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Together, these developments have contributed to a growing perception that global institutions are distant from the people they are meant to serve. Sri Lanka understands this reality deeply. My country has, on many occasions in the past experienced the consequences of deficits in trust and breaches of the social contract. Two years ago, marking a watershed moment in our history, the people of Sri Lanka, representing all communities and walks of life, gave a resounding mandate to the government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka to address these challenges and institute meaningful change. Since then, our government has been working with determination to rebuild trust from the ground up. We are building trust through action, not rhetoric through delivery, discipline and the courage to confront wrongdoing. Sri Lanka, too, is therefore undergoing a historic transformation and rejuvenation. Despite conflicts in several parts of the world, including in West Asia and climate calamities, including the cyclone that struck Sri Lanka, my country has restored macroeconomic stability following the economic crisis of 2022. Today, Sri Lanka has been reclassified by the world Bank as an upper middle income economy, and ratings agencies have recognised this positive trajectory.
Created in the aftermath of the Second World War, the immediate focus was obviously on peace and security but the UN system has evolved significantly over the decades to expand its scope and sphere of influence within the confines of its charter. However, the UN must now look to the future, building on its record of achievements as well as from lessons learned from what it could not achieve. As we look to the next 80 years, we must ask ourselves a searching question is the UN fit for the purpose for the 21st century, not the world of 1945, but the world of today and beyond? We are entering a new era of international relations defined by unprecedented technological developments, often absent from the table where the rules of tomorrow are being adopted, developing countries risk being left further behind. The same exclusion afflicts the international financial architecture, which remains skewed against the Global South. Developing nations must have a seat at the table as equal stakeholders. We all acknowledge that the three pillars of the UN charter are peace and security, development and human rights. The twin institutional pillars provided in the charter were and still are, the Security Council and ECOSOC as the apex bodies for achieving these purposes. However, over the years, optimal use has been made primarily of only one of these organs. We need to enhance and accelerate the revitalization of the General Assembly and that of ECOSOC so that they are not merely forums for debate, but engines of action. This must be done as we bring about the reform of the Security Council, the historical injustice regarding the composition of the Council was acknowledged in action 39 of the pact for the future, but the process for reform is still stalled. Mauritius fully supports the Common African Position, the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration calling for no fewer than two permanent and five non-permanent African seats on the council. Mauritius also supports the call for SIDS to have a seat on a reformed council. On the question of the veto, Mauritius aligns itself with the position of a growing number of states that, in the event the veto is retained, any new permanent member must have the same rights as the original permanent members. Mauritius also supports the Franco-Mexican initiative on the suspension of the veto in cases of mass atrocities. We support the positions of the G4 and the L69 on council reform, and we reiterate our support for India's candidature for a permanent seat commensurate with its constructive role in global affairs. Mr. president, Mauritius welcomes the increasing recourse to the International Court of Justice as a mechanism for the peaceful settlement of disputes and determination of issues of international law. We call upon Member States which have not yet done so, to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ. We welcome the landmark unanimous advisory opinion of the ICJ on the obligations of states in respect of climate change. This was a vindication of the tireless advocacy of Vanuatu and the core group of states. Mauritius was proud to stand among them.
On this auspicious occasion, each year, the crucial questions that crop to mind and that we ponder about are the crucial and novel messages that we should focus on. Should our annual interventions be confined to sheer and rather routine accounts or balance sheet of developments that had transpired during the particular year? Should the forum be seen as essentially and solely a congenial public relations platform for eloquent speeches and discourses? Does the annual forum consist of structured agendas that have continuity and coherence? What is the context? What is the overarching mission? And how do we judge progress, etc.? In previous summits, I have dwelt on the historical backdrop of the establishment of the United Nations, the popular aspirations of humanity for peace, growth and prosperity that underpins the creation of the United Nations, the economic injustices that prompted those aspirations in the first place, the innate mission of the United Nations, as well as its structure and operational modality, as elaborated in the foundational precepts elaborated below.
