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Dominica has begun the transition from imported fossil fuels to renewable energy. Our geothermal power plant is now in commercial operation and increasing the renewable share of our electricity generation to approximately 84%. We are well on our way to achieving 100% renewable energy by 2030. This is more than an energy project. It is economic transformation. It demonstrates that small states can lead in the transition to clean energy. Every barrel of oil that we no longer need to import strengthens our resilience to international price shocks. Every unit of clean electricity we produce strengthens our energy security. Affordable, reliable, renewable energy can become a foundation for new industries, new investment, new employment, and greater competitiveness. The lesson is important beyond Dominica. We need international finance that recognizes the transformative nature of renewable energy investment in vulnerable countries. We need financing mechanisms that allow countries such as Dominica to move faster and we need partnerships that allow the energy transition to become an engine of economic development and growth. Our ambition is not merely to generate clean electricity. Our ambition is to use clean energy to transform our economy. Mr. president, the international community has become very good at recognizing vulnerability. We have become less successful at financing the transformation that vulnerability requires.
They are asking whether it works. Yes, there have been wars and conflicts that we could not prevent, and issues we could not resolve. The Palestinian issue continues unresolved for decades. Wars and conflict and their aftermath are ravaging Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine, Myanmar, and the Middle East. But even as those wars raged, the United Nations stayed and served. I’ve seen this in my own country, where the United Nations country team in Cox’s Bazar is striving to do more with less to support Rohingya refugees in the camps. Just recently, a representative from a war-torn nation said to me: “Your peacekeepers from Bangladesh were not just blue helmets. They built roads and communities. They fed children. They helped rebuild societies and put us on the road to proper governance.” In Iraq, the United Nations system helped nearly five million people return home. It rehabilitated hundreds of schools, electricity stations and water-treatment plants. And right now, in Haiti, the entire United Nations family is delivering amid immense security and governance challenges. These stories rarely make the headlines, but we should never lose sight of what is working. (BRIEF PAUSE) At the same time, let us not turn a blind eye to where we have fallen short, particularly in a world where challenges seem to multiply by the day. The war in Gaza has left over 70,000 people dead, including thousands of children. Humanitarian support has been a fraction of what is needed. The ongoing wars across the Middle East and Europe have consequences far beyond the frontlines. And the heartbreaking disaster in Nepal and China, was not just an isolated event, but yet another horrible climax to our collectively insufficient response to climate change. The circumstances and politics of these crises differ. But our commitments under the Charter do not. The principles of multilateralism, international law, the protection of civilians and humanitarian access cannot be applied selectively, not if we want the world to trust us.
Energy security has become a defining issue for many small island nations. While we have one of the highest shares of renewable electricity in the Pacific, Samoa remains heavily dependent on imported fuels. Successive energy crisis and the 2026 fuel crisis exposed the economic costs of our energy dependence. We are working towards a whole of system transformation that delivers electricity that is reliable and affordable, reduces our dependence on imported fuels, strengthens resilience and support sustainable development. The clean energy transition is also an opportunity for Samoa to build a smarter, more resilient and investment ready energy system. The digital transformation, including AI and data analytics, offers real opportunities to drive an inclusive, just energy transition, particularly through off grid solutions and smarter energy planning. Excellencies the ocean defines who we are as Pacific people. It connects us, sustains us, and shapes our identity.
Excellencies. While remaining firmly commitment to our climate goals. We must also recognise that in the immediate term, development cannot realistically proceed without traditional energy sources. Energy security, moreover, is closely intertwined with peace, regional connectivity and sustainable economic development. As a reliable natural gas supplier to 16 countries, Azerbaijan ranks among the leading pipeline gas suppliers globally and plays a strategic role in strengthening energy security and diversifying supply routes across Europe and beyond. Azerbaijan's contribution to global energy security is increasingly complemented by its growing role in the clean energy transition. We are investing in renewable energy, commissioning major solar and wind projects, expanding hydro power capacity and developing new clean energy initiatives together with leading international partners. Agreements already signed envisage around six gigawatts of additional solar and wind capacity by 2030. By 2030, renewables are expected to generate almost 40% of Azerbaijan's electricity. Expansion of renewable power generation will create new opportunities for Azerbaijan to export green electricity to European markets. This way, our role as a reliable energy partner is evolving alongside the global energy transition. Energy connectivity is part of Azerbaijan's broader vision of connecting regions, markets and economies.
