They should not be used as a pretext to claim that the strait is no longer necessary, or to accept a new status quo. The right of passage does not cease to exist because alternatives are available. Nor does the violation cease just because those affected have found ways to reduce the loss. This threat is not confined to the Strait of Hormuz. Security Council Resolution 2817 also referred to Bab el Mandeb. Recognising that a threat to one waterway is a threat to navigation through all waterways, the security of navigation in the Red sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Bab el Mandeb is part of the same system. We are now not only defending a regional interest, but a rule that applies to every international waterway, and if it does apply to one to our strait alone, it wouldn't have been a rule. The Kingdom of Bahrain has not only stated its position in principle on behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council, states and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and by virtue of its current presidency of the GCC and its non-permanent membership of the Security Council, Bahrain led efforts resulting in the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2817. With a historic and unprecedented support of 136 countries. The resolution condemned the attacks against our countries, reaffirming their sovereignty and rejecting any action intended to close the strait or obstruct navigation through it. The Kingdom also introduced a draft resolution under chapter seven of the charter to protect commercial navigation. The resolution, adopted by the Council of the International Maritime Organization on the 19th of March, together with the Human Rights Council resolution 61/1. Both have further demonstrated that the international rejection of such conduct extends beyond the Security Council. We stress the need for the full implementation of these resolutions to ensure that those responsible are held accountable, and there are compensation for the damage caused. On the 17th of this month, the Kingdom convened an Area Formula meeting of the Security Council dedicated to freedom of navigation. In this session, we heard from 53 affected states, the maritime transport sector and relevant international bodies. And we heard a conclusion expressed by all delegations. That is, the freedom of passage through international straits is a prerequisite for global economic prosperity. The Kingdom contributes to the protection of a rules based maritime order across an area exceeding 3,000,000mi² through its hosting in Manama, of the headquarters of the Combined Maritime Forces. This comprises 47 nations. We welcome the establishment of the Multinational Maritime Defence Alliance, led by the brotherly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom is proud to participate in the alliance as a founding member and supportive efforts to safeguard international trade routes and global energy supplies in accordance with international law. As efforts continue in the Security Council, this General Assembly has an equally important role to play as the forum in which all states stand equal. From this podium, we call upon Member States to support a firm collective position which upholds freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage in accordance with international law. It should also affirm that the security of maritime passages is a collective responsibility that cannot be subjected to bilateral arrangements. This is what restoring trust means in practice. This is not a call dictated by the present crisis. His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa, Crown Prince and Prime Minister said from this very podium two years ago that the systems established to safeguard the international order were under severe strain. He noted that this organisation must evolve to confront the growing threats He called for comprehensive consensus based reform encompassing all decision making bodies, including the Security Council. What has happened since then has not altered that conviction. Instead, it has reinforced it. Mr. president. The test of the United Nation's credibility is not only confined to our waters The Palestinian cause remains at the heart of our concerns. The Kingdom reaffirms its steadfast position in support of the establishment of an independent and geographically contiguous state of Palestine, living side by side with the State of Israel in peace and security. The Kingdom has also joined the Board of Peace as a founding member. Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2803. This reaffirms our unwavering support for the rights of the brotherly Palestinian people. The Kingdom also reaffirms its support for the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, as well as for efforts to lift sanctions in a manner that enables the brotherly Syrian people to rebuild their country In Sudan, we call for an immediate cease fire, the protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, and a political solution that preserves Sudan's unity. And in this state, institutions. Turning to Yemen, we renew our support for a political solution under United Nations auspices led by the legitimate government. We appreciate the efforts of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in this vein. Our position on other conflicts, including the conflict in Ukraine, is guided by the same principles, regardless of the parties involved. That is adherence to the charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the peaceful settlement of disputes Mr. president, the kingdom of Bahrain. Where mosques, churches and temples have stood side by side for generations, believes that tolerance and coexistence are not simply policies to be adopted.
Food security must become a strategic priority because no sustainable development is possible when millions of families lack sufficient and nutritious food. In closing, I would like to raise the question of youth, the most precious asset on which the entire international community can and must rely. I speak today not only as a committed friend of young people, but also on the basis of a clear observation: our intellectual youth has become the target of sustained, deliberate, and organized pursuit by most of the wealthiest nations, even though our youth's first calling should be to serve their parents, their loved ones, and their homeland, who have invested so much in their education. Many African states devote considerable resources to education, vocational training, entrepreneurship, science, digital technology, and innovation.