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We have also expanded the use of renewable energy, the application of innovation and the production of sustainable fuels, including clean hydrogen. These efforts support energy security, enhance resource efficiency, and contribute to achieving sustainability. Mr. President, in light of the rapid developments the world is witnessing in the field of regional and international trade, there is a need for ensuring continuous trade influx, especially from the east to the west. This will not only be in the support of the Kingdom, but the world at large. We have provided logistic support to the neighbouring countries during the current crisis by opening up our ports for the transport of goods and people.
I agree that we need to restore trust in the United Nations, but I am less certain about the extent to which we can manage a transformation that has, in many respects, already taken place. The international system, as we knew it, has collapsed; it no longer exists. Today we are witnessing the emergence of a new order, increasingly structured around two principal centers of power, alongside a growing number of strong regional actors with considerable political, economic, military, and technological capabilities, seeking to shape their own environments and influence broader global developments on their own terms.
Over the course of your tenure, you have led United Nations through some of the most tumultuous periods in recent international history. You have stood consistently for multilateralism at a time when multilateralism itself was under enormous pressure. Vanuatu hopes that the next secretary general will carry forward that same commitment to all member states, large or small. Mr. president, Vanuatu comes to this 81st session of the General Assembly with a simple message the world needs the United Nations more than ever, and the United Nations must deliver for the people who depend on it. The theme of this session Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, therefore comes at an important moment. The 81st session opened against a backdrop of profound geopolitical uncertainty and rapid transformation. For Vanuatu, developments in international systems are never distant or abstract. The effects reach our villages, our markets, our schools, our hospitals, our oceans and our homes. Mr. president, the international political and security environment is becoming increasingly difficult. We are witnessing geopolitical competition, strategic rivalry and conflicts, growing military expenditures, economic fragmentation, technological disruption and weakening of confidence in the multilateral institutions. The rules that were designed to provide predictability and stability are increasingly being tested. The prohibition against the use of force is being challenged. The international humanitarian law is being tested, the peaceful settlement of disputes is being undermined, and the authority of international institutions is being questioned. For small states, this is deeply concerning. Small states do not possess the military, economic or technological capabilities of major powers. We do not have the ability to impose our will through coercion. Our security depends fundamentally on something else international law, multilateral institutions, diplomacy and the equal sovereignty of states. This is why Vanuatu has a profound interest in the success of the United Nations. The charter begins with a commitment to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, and reaffirms the equal rights of nations, large and small. It establishes sovereign equality, peaceful settlement of disputes and the prohibition of the threat or use of force as fundamental principles of international relations. These are not merely legal concepts for Vanuatu. They are our security architecture. When international law is respected, a small nation has protection. When the charter is respected, a small state has a voice. When disputes are resolved peacefully, a small state does not have to choose between submission and confrontation. And when sovereignty is respected, independence has meaning. We therefore cannot accept a world in which international law applies differently according to the size, military strength or economic power of a state. The charter must apply equally to all. Mr. president, the security environment is also changing in ways that are particularly important for the Pacific region. The Pacific Islands are increasingly viewed through the lens of strategic competition.
Mr. President. Mr. Secretary General. Excellencies, distinguished delegates, dear friends of Georgia, it's a privilege to stand before this assembly on behalf of Georgia, a nation shaped by centuries of history, resilience and engagement with the changing world. We meet at a time of considerable change in the international environment. Developments in different parts of the world are challenging existing arrangements and raising questions about the future of the international order. In this context, maintaining peace and strengthening international cooperation remain key priorities.