Electricity grids, energy and digital corridors, ports and shipping routes are levers of power. Geography matters, and our ambition is to translate our unique position into stronger links between Europe, the Middle East, the Gulf and North Africa. Therefore, we are investing in a new generation of connectivity projects such as Greggy, which will bring clean energy from Egypt to Europe and the Great Sea Interconnector, which will connect European electricity grids with Cyprus and Israel. At the same time, we leverage our unique geographic positions to become a provider of energy security to our northern neighbours.
The above would enable developing countries to invest in education, health, agriculture, climate resilience and other productive sectors to holistically address their interconnected challenges. Mr. president, climate change presents another test of our collective credibility, credibility, and for the government, it is not a distant threat. Coastal erosion, changing rainfall patterns, pressure on water resources, food insecurity and environmental degradation are already affecting our communities and livelihoods. However, we are responding with determination by investing in renewable energy, coastal resilience, mangrove restoration, disaster risk reduction, early warning systems, water security, and nation based, nature based solutions. National electricity access hundred 90% universal access by the end of 2026. We are expanding our solar energy in schools and health facilities, modernizing our electric electricity network, and advancing a 150 megawatt solar park. We have also adopted our first national disaster risk mitigation Plan, but we urge that our national ambition be supported by external action to make climate finance accessible, predictable and adequate, including through the sustained implementation of the new collective Quantified Goal on climate finance and effective management to address loss and damage. Build climate resilience and a fairer international order in which those who have contributed least to the climate crisis are not left to bear the greatest burdens. Mr. president, artificial intelligence and emerging technologies offer extraordinary opportunities, but opportunity without inclusion can become another source of inequality. The digital divide must not become the next development divide. Developing countries must not remain passive consumers of technologies designed elsewhere We need the capacity to participate in research, innovation, entrepreneurship, standard setting and global technology governance. Technology must serve humanity, and the governance of artificial intelligence must be inclusive, responsible and grounded. International cooperation. This is particularly important for the world's least developed countries, as The Gambia prepares to assume greater leadership within the Global Coordination Bureau of the LDC Group. We do so with a clear sense of responsibility. LDCs continue to face structural constraints, including limited productive capacity, high debt burdens, climate vulnerability, narrow export base technological gaps, and restricted access to affordable finance.
Then there is nature. Imagine GMC in the morning. Mist rising from its rivers, forest stretching towards the mountains, elephants moving through the landscape, tigers still roaming its forests. This is not empty land. It is a living carbon negative landscape, a biodiversity hotspot. We will not build over it. We will build within it and protect it. The forests, rivers and wildlife of GMC are not obstacles to development. They are part of its value. And then there's energy. Bhutan is expanding its renewable energy capacity towards 25GW by 2040. That electricity will power GMC and the industries of the future. Advanced manufacturing, scientific research, artificial intelligence and data centers.
Excellencies ladies and gentlemen. This summer, the Republic of Moldova turned 35. For much of that time, the world described us as a country caught between East and West, a place where others decided. I stand here as the new Prime Minister of a country that has decided. Small countries do not choose their geography or their size. But small does not mean powerless. Nations like people, are shaped by the choices they make, whom they trust, whom they elect, whom they call friends, and how they respond when things turn against them. For a long time, others made many of those choices for us. Soviet authorities deported our families to Siberia, forced our Romanian language into another alphabet, and told us it had another name. After independence, Moscow used gas and trade restrictions as leverage over our country. Step by step, we began choosing for ourselves. Romanian is again written in Latin and spoken freely. Governments change peacefully at the ballot box and when our democracy was threatened, Moldovans have defended it through elections and civic action. We also reduced Russia's economic leverage on us. We diversified our gas purchases. In just five years, renewables grew from nothing to around 30% of our energy supply. Our electricity system is increasingly integrated with Romania and the European grid, and our companies sell on some of the most demanding markets in Europe and the world. But the Kremlin kept trying. Moldova faced illicit financing, disinformation, cyber attacks and vote buying. Russia spent the equivalent of nearly 2% of our GDP trying to influence last year's elections. Moldovans answered that their home is not for sale. Each of these choices carried a cost, but each taught us the same lesson. We cannot control everything around us, but what we do still matters. That is the source of our optimism. Our future remains in our hands, and nowhere is that choice clearer today than in our European path.