It has only just started. A safer country is a country with more trust. And where there is trust there is more growth in employment and investment. We are also today a more competitive nation. Only a few weeks ago, Chile adopted the most significant economic reform of recent decades. We approved a reduction to business tax. It's now gone from 27 to 23%. This tax had only been on the increase since 1990. It had never decreased. We have also temporarily reduced housing purchase tax, and we have launched an initiative for capital repatriation. There's better tax stability too. We now have less red tape. We are also dismantling what we call this ideology of always having to issue permits. This is, if you like, a sort of hidden bureaucracy, which stops business projects from forging ahead. In the last six months, we've had requests to invest more than $44 billion in our economy. And these investment projects applications are being assessed by our environmental evaluation systems. More than $33,000 billion dollars, rather have been approved for projects that had been in the wings for years. We have unleashed $17 billion for environmental projects. We are taking tangible actions that are changing the very course of Chile and bringing us closer to development. The economy is not yet taking off, and unemployment is still plunging thousands of families into anguish. But unemployment is hard and high. But it will change. Change will come. Results are slow to materialize but structural reforms are underway. We know where we're going and we're not simply reacting without having any clear course in mind. After storms, the sun always comes out. After winter, spring always arrives and after years of deadlock, Chile is back. There are many reasons that can explain how we got to where we are, but there's only one path that we need to follow for Chile to once again take off, spread its wings and fly. That is the path of unity. Unity between all of those that defend freedom and want to see Chile's people thrive. There are many things that might separate the right and the left in Chile, but we are united by our desires to see Chile grow once more and become a safer nation. Delegates. People from the investment world are listening to us. And I say to you, choose Chile to invest. You will find clear rules that do not change day to day. You will find courts that function, contracts that are abided by, and a state ready to facilitate investment.
Our are now Fiji's third largest source of foreign exchange. They pay for school fees, rebuild homes after lots of cyclones and sustain families between harvests. Your excellencies, they are not aid. They are the earnings of Fijians abroad and sent home. Yet Pacific corridors remain among the most expensive in the world through which to send money in May. In this August haul, we committed ourselves to bring transfer costs below 3% and to eliminate corridors costing more than five Pacific corridors. Among those Fiji asked. That is to be treated as an obligation and not an aspiration. Labour mobility. Mobility must also not become a one way transfer of the people that we have trained. Fiji does not regard any Fijian the chance to build a life abroad. We ask only that those who recruit, recruit our nurses and teachers, invest in the systems that produce them. And this. This belongs beside what I have said of reconciliation. Not every Fijian abroad left in search of work, some left in season of upheaval when they did not feel that the country was theirs. The Fijians still, and so are their children.
The possibility before us are immense. We have the possibility of silencing the guns through dialogue and diplomacy. The world does not need more sophisticated instruments of destruction. It needs a more sophisticated capacity for peace. In this regard, I reiterate Guyana's call for a just and lasting solution to the crisis in the Middle East, one that brings an end to the suffering of innocent civilians and recognises the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and to secure a homeland of their own. Reiterate our support for a two state solution. We call as well for an end to the Russia-Ukraine war and the war in Sudan, and for peaceful resolution of all conflicts that continue to consume lives, uproot families and extinguish the hopes of millions in other parts of our world. We reiterate our call for a viable solution for Cuba, one that is peaceful, people centred, development focused and allows for a full aspiration of the Cuban people to be realized. Guyana reiterates Caricom's offer to play a meaningful role in achieving this objective in Haiti. Resolving the multidimensional challenges remains central to achieving democracy, stability, peace and prosperity for the Haitian people. The sustained support of the international community through the provision of key financial and material resources, is critical to realising these objectives. Ultimately, the future of Haiti must be Haitian led and Haitian owned. Mr. president, turning to my own country, Guyana has always advanced the peaceful settlement of the controversy in relation to our border with Venezuela. Despite the historical truth clearly outlined in the arbitral award of 1899 that determined the full, perfect and final settlement of our border with Venezuela, we endured long and repeated provocations and aggression. The matter was referred to the International Court of Justice by the Secretary General, acting pursuant to the Geneva Agreement, and the court twice pronounced on its jurisdiction to hear the matter. Recourse to the ICJ came after decades of efforts to resolve the controversy bilaterally, including through a mixed commission and the good offices of the UN Secretary General. In full respect for international law. Guyana participated and encouraged Venezuela to participate in the proceedings of the ICJ. Now that we have both participated in the hearings, which were completed in May 2026, we urge Venezuela to abide by the forthcoming ruling in accordance with their obligations under the UN charter. As Guyana will do, we look forward to a new era of neighborly relations in the interests of our peoples.