This applies particularly to permanent members of the UN Security Council. China has the power, influence, and responsibility to help prevent conflicts, de-escalate tensions, and contribute to ending wars. This includes using its influence to help bring Russia's aggression against Ukraine to an end. That aggression was launched and continues to be waged by another permanent member of the UN Security Council, Russia, in violation of the UN Charter and fundamental principles of international law. Russia's aggression continues to inflict enormous suffering on the Ukrainian people. Civilians and civilian infrastructure continue to be attacked indiscriminately. And the risks are growing day by day. Russia's aggressive posture poses a direct threat to European security as a whole. The immediacy of that threat was starkly illustrated by the recent attempted Russian drone attack on Leipzig/Halle Airport in Germany, only 150 kilometers from the borders of the Czech Republic. The consequences of aggression reach far beyond Europe. Russia's war has undermined global food security, disrupting agricultural production, exports, and supply chains. Its effects are felt in my country, but even more acutely in parts of Africa and elsewhere, particularly in countries that depend on stable and affordable food supplies. While we need to raise costs of war for Russia, we must give serious diplomatic efforts a genuine chance. Diplomacy matters most not between friends, but between adversaries. That is where the United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue, even when agreement seems very distant. The UN was founded on principles. These principles matter in Ukraine. They matter in the South China Sea and across the Taiwan Strait. And they also matter in the Middle East, in Sudan, or DRC. The current developments in Yemen and Saudi Arabia demonstrate what happens when rules give way to force and coercion, when might replaces right, and how a regional conflict can, in an instant, have consequences for the entire world.
We are a credible and reliable partner, ready to contribute to shared prosperity. Ladies and gentlemen, we have entered the fifth year of the illegal, unprovoked, and unjustified full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine, waged by a permanent member of the Security Council. This member, entrusted by the entire UN community with the responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, has deliberately disavowed its fundamental obligation and is pursuing a revisionist agenda. As the EU member state sharing the longest border with Ukraine, Romania has felt the effects of this war directly, through repeated violations of our airspace. A few months back, a drone crashed onto a residential building on our territory, injuring people and causing material damage. It was one episode in an ongoing series of such incidents. We have said it before, and we will say it again: Romania will stand with Ukraine and its people, as they exercise their legitimate right to self-defense for as long as necessary. Moreover, Romania is acting responsibly to stabilize the region. We provided assistance to refugees from Ukraine. In response to Russia's attacks on ports and grain infrastructure, which disrupted global food supply chains and deepened food insecurity for millions of people, Romania has coordinated with Ukraine on the transit of grain through Romania, by rail and by waterway. In response to the disruption of freedom of navigation in the Black Sea, together with Bulgaria and Türkiye, Romania is part of the Mine Countermeasures Task Group in the Black Sea. Through mine detection and mine neutralization missions and the protection of critical undersea infrastructure, this initiative safeguards freedom of navigation and the region's energy security. And in order to enhance security in the Black Sea area, Romania places particular emphasis on the EU's strategic approach. Accordingly, together with Bulgaria, we are establishing a maritime security hub aimed at strengthening situational awareness. Finally, in response to disruptions to energy supplies in the region, Romania has expanded its energy interconnections with Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova. Romania will continue to support the resilience of our neighbor, the Republic of Moldova, the second most affected country by this war. It is facing the economic shock caused by Russia's aggression and a sustained hybrid campaign, consisting of disseminating disinformation, energy pressure, and attempts to destabilize its democratic institutions. Romania is a staunch supporter of the Republic of Moldova in the face of these challenges. Romania also remains the Republic of Moldova's strongest advocate within the European Union, sharing our own experience of accession and providing political, technical, and diplomatic support for its European path. The threat posed by the Russian Federation is not only limited to Ukraine. Europe is the target of a hybrid war involving cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns, sabotage, and disruptions to critical infrastructure, with the aim of undermining citizens' trust in democratic institutions and discouraging support for Ukraine. We must deter the Russian threat, and