Progress towards achieving the SDGs also shapes how we are building a strong and resilient economy, and how we remain accountable to our people. Thailand will leverage our strengths. We are building upon our strong agricultural base to be a source of food security for the world. Meanwhile, our universal health coverage ensures that people have access to affordable and quality healthcare while also developing Thailand into a medical and wellness hub. Additionally, our energy transition efforts take Thailand closer to meeting climate obligations and through our solar rooftop policy. We are also creating greater economic opportunities for households by allowing them to sell excess electricity back to the grid. However, this responsibility goes beyond development. Thailand's humanitarian tradition demonstrates this conviction.
We carry no larger agenda other than to ensure that the United Nations will do better. Mr. president, as we face a world in which scientists tell us overshooting the 1.5 degree temperature limit that we agreed in Paris is increasingly likely. We all need to wake up and act. Our focus now must be on preventing or minimizing the overshoot. Shortening the time we spend above 1.5, and doing everything possible to fight our way back. As we gather in Tuvalu, Fiji and Türkiye for this year's climate pre-COP and COP, our response to the threat of overshoot must be overwhelming. A much accelerated transition away from fossil fuels is the only logical response. Continued investment in fossil fuels is not only immoral but irrational. Technologies exist which provide secure, stable, zero emissions energy. We are employing them in my own country, where in the next 18 months, renewable energy will cut fossil fuel use in our remote outer islands by 88%, giving many access to electricity for the first time. We must do everything in our power to accelerate the deployment of renewables and to reduce fossil fuel production and consumption with equal speed. This includes shipping, where we have the opportunity at the International Maritime Organization to adopt binding regulations that will place international shipping on a clear path to net zero by 2050, and generate the revenue required to ensure a just and equitable transition. Mr. president, the denials and delays that have slowed the transition away from fossil fuels mean that countries like mine are already experiencing grave challenges. We have developed our national adaptation Plan, working across ministries and with our people to determine how to make a safe future. Adapting is costly and takes time. Even as we've seen schools destroyed by rising seas, salt water poisoning our wells, and disease outbreaks linked to environmental change. This injustice must be addressed. Our communities deserve restitution. The Marshall Islands and vulnerable people everywhere need sufficient, timely and accessible finance for adaptation and loss and damage. Those who have profited to the detriment of the many must pay. We have created homegrown institutions that are ready and willing to respond, like the Pacific Resilience Facility, a regionally managed platform, and the Marshall Islands Adaptation and Resilience Trust Fund, designed to enable donors to support our adaptation efforts. Mr. president, the crisis has the power to divide us or to prove that we all remain willing to achieve common goals. This week, the Marshall Islands convened the High Ambition Coalition, a diverse group of countries committed to a rigorous response to the climate crisis. We are united in the view that the best available science must lead the decisions we make, the importance of a 1.5°C temperature limit, an urgent transition away from fossil fuels, and the need for adequate and accessible climate finance, especially for adaptation and loss and damage.