In this context, the sometimes difficult situation faced by detainees in Venezuela as well as the suffering endured by their families, continue to give rise to humanitarian concern and should not be overlooked. The same consideration applies to the pressing need for a swift recovery of the national economy, for the benefit of the entire population. The majority of which continues to endure extremely difficult living conditions. The Holy See continues to follow the situation in Haiti with great attention. The country is currently experiencing a period of serious political, institutional and social instability, as well as a dramatic humanitarian emergency The Holy See encourages all to prioritise dialogue and the pursuit of the common good, and renews its appeal to the international community to accompany the country with determination and generosity on its arduous journey towards peace, democracy and a renewed confidence in the future. The Holy See is closely monitoring the situation between Cuba and the United States, and calls upon those responsible to foster a sincere and effective dialogue so as to avoid any action that might increase the suffering of the beloved Cuban people. The Holy See is following the situation in Nicaragua with particular concern, and reiterates its constant appeal to pursue a path of respectful and constructive dialogue with the country's authorities for the good of the people and the church in the country. The Holy See encourages Azerbaijan and Armenia to consolidate the process of achieving a stable and lasting peace in the South Caucasus.
These are not the actions of a country interested in peace. Russia could halt its brutal attacks at any time, yet it refuses to do so. Russia's actions have already had direct global impact in increased food and energy costs. This time last year, a bushel of wheat was just over $5. This year, it's more than $7. The fact that a permanent member of the Security Council is seeking to change borders by force, in clear violation of the UN charter is utterly unacceptable Sovereignty and territorial integrity apply equally to all states. The international community must remain steadfast in our response. In support of the UN charter and of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Ireland stands in solidarity with Ukraine and will continue to do so. We will continue to support efforts to hold Russia accountable for its actions. There can be no impunity for war crimes, not in Ukraine, not anywhere. And that is why Ireland is a steadfast supporter of the International Criminal Court. Ireland strongly opposes efforts to undermine the court. All measures against it should be immediately withdrawn. The international legal order, founded on our agreements to make the world a safer and more secure place, is being challenged. International law represents the collective lessons drawn from conflict, suffering and atrocity. The rules and institutions that we have built over generations exist to protect the rights, security and sovereignty of all states and all peoples. When these principles are disregarded, the consequences extend far beyond any single conflict. We all become less secure. Mr. president, 20 years ago, the Commission on War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity in Darfur saw the international community come together to fulfil our collective responsibility to protect. Despite the extraordinary efforts of the Sudanese people, the cycle of violence has continued. The conflict has been inflamed and prolonged by harmful outside interference. All states and external actors must cease arming, financing and enabling the war in Sudan. 15 million Sudanese people are displaced from their homes. Over 19.5 million face crisis levels of hunger. 33 million need urgent humanitarian assistance. Violations of international law including targeting on the basis of ethnicity, deliberate destruction of the means of survival, killing, torture and sexual violence are again being used as weapons of war. We need to act decisively to support the people of Sudan to end this conflict. We must support their aspirations for democracy, justice and development. Sudan has become a forgotten war despite its devastating impacts We must not allow the absence of daily headlines to become a license for inaction. The people of Sudan deserve the same attention, urgency and solidarity that we rightly extend to crises elsewhere. Mr. president, despite its prevalence, we cannot ever allow ourselves to become indifferent to conflict and human suffering it brings. To do so would deny the shared humanity of its victims. The peace plan on Gaza agreed last October was welcome, but it has not fundamentally changed the reality on the ground. Israeli strikes continue, humanitarian aid remains blocked. Civilians continue to suffer. We, the collective international community, have failed Palestine. Ireland, like most gathered here, believe that the only viable solution to the decades of conflict, misery and wasted human lives is a situation where a state of Palestine and a state of Israel live side by side in peace, security, and dignity. There are modest signs of progress. More countries have recognised the state of Palestine, and overwhelming majority of UN member states has endorsed the New York Declaration. More of us have taken steps to push back against the illegal and violent settler occupation of Palestinian land in the West Bank. But time is running out. What we are