unfortunately, we can only do that by increasing military spending. Romania supports balancing military expenditure and a target of 5% of GDP, reaching this year 3.7%. Distinguished audience, we are equally concerned about the proliferation of conflicts worldwide. It is essential to advance the implementation of the Peace Plan for Gaza in accordance with Security Council Resolution 2803, and to address, with no delay, the humanitarian situation on the ground. Within the Board of Peace Initiative, Romania has offered its support and has so far contributed to the medical evacuation of numerous patients, especially children. Disarming Hamas remains a prerequisite condition for lasting stability in Gaza. President Trump's Peace Plan represents the most credible path toward peace and prosperity in the region, and Romania supports its full implementation. At the same time, recent developments in the West Bank are a genuine reason for concern and risk undermining the peace that this plan seeks to promote. Regarding Iran, our position is clear: Iran must not possess a nuclear weapon. Iran must comply with the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, the safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency, and restore full transparency regarding its nuclear program. Diplomacy must be the first option toward a comprehensive, verifiable, and lasting agreement that would pave the way toward a more stable Middle East. Romania will continue to promote maritime security and unrestricted freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, as well as in the Black Sea area and elsewhere. It is a shared responsibility and a priority to my country. Specialized bodies such as the International Maritime Organization can make a contribution to this effort. The suspension of the Black Sea Grain Initiative, following Russia's unilateral withdrawal in 2023, reminds us that agreements only matter when the parties honor their commitments. Lasting peace in Sudan, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia, Libya, in the Sahel, and in all regions of Africa affected by conflict. Romania is contributing to conflict prevention, mediation, peacebuilding, and economic recovery, while stressing the importance of African solutions, in full respect of the charter. Prevention and mediation must play a greater role. Peacekeeping operations must have a clear mandate, produce measurable results, ensure responsible financing, and equitably distribute responsibilities. Since 1991, Romania has contributed to United Nations peacekeeping missions through political support, troop and equipment contributions, as well as through training of blue helmets and close protection officers.
We aim to build a strong state and a diversified and modern economy that keeps pace with global technological and digital transformations. And accordingly, we are working to employ all successful expertise and innovative experiences in the world of economics, finance and business, in service of a renaissance of economic and financial reform for my country We also do this to provide a safe environment for national and foreign investment. This vision is based on the great potential Iraq possesses. In terms of resources and investment opportunities in the fields of energy industry, agriculture, transport and technology. Not to mention Iraq's exceptional geographical location. Which connects its economy to the world. In this context. Our vision aims to move Iraq to a stage where it can be an effective production partner in the region by gradually reducing the role of the rentier economy. Strengthening open market policies. Developing production and export capacities. And investing in infrastructure and services. On this basis, we have developed the appropriate roadmap To support the private sector. Provide the necessary legal, tax and customs facilities and guarantees for the growth of business and foreign trade. And build effective partnerships with the global market to accelerate achieving sustainable development. In the field of global energy. Iraq's influence is prominent as our government is adopting an ambitious program to increase the production of crude oil in a manner consistent with the size of our proven reserves. Our government is also working to develop gas fields and expand refining capacities and our capacities to produce derivatives, and we are also working to improve our petrochemical industry capacities. Our ambition is for Iraq to be a global hub for energy production and to leverage its potential to promote regional and international security and stability in a sustainable manner. Nevertheless, we express concern regarding developments concerned with freedom of transport and maritime navigation. And the crisis this has caused in terms of the rise of global energy prices. In order to contain the subsequent risks and the consequences on our peoples, we are working to diversify our oil export ports and develop energy lines and corridors linking Iraq, Turkey, Jordan and Syria. In order to reach global markets with the aim of contributing to energy security and diversifying supply routes. Excellencies. Economic diversification on the basis of genuine partnerships is a central strategic objective of our economic policy.