Nowhere on earth is a planet warming faster than in Western Europe. But in the Caribbean, part of our kingdom, including the countries of Aruba, Curacao and Sint Maarten the effects of climate change have already been felt for much longer. And the same is true for many of your countries. For too long, the consequences of climate change have been trivialized or simply denied. But after the horrors experienced by Nepal and a long series of forest fires, the truth should be clear to everyone the climate crisis will not just disappear if we pretend it doesn't exist. We are living on borrowed time, and the generations that come after us will pay the price. And if you want to prevail that prevent that, we must commit now to both mitigation and adaptation. And we all know what needs to be done. Countless reports are agreed on that. And we have all the technology we need. Unfortunately, we are making progress. Last year, the electrical vehicle market grew by 20%. Wind power capacity grew by 14% and solar power by more than 30%. And this growth in renewable energy has exceeded even the most optimistic projections from ten years ago. And the challenge now is to accelerate this transition in all sectors and all parts of the world. And at the same time, to reduce carbon emissions and phase out fossil fuels. That is why the Netherlands, jointly with Colombia, organized the world's first conference on transitioning away from fossil fuels. This event in Colombia was attended by 57 countries, and together these countries account for one third of global GDP, one third of energy demand and one fifth of supply. And together we worked to find concrete and practical solutions to take the transition forward. But climate action requires everyone to contribute. In November, we will gather at a cop in Turkey. And I know that many of you don't have high expectations. But in my view, this can only be explained by the pessimistic idea that we are somehow powerless. But that is not true We have the knowledge and we have the technology to combat climate change. And a better world is really within reach. Thanks to our joint efforts on the Sustainable Development Goals, 92% of the world's population now has access to electricity. And since 2015, we have doubled the amount of renewable energy we generate. Child mortality has dropped sharply to because of this axis So climate action can be a catalyst for everyone to work together on solutions that concern us all. And we don't need to reinvent the wheel. A lot of good things are happening already. For decades, the Netherlands has been working with partners around the world to develop climate smart agriculture and future proof water management solutions. And we are keen to share our knowledge and knowhow And we want to learn from what other countries are doing. There are so many great initiatives on the way. But I also know there's much more to be done. The need to accelerate and scale up our efforts is only to clear. And that demands our common commitment. The Netherlands wants to build practical partnerships with other countries, so we are once again making funding available for this purpose. And at the same time, we need to adapt to climate shocks that can no longer be avoided. These adaptations will require major investments, both public and private. Because here too, we cannot do it alone. Today, I call on all countries to stick to these ambitions because one way or another, a climate transition is coming. But we can decide how it unfolds. It can be chaotic, or it can be carefully planned with an inclusive approach and economic benefits for all. Ladies and gentlemen, as I come to the end of my remarks, I have an even stronger sense of what Anne Frank was telling us.
But it was not only the people of South Africa who were unchanged when apartheid collapsed. The end of apartheid also marked the end of a system that exported violence and instability across southern Africa. Indeed, the fall of apartheid is a glorious story that attests to what multilateralism can deliver. Since democratic South Africa took its place in this assembly we have pursued a foreign policy anchored in ubuntu and international law, dialogue and multilateralism, and in the understanding that our fate is tied to the fortunes of our region and the continent as a whole. Millions more South Africans have access to education, electricity, water and sanitation, housing and social protection than they did at the dawn of our democracy or under apartheid. We have built a united Nations of diverse people, stilled in their determination to never let history repeat itself. We have built a vibrant democracy capable of self-correcting and stepping back from the brink, a democracy strong enough to withstand and resist attempts at external supervision and tutelage. After the 2024 elections, political parties put national stability above narrow interests and formed a government of national unity. Within two weeks of the announcement of the results and since the dawn of our democracy we have held no fewer than seven free and fair national elections. As we speak, South Africans are preparing once again to exercise their democratic right, this time in the local government elections on the 4th of November 2026. Again, the will of the people will prevail. The promise of democracy and international cooperation wanes when we cannot demonstrate that they can address inequality and insecurity, compelled by our inevitable position as the world's most unequal society.
Africa faces, however, a paradox: it is rich in resources yet retains little of the value that it generates. Therefore, investment must involve from simple extraction to the transformation, creation of value chain at the local level, moving from transactions to partnerships, from dependence to capacity building, and from exploitation of resources to the construction of value chains, both national, regional, and international. In this context, the regional integration takes strategic importance as it amplifies markets, creates economies, integrates productive challenges, attracts investment, and stimulates innovation, and also transforms the economic potential into concrete opportunities, especially for its people and young people in particular. In Mozambique, this vision translates into progress on electricity interconnectors with neighboring countries, as well as in one-stop border crossing points that we are building.