witnessing on the ground is a deliberate attempt by some to make the prospect of a two state solution impossible This is not some mad conspiracy theory. It is the stated intent of the Prime Minister of Israel who said clearly that, and I quote, we are going to fulfil our promise that there will be no Palestinian state. This place belongs to us on court, as he permitted the E1. Illegal development in East Jerusalem and the situation in Gaza remains an affront to all that is decent. How can we tolerate a situation where civilians are so desperate for shelter that they have to make their homes in war damaged and unsafe buildings where eight children died because one of them collapsed? Where the most basic humanitarian aid, food and shelter is deliberately impeded When the full truth of what has happened, what is still happening in Gaza is finally known. When the evidence is gathered, when the testimonies are heard, when the true horrors are finally and fully revealed. It will shame the world. Nobody will be able to say that we did not know. Let it not be said that we did not act in the West Bank. In the West Bank. The relentless expansion of settlements have reached a scale without precedent, further eroding, eroding the prospects for a just and lasting peace. Violent settlers continue to act with near-total impunity, while Palestinian communities face a sustained campaign of displacement and destruction amounting to ethnic cleansing. Entire villages have been razed, homes and vital infrastructure demolished, and thousands of Palestinian families driven from the places they have called home for generations and exposed to intimidation and violence. The United Nations reports that this year there have been almost 200 attacks against Palestinians every month, a stark reminder of a reality that is deepening conflict, suffering and despair. The International Court of Justice has been clear. Settlements in occupied Palestinian territory are illegal. Ireland has acted alongside others to prohibit the import of settlement goods. It is never too late to uphold international law. Mr. president, the conflict in the Gulf remains deeply concerning and is having a serious impact around the world. We need to get back to meaningful, good faith negotiations by all sides Ireland has consistently stated that Iran must cease its attacks on its neighbours and also end its destabilizing activities across the region, including strikes on ships in the Strait of Hormuz. Vessels must be allowed to transit the strait safely and without tolls in line with international law. If we are to build greater stability, Iran must never have a nuclear weapon. Iran's destabilizing influence across the region must cease. We need dialogue to achieve a negotiated settlement. Mr. president, since 1978, Irish soldiers have served with distinction in Lebanon in the Unifil peacekeeping operation. Ireland will continue to work with Lebanon, European Union and international partners to support Lebanon's future peace and security. We have consistently condemned Hezbollah's attacks on Israel, which must cease immediately. Israel must withdraw its military presence from southern Lebanon and bring an end to its military operations there. Israel's response has been wholly disproportionate. We honor the courage, professionalism and dedication of all peacekeepers who have served under the United Nations We remember with particular respect, those who lost their lives in the cause of peace. We welcome the Secretary-General's report on the Future of Peacekeeping, and Ireland will work with others to ensure that this essential capacity adapts to the 21st century. Ireland also welcomes wider reforms in efforts in the United Nations system. These are necessary if we are to meet the challenges of our rapidly changing world.
We also want to make sure that developed countries can fully fulfill their commitment to development and financial action. For Mozambique, as one of the countries that is more vulnerable in the world, climate change translates into losses in life, displaced families, destroyed crops, and damaged infrastructures cyclically. The cyclones demonstrate that resilience is now an environmental, economic, and food security, social, and development issue, and increasingly one of peace and security in all the world. We therefore reiterate the need to increase funding for adaptation, facilitate access to climate funds, operationalize the loss and damage mechanisms, and invest in early warning systems and resilient infrastructure. Mozambique remains highly vulnerable to extreme weather events— floods, inundations, cyclones— and we are concerned with the El Niño that might have potential severe impacts in the central and southern parts of the country, especially when it comes to drought, food insecurity, and livelihood. Their preparedness and international cooperation will be essential to mitigate these impacts in a context where humanitarian needs are already facing a severe funding shortfall in the whole world. Mr. President, digital transformation remains or demands the same solidarity that we are talking about, because Africa must not limit itself to supplying the minerals that fuel the world's innovation hubs. We need to have investment in connectivity, computing capacity, scientific research, training of young people in Africa, technology transfer, governance, ethics for AI, in the spirit of partnership that builds capacity and promotes autonomy of our sovereign states.