Mr. president, as mentioned before, the international community is experiencing profound uncertainty, including energy and food security crises, leading to intensified displacement of many people globally. Armed conflict continued to claim innocent lives while geopolitical tensions escalate. Children are living through unimaginable horrors. The United Nations has not been able to prevent this or to end the continuation, and we have to ponder on that. Other developments, for example in the Strait of Hormuz, demonstrate how quickly wars can affect energy markets suddenly and steeply, increasing the cost of energy, adversely impacting economic and social development in our countries. Common people suffer when food and energy prices rise, so the quality of life of our people is directly threatened, even by wars in regions far from their homes. And we as government, we have to make sure that we try to protect them. Suriname, therefore, calls for a renewed commitment to the purposes and principles of the UN charter, namely, the peaceful resolution of disputes. Dialogue is paramount for safeguarding a solid and proven UN system. The people of Cuba, a Caribbean country, are adversely affected by the current situation in their country. Suriname calls on the parties involved to remain committed to dialogue and negotiation to end the economic commercial and financial embargo. We plea for continuing negotiations in order to prevent further escalation and to reach a resolution that will benefit the people of Cuba.
Global peace and security are vital for sustainable socioeconomic development. The United Nations, through its Charter, has remained central to international efforts to maintain peace and security, uphold international law, and promote conditions conducive to development. However, despite these longstanding commitments, the persistence of armed conflicts around the world reflects the departure from the purposes and principles of the Charter. In addition, there are emerging challenges to the authority of the United Nations Charter and the established principles of international law, often without commensurate accountability. These developments underscore the urgent need to reaffirm multilateralism, strengthen respect for international law, and reinforce the central role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security.
In the context of the developments in Iran, the security of global maritime routes, especially the route that passes through the Strait of Hormuz, have highlighted the global dimensions of this issue. As we underscored publicly several times in international fora, Bulgaria firmly supports the freedom and security of international maritime transport and calls for strict adherence with applicable international law and to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. Security requires us to limit the risks posed by weapons of mass destruction and by their proliferation. Bulgaria remains determined to strengthen international non-proliferation, disarmament, and arms control architecture, as well as the three pillars of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We support the goal of a world without these weapons, which ought to be pursued via pragmatic measures: greater transparency, verifiable control, and limits placed upon arsenals. Global conflicts have introduced new threats hitherto unknown, jeopardizing nuclear safety through irresponsible attacks on nuclear sites. On the other hand, compliance with the Non-Proliferation Treaty is key for Iran, which ought first and foremost to adhere strictly to its international obligations and reach a long-term nuclear agreement overseen by the International Atomic Energy Agency. Today's security requires that we act in a timely fashion.
Mr. President, Excellencies, as the UN Secretary-General reminded us a few years ago, the United Nations is a product of hope. Eighty-one years after its birth, that hope is being tested. Technology, including artificial intelligence, is advancing at rapid speed; climate change is reshaping our societies; the international landscape is becoming more complex, more contested, and more unpredictable. The international order is not simply changing; it is being tested in an unprecedented manner. But it is in such times of uncertainty that the foundational values of multilateralism must be protected: international law, the UN Charter, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for human rights, the equality of states. All these are not principles of the past; they are principles that transcend time, the essential ingredient for the present and for the future. The challenge before us is therefore clear: as the world changes, our institutions must be able to respond to new realities and threats while guided by the painful lessons of history and the vision of the founding fathers of this organization. And this is the essence of the theme of the 81st General Assembly: restoring trust, managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all. Ladies and gentlemen, transformation is inevitable. What must remain constant is the UN Charter as our compass. It directs all of us, irrespective of power, size, and leverage. For small-sized countries, the principle of equality of states is fundamental, and it has formed the binding trust between us. We rely on an international system in which sovereignty and territorial integrity are respected. We expect international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, to be applied consistently. We believe in the peaceful resolution of disputes, and we demand that the rights of every state be protected. These are the integral elements of our collective trust, and this is the code of conduct of Cyprus's diplomatic engagement. And in a rapidly changing world, small-sized states must seek synergies while continuing to pursue strategic autonomy. Preserving trust also requires institutions capable of responding to the world as it is today. The United Nations must therefore continue to evolve. The UN80 initiative is an important part of this effort. The Pact for the Future and the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals are also part of the effort to ensure that multilateral cooperation can respond to the needs of our time. This moment of reform also comes as the UN Secretary-General approaches the completion of a decade leading this organization. Cyprus wishes to acknowledge his leadership during a period of extraordinary global developments, his steadfast commitment to multilateralism, and his effort to strengthen and reform the UN. But reforming our structural setup is only part of the answer. What is also needed is a genuine willingness of member states to contribute and protect the multilateral system. After all, states bring different capabilities, experiences, and perspectives. Great powers have scale; smaller states must have persuasion. We cannot compel, but we can coalesce. We cannot dictate outcomes, but together we can help shape them. There is no doubt that the challenges of today require cooperation and partnerships based on the knowledge of regions and of the realities.