Generations move on. But the institutions and powers created on the pretext of those alleged emergencies remain. And if for a moment we allow ourselves to believe that the lesson had been learned after so many failures, the arrival of artificial intelligence demonstrates quite something else. The printing press, the steam engine, electricity, the internet— every great technological revolution has been accompanied by fears about what it would destroy, particularly jobs. There is no doubt that this is one of the most effective ways of instilling fear in human beings, given the role of work as a means of subsistence. Take the Industrial Revolution as an example. When it began, the world was home to some 800 million human beings. If, in keeping with the Luddites and the perennial pessimists, employment had at best remained constant, then, given that the world's population has since increased more than tenfold, the global employment rate today would be at 90%. That is absurd, something that few of us few seem to have stopped to consider, perhaps except perhaps those of us with a passion for reading Borges, who love his approach for testing an idea by taking it to its logical extreme. Ultimately, these technological advances have not only failed to produce any of the catastrophes, but in addition, all of these ended up bringing an end to what human beings were able to do. Today, we have built machines that are able to carry out tasks that only a few months ago seemed out of our reach. Where we many see a threat, we see a new frontier: artificial intelligence, or superintelligence, as Donald Trump said, can double our productivity in a way that we do not yet comprehend. To invoke Adam Smith, artificial intelligence will be the pin factory of the 21st century, and much more besides. It can transform our economies, our medicine, our education, even the way we govern. That calls for prudence, yes. But prudence doesn't mean fear. Moreover, under no circumstances should fear automatically translate into obedience. Indeed, the dystopian scenarios commonly invoked to instill fear and justify state control make no sense from an economic standpoint. The answer lies with Adam Smith. Artificial intelligence, like the division of labor in the case of the pin factory, is an accelerator of productivity growth. Smith noted, however, that the division of labor is limited by the extent of the market. Growth will therefore be constrained by its counterpart in genuine demand, without fiscal deficits or spurious money creation. But that's not all. Those projects must also be financed, and that should be done with the resources of human beings. That is, their initial endowments and level of wealth, which correspond to the side of the market. Moreover, the purpose of producing more is to achieve a higher level of consumption. Yet the satisfaction generated by consumption increases at a decreasing rate, while the loss of satisfaction involved in surrendering leisure in order to produce more rises disproportionately. Consequently, the point at which the gain from greater consumption is equal to the loss of leisure brings the system to an equilibrium, leaving no room for dystopian terror. That is why, when we hear that the state should control artificial intelligence, we should remember something basic. The state is not an abstract creature. It is made up of people, officials, and bureaucrats. Granting it control over innovation means granting some people, in the best and most naive of cases, the power to limit what everyone else can create. History gives us reason to scrutinize such power carefully. For centuries, fear over tomorrow has been used as an argument for restricting freedoms today, always with the same promise: give us a part of your freedom and we will protect you from this new threat. We will apply a different principle. In the face of uncertainty, we propose determination. In the face of fear, courage. In the face of decline, ambition. And in the face of resignation, we propose optimism. That is why I tell you that when it comes to artificial intelligence, Argentina will stand at the forefront of freedom. We have the critical minerals, the energy, the talent, and the capacity to compete at every link in that value chain. And we want to become the most competitive place in the world in which to develop it, with a cutting-edge legal framework, a commitment not to regulate preemptively, a commitment not to regulate preemptively, limited liability for companies operating with AI agents, and tax incentives. Because artificial intelligence is not geopolitically neutral. The West must lead the development of this technology to ensure that it is consistent with our fundamental libertarian values, namely respect for life, liberty, private property, and the notion of human dignity.