Peace requires deeds, not words. 12 years of an incomplete peace have left millions. Millions of people enduring hunger, injuries, displacement. Every statistic in Yemen's tragedy carries a human story. The world must not become accustomed to the suffering. Yemen as a great country, with its strategic location, its ports, its resources, its human capital. The challenge lies in unleashing those capabilities from the grip of war and transforming these capabilities into an engine for development. Today, the heroes of the Yemeni armed forces and all military formations, legitimate military formations are on the ground confronting these Houthi terrorist militias. In defense of our people, our land, our sovereignty, and our future. Here, from this very podium, I salute them. I salute their struggle. They stand today to prevent much greater harm from reaching this world. I also address a message to our people, to our people, in particular in Sana'a and Saada and Hajjah and Hodeidah and ibn Dhamar in every governorate, city and village under. Houthi control. We tell them from here you are our people. Your suffering is our suffering. Your rights are our responsibility. You will never be outside the national project of a Yemeni state, nor outside its future. Our struggle is not against any Yemeni citizen, nor against the sons of any region, governorate, any sect or social group. Our struggle is against an armed coup that has taken hostages, state and institutions that deepened the suffering of Yemen and Yemenis to serve Iran and its schemes. Restoring the state is not a victory for one Yemeni party over another. It is the restoration of the rights of all Yemenis to their state and institutions, the Yemen through which we struggle belongs to all Yemenis. The state we seek to restore is your state. The future of Yemen will not be built by excluding any of its sons. Our cause is not merely about how to end the war, but to build what comes after it. We seek a safe, stable, prosperous Yemen that safeguards the dignity of its citizens, rebuilds its economy, provides education for its children, jobs for its youth, security for its families. Yemen. That's a partner for its neighbors, a responsible guardian of its strategic location, a bridge for trade and cooperation between the Arabian Peninsula, the Horn of Africa and the wider world. That is the Yemen that we wish for the world to see. Not a man of war, but a Yemen of statehood, of humanity of opportunity, Yemen of the future. Ladies and gentlemen, the Yemeni people do not ask the world to fight their battle on their behalf. They are determined to restore their state, rebuild its institutions and confront terrorism in all its forms.
And very often the countries with the least economic room to maneuver bear the greatest burden in proportionate terms. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea confers rights, but it also imposes obligations. The safety of navigation, the protection of the marine environment, and respect for the rights of coastal states. A smaller navy doesn't mean fewer rights, nor does a larger one confer the right to impose its will. No country should have to surrender the rights the law gives simply because another can send more ships. That is why maritime disputes must be settled by law, not by intimidation. And that is why freedom of navigation depends on common rules, so that every country can exercise its rights while respecting those of others, but keeping our sea routes open also means keeping them safe all the way into our ports. The International Ship and Port Facility Security Code, the famous ISPS code offers a very concrete example of what multilateralism can achieve when it works. Piracy, terrorism and crime are scourges that we must fight together, and that code must be strengthened. Belgium understands its importance. Freedom and security are not opposing ideas. Security is a condition of freedom. I dwell on freedom of navigation because it illustrates something larger. Sovereignty doesn't require isolation. We can defend our interests while accepting that others have rights too. And when rules are clear and predictable enough, a space of competition can still remain a space of cooperation. The ocean, moreover, are far more than the highways of our trades. They feed populations, regulate our climates, and absorb much of the excess heat caused by global warming. For many small island states, rising sea levels affect the land on which the citizens live, in some cases, the culture and the very ability to remain where the families have lived for generations. The freedom to use the ocean, therefore, comes with a responsibility to preserve it. And on this point, allow me to be optimistic. The BBNJ Agreement entered into force this year after almost 20 years of negotiations, almost 20 years. Measured against a political cycle, this is close to an eternity. Measured against the building of international law, it is sometimes the time needed to reach a compromise strong enough to last. The agreement proves that even today, we continue to build international law rather than dismantle it, and Belgium has invested greatly in this process. It helped launch the Blue Leaders, a coalition of countries working to protect at least 30% of the ocean by 2030 and secure an ambitious high sea treaty. The agreement now gives us an essential tool to advance toward that protection goal. But 20 years of negotiations must not be followed by years of waiting. It is in that spirit that Belgium is offering to host the treaty's future secretariat in Brussels. We are ready to enable it to work from day one. It will be able to draw on our scientific expertise and on a community that brings together international organizations, embassies and civil society so that we have agreed together becomes real protection at sea. Beneath those same oceans run other vital routes: the cables that connect the continents and carry much of our digital communications and energy. Here too, our interdependence is plain to see. A break, an act of sabotage or an attack can have consequences thousands of kilometers away. Protecting those connections is essential, but our responsibility in the digital world doesn't end with infrastructure.