Mr. president, the fifth opportunity to promote human rights, peace and international security. Malawi firmly believes that development, peace and human rights are inextricably linked. We remain deeply committed to upholding the constitutional rights of all our citizens, strengthening our democratic institutions and maintaining an uncompromising stance against corruption. Furthermore, we strongly defend the right to development as an inalienable human right. True freedom cannot exist in conditions of extreme poverty and systemic economic exclusion. On the global stage, we view with great alarm the proliferation of violent conflicts, unconstitutional changes of government, geopolitical fragmentation and acts of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. Mr. president, the Malawi nation is not standing aloof as all these alarming developments occur. Malawi continue to play a part in global peace operation, deploying our brave men and women United Nations peacekeeping mission to safeguard stability on our continent.
Despite all those developments which could have been avoided, we remain deeply convinced and our conviction is based on realistic considerations, convinced that the crisis in the Gulf can be resolved through diplomatic means by reopening the Strait of Hormuz to maritime navigation and returning to negotiations in order to avert war, paving the way toward a lasting solution that ensures security and stability for the entire region, including Iran, while opening prospects for cooperation across various fields and ensuring non-interference in the internal affairs of states. The opportunity for a peaceful diplomatic solution, which we believe is both possible and realistic, must not be missed. Your excellencies, while we're doing everything within our power to address the situation through diplomatic efforts, we have strengthened our steadfastness to defend our sovereignty, our territory and our people and the foundations of normalcy.
Irregular migration is increasingly becoming a security issue, and it requires a coordinated international response. Ladies and gentlemen, if we want a United Nations that is more effective in terms of decision-making, more efficient in managing available resources, and up to date on technological developments, we adopt as its shared task to readjust the structure of the United Nations around the three pillars, as well as reassess how the United Nations operates. Estonia supports a system-wide reform of the UN80 and humanitarian reset, which are both well underway and have already delivered some encouraging results. Now it's time to build on this momentum and to move decisively forward with reforms. We need ambition. For example, the humanitarian sector, alongside stronger data harmonization, could move towards a shared interoperability model that allows many systems to coexist while quickly and safely exchanging data. Estonian humanitarian organizations are already testing these solutions, from Palestine to Sudan. We also need determination. Above all, we need action. Action that strengthens the UN as the main actor responsible for multilateral cooperation and prepares it for future challenges. This year, the United Nations is set to make arguably one of its most consequent decisions: the selection and appointment of its next Secretary-General. As an active member of the Accountability, Coherence, and Transparency Group, Estonia has stood for a transparent, fair, and inclusive process. At this challenging time for the organization, we need a strong and principled leader with an impeccable track record in championing and upholding international law, human rights, and the principles of the Charter. Estonia also feels that after 81 years, it is time for the organization to be led by a woman. Allow me to take this opportunity to commend and express our gratitude to our current Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, for his steadfast commitment to the principles of the UN Charter, including his support for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. With regard to the Security Council, it must be said that its inability to take timely and decisive decisions on some of the worst crises we are seeing today risks rendering the United Nations irrelevant. We have not seen unified and decisive council action on Ukraine, Sudan, or in Myanmar. The use of the veto and the threat of its use continue to loom over the Council and paralyze any of its attempts to take action. Estonia has strongly advocated for permanent members to refrain from vetoing resolutions aimed at ending mass atrocities, in line with the France, Mexico proposal, and the ACT Code of Conduct. It is also important to call on the Security Council members to start fully implementing Article 27(3) of the Charter once again, and to abstain in cases where members of the Council are a party to a dispute. The General Assembly resolution "United for Peace" gives the most representative and democratic body of the United Nations, a toolbox to act on matters related to international peace and security when the Council is unable to deliver. In concert, we must reinforce the role of the General Assembly when it comes to peace and security, and this will help us in collectively finding solutions where the Council is powerless. Ladies and gentlemen, Estonia firmly believes that respect of human rights is a prerequisite for peace, security, and prosperity. We stand firmly behind the United Nations human rights system and will continue to defend and strengthen it.
Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple at a time of tectonic geopolitical changes. In the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern. Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces. With the UNIFIL's mandate ending, joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Yet further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward, an understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions that challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound: the unresolved Cyprus issue. 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day. For the United Nations, Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary-General Guterres to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere too. Today, two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil. The Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skin in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's confidence abroad rests on a profound transformation at home. At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security, demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb, in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests and settlement. We call for the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid, access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. We affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Kuwait reiterates that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4th, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. president, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the West Coast aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait. In this regard, the state of Kuwait reiterates its full support for UN led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable and Yemeni led settlement, in accordance with the three agreed references and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2216. The State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red sea and the Bab el Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC states. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian led, comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians, with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to the sisterly Lebanese Republic, the state of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon, and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the blue line to ensure the full implementation of UN resolution 1701, and we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia and the state of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law, so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. president, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles, namely moderation and balance, and a firm commitment to the charter of the United Nations and International law, and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The State of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security.
Second, a state does not regain the trust of its citizens through reform alone, but also by reclaiming its national decision making. In that spirit, we did not merely affirm the principle that weapons must be exclusively in the hands of the state, and that decisions on war and peace rest solely with its constitutional institutions. We translate that commitment into decisions taken by the Council of Ministers, notably in August and September of last year and again in March of this year. That was after Lebanon found itself in a war that it did not choose. It was imposed upon us despite our repeated warnings. Again repeated warnings of the dangers of being drawn into it. As the war in the region widened and initiatives to end it multiplied, we held fast to a non-negotiable principle. No one speaks for Lebanon and no one negotiates on its behalf except the Lebanese state through its constitutional institutions. It is true that Lebanon is affected by developments in its surroundings. That does not mean, however, that we accept its becoming once again an arena for the conflicts of others or a burning bargaining chip in their hands. Lebanon's future. Will not be decided on its behalf, nor may its security and stability become the price of settlements concluded in its absence. Third our position on the war has been clear from the outset. We want it to end. We want the cease fire consolidated. We want Israel to withdraw from all Lebanese territory up to our internationally recognised borders, in accordance with the 1949 General Armistice Agreement and as affirmed by resolution 1701. We want the release of all our detainees, the safe and dignified return of our people to their villages and towns, and the reconstruction of what the war has destroyed. It was in that spirit that the Lebanese state entered into negotiations with Israel under the kind auspices of the United States of America and its president, for which we are grateful. With a view to reaching arrangements that ensure an end to the war and the restoration of Lebanon's full sovereignty. The sovereignty to which we are committed is indivisible. It requires Israel's withdrawal from all Lebanese territory. It equally requires the extension of the authority of the Lebanese state through its own forces, over the entirety of its territory, with weapons held by the state alone. It is on these two principles, and on the basis of reciprocity and phased implementation, that the tripartite framework reached in the negotiations rest. However, the success of any agreement is measured not by declared intentions but by fulfilment of commitments. What is required today, therefore, is to complete the translation of this framework into practical steps within a clear timetable and with a verification mechanism that ensures the implementation of all its provisions. Mr. president, in this context, I must pay tribute to the role played by the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, UNIFIL, and to the courage of its leadership, personnel and staff and their sacrifices in preserving stability, supporting the Lebanese Armed forces and implementing resolution 1701. To all the countries that have contributed troops to this force, Lebanon extends its profound thanks and appreciation. We have taken note of Security Council resolution 2790 of 2025, which decided to terminate UNIFIL's operations at the end of this year and to begin its gradual withdrawal, and requested the Secretary general to explore available options for the continued implementation of resolution 1701. What we wish to stress here and today is the need to avert the vacuum that UNIFIL's withdrawal could create, were it to take place without agreement on a new international force to replace it. Such a force should ensure the continuation of monitoring, reporting and liaison functions and its role should complement the requirements for implementing the tripartite framework.