We're continuing the gradual expansion of universal health coverage, in particular through free maternity care, improved maternal and newborn care, vaccination, access to essential medicines, the strengthening of the healthcare workforce, and by expanding social protections. Mr. President, every health crisis confirms the same truth. Health sovereignty is built before emergencies. It is based upon accessible healthcare systems, robust epidemiological surveillance, high-performing laboratories, well-funded research, and above all, the trust of the population. In this regard, the Ebola virus outbreak caused by the Bundi Bugio strain remains a major test for our country. For the DRC, fighting this epidemic is an absolute priority. After having contained 16 previous outbreaks, the DRC is mobilizing recognized scientific and operational expertise. And thanks to national mobilization and the support of our partners, the response has recently begun producing tangible results. In addition, clinical trials are now underway to evaluate vaccines and treatments for this strain in particular. I'd like to pay tribute to the Congolese and foreign healthcare workers, researchers, communities, and our partners, especially the WHO and the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, or the Africa CDC, for their invaluable support to the DRC in eradicating this disease and strengthening resilience to it. Mr. President, this need for resilience does not stop at the boundaries of health. It is also vital when it comes to climate disruptions, whose effects are already putting our societies under growing pressure: flooding, droughts, and erosion, not to mention population displacement, are threatening our stability. In light of these upheavals, not all countries bear the same responsibility or the same burden. Those who contribute least to global warming often suffer the heaviest consequences. This paradox is all the more striking, given that some of these countries are also some of the main custodians of the natural assets upon which our common future depends. The DRC is one of these custodians. It is home to a vital part of the Congo Basin, which is one of the planet's greatest climate regulators. Its forests, peatlands, freshwater, and biodiversity provide humanity with considerable ecosystem services. This world heritage will continue to be preserved while we maintain that the communities that protect it ought to be able to benefit from it. Climate finance, in this regard, is a fair solution. However, it ought to be accessible, predictable, and proportionate to the services rendered. Indeed, climate justice cannot consist in further indebting those who already bear the cost of damage they did the least to cause. In the DRC, this ambition is taking shape, especially through the Kivu-Kinshasa Green Corridor, which combines ecosystem preservation, economic development, and improved living conditions of the people. Generating 60 megawatts of electricity, this initiative also aims, by 2027, to create 25,000 jobs and protect 5,000 square kilometers of natural forest. The climate crisis is also a water crisis. Following the African Water Forum held in Jamena in July, the DRC has proposed the creation of an African Coalition for Water Security, which aims to strengthen regional cooperation and mobilizing the financing needed to make water a driver of development and for the prevention of tensions. Mr. President, these transformations require considerable resources. Four years from the 2030 deadline, the Congolese roadmap for accelerating the SDGs estimates our needs at more than $70 billion.
The Paraguay that, after the military catastrophe, became a true open-air graveyard, is today a very different country. Paraguay has risen up. And it is ready to take its place in the world. We rose up through hard work, through openness to the world, and through the stubborn determination of a people that did not choose its democracy but did choose their own destiny. Today, Paraguay is experiencing one of the finest economic periods in its history. And it has become an example to other countries of macroeconomic stability, sustained growth, and poverty reduction. As a result of this, in December 2025, Standard & Poor's awarded us our second investment-grade rating, making Paraguay the first country in more than a decade to achieve that distinction. In the final quarter of that year, unemployment fell to 3.6%. This is the lowest level on our records. Growth only matters if it is felt at home. Decent employment is one of the best social policies a state can provide. And that's not all. Paraguay has reduced poverty to levels never seen before. In less than 20 years, we have brought the poverty rate down from 58% to 16%, faster than any other country in the region. Because people matter to us. Moreover, the future is bright, not only because our electricity supply is abundant, stable, and 100% renewable, but also because our region possesses land, energy, critical minerals, and, most importantly, its extraordinary people. Mr. President, as I come to the end of my statement, I wish to return to the idea with which I began. People no longer want slogans alone. They want solutions to their problems. And above all, they want peace. They want freedom, security, democracy, prosperity, and opportunities for their children. And those of us who are entrusted with the responsibility of leading our countries must rise to those expectations. Paraguay knows that the road ahead is difficult. But we also know that it is not impossible. We believe it is possible to build a world in which cooperation delivers results, a world where democracy is not an empty promise, a world where technology serves humanity, a world in which development reaches those who need it most. And we believe that Paraguay has much to contribute to that future. We are a country that did not choose its geography. But we are a country that chose our destiny, a country that has confronted adversity and chose to rise again, a country with energy, resources, talent, and, above all, an unbreakable determination to progress. We are a country that has stopped asking what we lack and has begun asking," How far can we go?" This is the Paraguay, the Paraguay of great ambitions, a Paraguay that is engaged with the world, that opens its door to opportunity, that defends its sovereignty, that embraces peace, freedom, and democracy, a Paraguay that seeks to grow without leaving anyone behind. And that Paraguay has a message for the world today. We have come to show what we are capable of. Today, once again, we choose dialogue over confrontation, cooperation over isolation, democracy over authoritarianism, peace over war, and development over resignation. The United Nations will not restore trust simply because we declare it so in this hall. We must be firm and unequivocal in our defense of multilateralism, democracy, peace, and, above all, human dignity. And before this assembly, I wish to say this with absolute clarity. Paraguay is ready to play its part. Because our history has taught us to resist. And our future calls on us to build. Beyond words lie actions.