Which means restoring trust, rebuilding alliances, remaking friendships must be the central mission for all of us here at home and abroad. It must also be the central mission of the remaking of this United Nations To change. You have to believe. We know we need to change how the United Nations works, how it takes decisions, and how it delivers on the ground. But we can only make that change, achieve that transformation if we believe that change is possible. Nobody ever successfully renovated the House without the faith that however hard the work, however many setbacks faced along the way, the end result would be a real improvement on what went before. So we need to show faith that however hard the work, however many setbacks faced along the way, the end result of transforming this house, this home of all the nations, will be a real step forward. And as this United Nations embarks on its ninth decade of service, the need for a step change in how the international community works together solves problems together is arguably needed more acutely now than ever before. That erosion of trust is leading to the corrosion of the international order, not the improvement of the international order, but the destruction of the international order. An international order that, for all its flaws and failures, has seen more children escape hunger, more families live in peace, and more children grow into old age than any era before it. To destroy the international settlement, without any idea of what comes next would be an act of wanton destruction that would rightly never be forgiven or forgotten by the tens of millions whose future it would betray. So let us be bold and let us say it loud and clear. Let us be utterly unequivocal. Now more than ever, is a moment for more cooperation, not less. More dialogue, not less. More trust, not less.
At the same time, we must be aware that sustainable economic development and international stability are not possible without addressing the structural challenges that affect many regions of the world today. One of these is the demographic crisis. This is not merely a matter of statistics, but a challenge to civilization itself. Aging societies, falling birth rates, and the erosion of social bonds are undermining the foundations of our nations. The response cannot consist solely of economic measures. We also need to rebuild our institutions and culture. We need to protect and value the family and strengthen the social significance of parenthood. Yes, the family, mother and father, and an appreciation for their roles are the first steps toward overcoming the demographic crisis. Without enduring communities and strong families, there will neither be stable development nor long-term security. Let us do everything we can to ensure that culture and the mass media promote having children, not aborting them. I believe that the UN can be an organization where we can work together to develop ways to gradually overcome the demographic crisis, as well as other related challenges such as illegal migration, which often takes the form of human trafficking. However, an answer to demographic challenges cannot be illegal migration in itself, for it breeds misery, tensions, and unrest.
Islamophobia, which is spreading like a plague in the West, is at the forefront of these issues. In particular, Muslim women and girls have been subjected to greater discrimination in recent years. We regard the headscarf introduced in schools by certain countries as an attack on women's most fundamental rights. Rising xenophobia, cultural racism and anti-Semitism are also toxic trends that must be combated with determination. Global gender neutralization policies have also turned into a siege, targeting innocent children and targeting the institution of family. We can break the siege only by protecting the family consisting of women and men. Turkey will continue to take initiatives in protecting families and children, in spite of attacks from certain lobby groups. Another threat that undermines social peace is the spread of disinformation on social media. Standing up for the truth has become more important today than ever before. We are also facing the same risk with artificial intelligence AI, which is becoming increasingly difficult to control. It is long overdue now to establish a common international legal framework for AI. It is crucial to accelerate the work, which is already being carried out to draft and bring into force the UN International Convention on Artificial Intelligence. Distinguished delegates. The realities I have spoken of here today with an open heart will for sure upset some people, will for sure disrupt their comfort and unmask their lies. I also know well that they will resort to all kinds of perception management operations in an attempt to silence our voice. A late poet said the following quote. They think that if we remain silent, the issue will disappear. But even if we remain silent, history will not. Even if history remains silent the truth will not. They believe that if they get rid of us, the problem will be solved. Yet even if they get rid of us, they will not be able to escape the pangs of their own conscience. Even if they escape the pangs of their conscience. They will not be able to escape the pangs of history, even if they escape the pangs of history. They will not be able to escape the punishment of God. Unquote. As Tayyip Erdogan, as the president of a great nation guided by its conscience, its history, and its compassion. God willing, for as long as God grants me life, I shall continue from this podium here to defend the rights of the oppressed, the rights of the aggrieved and the voiceless. And I will continue to be their voice, to speak on their behalf and to fight for them. If necessary, we will endure hardship. If necessary, we will pay the price, but we will not remain silent in the face of injustice and will never consent to oppression. Now, when we look at the course of the world today, we can see that there are two paths before us. Either we will deepen uncertainty through fear, through conflict and isolation, or we will build the future together through justice, solidarity, and common will. Of course, it is easy to punch darkness.
Russia's bet on cruise missiles and Shaheds didn't work the way Putin planned. They still caused damage, but they didn't break us. We built our defense. What is truly difficult for us now is Russian ballistic missiles and their new jet-powered Shaheds. Iranian technologies. Just imagine this: since the beginning of this year, Russia has already used more than 2,100 missiles of different types against us, against Ukraine, our people, and our children. More than 950 of them were ballistic missiles. In 8 months of this year, Russia used 63,000 attack drones of different types against Ukraine, our people. And more than 7,700 of them were jet-powered Shaheds. Truly destructive and very dangerous weapons. Just think about it. The Russians launch jet-powered Shaheds every hour. Every hour. Against our cities, our economy, our infrastructure. Our combat aircraft are fighting them 24/7. And this is part of Russia's strategy: to create a near threat every hour, to make life harder for the economy, and to disrupt people's lives, and to stop children from being able to study, just to study at school. Would your country survive if, God forbid, you had to face something like this? Ukraine has. Our soldiers have already successfully tested four new jet-powered interceptor drones against Russian jet-powered Shaheds. So we are scaling up production, and we will build, of course we will build, protection against these threats too. We have also launched an anti-ballistic program, FREA, together with our partners. Ten countries are already part of it: Ukraine, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom, Spain, and the Netherlands. Last week, I invited Poland to join. And we are also in consultations with a couple of other allied governments who want to join FREA. And we remain open to every country that can contribute to building protection against ballistic missiles. Our FREA program does not replace proven and effective systems, like, for example, Patriot systems or upgraded anti-ballistic SAMP/T systems. We want to build a system that can be produced on a much larger scale and at a lower cost, a system that can become an integrated part of Ukraine's defense and Europe's defense. One that can help any freedom-loving nation. The global waiting list for anti-ballistic systems is very long. There are more and more ballistic threats, and the industrial capacity of those who choose war is very large. So we need to produce enough protection so that every person sitting in this hall can say," My people are truly protected." That is our approach to security. Today, even the richest countries in the world can't find enough missile interceptors. Current production is simply not enough. And even those who spend years building up interceptor stocks have already used a large part of them, unfortunately. This is the reality, even in the Gulf, where countries really worked to build strong anti-ballistic system, anti-ballistic defense. So we need a new program. We need FREA join these common efforts. And yes, sometimes it may seem that Ukraine is focused, focused only on war, because we speak about weapons, we speak about defense and sanctions against the aggressor. But Ukrainians did not choose this war. We choose not to die, not to lose our country, our families, not to lose our independence, our freedom. And we are defending ourselves. And this matters not only for us. I'm sure most of you here are like Ukraine was before this war. You are peaceful nations. And you do not think about war every second. But that does not mean you are weak. And those who may wish you harm should not make that mistake. Most of you do not have nuclear weapons. You do not have a habit of attacking your neighbors. And you may not have the money to finance years of war. But that does not mean you have no chance to stay safe, to detour those who may threaten you, to make anyone who may threaten you think twice, and to protect your life and, of course, protect your people. Ukraine has proven that even against a much bigger enemy, you can stand and survive. And we also have the drone deal format. This is not simply about selling drones. Not, of course. It is cooperation with other countries to build a modern, integrated defense system against drone threats in the air, at sea, and on land. And this is not only about protecting the sky. Drones help us control our borders. It's important. Mountain areas. And of course, roads. And without them, this would simply be impossible. And it is also about protecting infrastructure, critical infrastructure, about resilience, about organizing resources and defense forces so that critical infrastructure and transport can keep working even in the most difficult conditions. This is also part of the deals we offer. These are ready-made security formats that we adapt to each specific country and each specific region. We are already working with partners in the Gulf, the South Caucasus, and across Europe through drone deals. Today, I signed a drone deal, serious drone deal, with Finland, and this is significant. Also, today, I signed a security agreement