So can businesses. So can peace processes. And so can this General Assembly. Excellencies, The third great power test is the climate crisis. In many ways, it is the most profound intergenerational power imbalance of all: One generation consuming the future of the next. One group profiting, while those least responsible suffer first and worst. Three years ago in the mountains of Nepal, I sounded the alarm on accelerating glacier melt – warning that the rooftops of the world are caving in. Some dismissed it all as overstating dangers. But – as tragic events have shown – impacts are arriving sooner, hitting harder, and spreading further than many anticipated. Now we face a near certain breach of the 1.5 degree limit, with a supersized El Niño speeding straight for humanity. The dangers are real. But so is the hope. The last decade has fuelled one of the most promising shifts in power of our time. The rise of clean energy. The sun belongs to no one. The wind cannot be embargoed. Innovation can come from everywhere. This is a profound rebalancing of power relations. Renewables are now the cheapest source of new electricity in most of the world. And the most viable path to energy security, independence and sustainable growth. Excellencies, A future beyond fossil fuels is in sight. The question is how. Will it be a just and orderly transition built on international cooperation – or chaotic and costly leaving people and countries behind? Today I call on every government to adopt a national plan to transition away from fossil fuels aligned with 1.5 degrees, with clear timelines and protection for affected workers and communities. We know fossil fuel interests won’t step aside on their own. For decades, Big Oil has treated the atmosphere as an open sewer – and cashed in on the consequences. Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, five major Western oil companies have pocketed nearly half a trillion dollars in profits. Compare that with just 34 billion dollars in international public adaptation finance for developing countries in the latest year reported. Meanwhile, everyday people are paying more for energy, food and insurance. We have seen this kind of abuse of power before. When the harms of Big Tobacco became undeniable – governments acted. The climate crisis demands the same determination. Those who polluted the most – and profited the most – must do far more to repair the damage they caused. Polluters must pay. And to the leaders, cities, civil society and citizens working to hold them accountable: You are on the right side of history. Keep going. And governments must keep going on all fronts: To end deforestation. Invest in grids and storage. Cut methane emissions. But these actions are not enough: We need climate justice with a focus on adaptation and finance. Developed countries must respect their commitments. They must triple adaptation finance. And make the Loss and Damage Fund work at scale. We must also ensure that the mining of critical minerals does not dig deeper into the inequities of the past. Producing countries and affected communities must retain a far greater share of the value created from their resources. No more plundering.
Mr. president, over the past year, the international community has faced many challenges. Protracted armed conflicts, an energy crisis and disruptions to global trade have been compounded by destabilization orchestrated by those who pursue their own selfish ambitions. For small island economies, these are not distant events. Every rise in the price of fuel is felt in the cost of shipping, electricity, food and essential services, placing a heavy burden on communities that have no buffer against external shocks. These tensions confirm what Solomon Islands has long understood. Peace and security are inseparable from development. Neither can be secured without the other. There are no winners in war, only graves, orphans and the long labor of rebuilding what conflict has torn down. There is no substitute for dialogue, diplomacy and peaceful negotiation. Solomon Islands calls on all parties to armed conflict to protect civilians and return to the negotiating table and act in full respect of international law. And it is why the world needs a stronger, more agile United Nations, one equipped to respond to the realities of today. Mr. president, the Pacific faces a grave and growing threat.