with Australia, and drones are part of it too. And we are preparing drone deals with Canada and with other countries as well. When Russia started this war, it could never have imagined that Ukrainian long-range drones would one day reach its factories, its military factories, somewhere in Siberia and on the Yamal Peninsula, thousands of kilometers from our borders. Thousands. No Russian admiral expected that we would be able to sink Russia's pride cruisers that were supposed to dominate the sea but could not survive our naval drones. And along with different types of drones, we also produce a wide range of conventional weapons quickly, at lower cost than in many other countries, and tested in modern war. Ukraine is building its security so that we reinforce our role of a real provider of security and help others get the protection that has already worked for us and that can truly reduce the space for starting and spreading wars in the world. Peace through protection. Ladies and gentlemen, just think about it. No Russian official ever imagined that Army General Winter, which had fought on Russia's side for centuries, would one day switch sides and support those defending themselves from Russia. We will make that happen this winter if Russia continues to target our energy system and our heating. Ukrainians understand that this winter could be very harsh for us. But in response, we will have no choice but to make it painful for Russia too. And that's exactly why we say that de-escalation steps are important, are needed before winter. Now, we need diplomacy, and we need strength. And step by step, we are closing the gaps in both. Yesterday, we met with the President of the United States, and this is exactly what we discussed. Unfortunately, we have not had a chance to speak directly with the leader of China, who is in America today, but not here. And he is someone who can influence Russia too, more than many, many others can. And we would like him to want peace as much as we do in Ukraine. We believe the world has the power to make this happen. We are sure the world needs this. This is about energy, about critical infrastructure. This is about food security.
We've made great strides, very great strides with Mexico. They don't want the cartels either. And when that day comes, this entire region will be a better, safer and more beautiful place in which to live and thrive. As I announced just days ago, the United States has also reached an unprecedented agreement regarding the northern frontier of North America, the large and strategically vital piece of land known as Greenland. This agreement, made with the Kingdom of Denmark, an incredible, beautiful country, and the Greenland people itself gives the United States permanent control over security and all other needs. On that territory, we will have the complete ability to do what is necessary to defend the American continent, and also Europe and other places. No U.S. adversary will ever be permitted to establish a military presence in Greenland anymore, or make sensitive investments there. Without our express written approval, we will immediately begin the process of developing a large military presence in the appropriate locations. We will be building two very major military bases. This agreement will be signed later today, and I look forward to working with the wonderful people of Denmark and Greenland. It's been a great experience, amazing experience, and we've really formed a bond in doing it. By expanding America's footprint in the Arctic and North Atlantic. This deal also protects Europe in addition to America and greatly protects them. It also very much enhances NATO with who has a great leader in. Mark, I know you're in the audience and you are indeed a great leader, Mark Rutte, which is now growing stronger than ever before. NATO is doing things that nobody thought they would be able to do, including raising their number to 5% from 2% number. That's a protection that's going to be much greater protection for them. We continue to seek an end. The disastrous war between Russia and Ukraine, which is killing, as I said, thousands and thousands of people every month Last week, in honor of Senator Lindsey Graham, I signed a powerful new law passed by Congress providing me with enormous new tariff authorities And if necessary, I will have to use them. It's time to stop the killing. I also want to recognize the extraordinary work of our great First Lady, who has secured the safe return of many displaced Ukrainian and Russian children back home to their families. So many. Thank you very much, First Lady. Thank you. Very much. Where is our First lady? Where is she? She's around here someplace. Can you imagine? I can't see the First lady. Thank you very much, first lady. Great job. She worked so hard on it this year. She also became the only first lady in history to preside over a meeting of the U.N. Security Council. And she did it very well. And today, she's hosting a gathering of fostering the Future Together, which has nearly 60 members to help improve the lives of young people all over the world.