And once again, we count first and foremost on ourselves in this. Mr. president. Now regional international issues. A government remains attentive to developments across Africa and around the world, and we encourage, therefore, efforts aimed at the rapid and lasting resolution of conflicts on the African continent. Regarding the situation in the Middle East, Mali reaffirms its full support for the brotherly Palestinian people and their legitimate struggle to exist as a fully recognised state. Mr. president, the international situation is such that we have to acknowledge the international order is undergoing profound change. And the longer we ignore it, the less we will be able to adjust to it.
Building on this conviction, the Kingdom of Morocco, under the leadership of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, believes that the establishment of a lasting peace in the Middle East depends on the establishment of an independent, sovereign and viable Palestinian state, on the borders of the 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital, living side by side with the State of Israel in peace and security. In the face of the tragedy that the brotherly Palestinian people continue to endure, the Kingdom renews its call for respect for the ceasefire in Gaza and for the entry of humanitarian assistance into the strip in sufficient quantities without impediment or interruption. At the same time, Morocco stresses the need to support the Palestinian Authority, particularly in the financial, technical, structural, humanitarian and training fields and to accompany the reforms it is undertaking within its various institutions. Morocco also renews its support for the pivotal role of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. In keeping with its approach of supporting initiatives aimed at achieving peace in the Middle East, Morocco has decided to participate in the International Stabilisation Force in Gaza and to contribute through humanitarian and security initiatives to establishing a climate of peace and security in the region by contributing to the training of the Palestinian police, deploying high ranking military officers to the internal security forces, and setting up a military field hospital, in addition to its readiness to lead a programme to counter extremism. Developments in the West Bank are deeply alarming, including the adoption of certain laws that affect the legal status of Palestinian territory and pave the way for their seizure for the purpose of settlement expansion, as well as the systematic violence perpetrated by Israeli settlers against Palestinian citizens. All these measures point in one direction the displacement of the population and the undermining of the material basis for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. With regard to the city of Jerusalem, Morocco expresses its deep concern about unilateral Israeli measures and the repeated violations of the sanctity of Al-Aqsa Mosque, which constitutes serious transgressions that contribute to fuelling the discourse of extremism and hatred at the expense of the voice of wisdom and moderation. As the chair of Al-Quds Committee, His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, continues his work to preserve the historical, cultural and spiritual identity of the Holy City and its legal status, as well as to improve the living conditions of the inhabitants, combining political and diplomatic action with programmes implemented on the ground by Bayt Mal Al-Quds Asharif Agency, the executive arm of Al-Quds Committee. Mr. president, despite its significant human, natural and civilizational assets, the African continent faces a gap between the scale of the commitments announced for its benefit by the international community and the value of what has actually been achieved on the ground. Contrary to the stereotypical image held by some, Africa is not a continent of conflicts and a hotbed of problems.
Yet the measure by which we are assessed sees none of it. It sees income and it sees nothing else. It does not capture the full story of my nation, the true cost of our geographic isolation, the fragility of our limited economic base, or the devastating impact a single disaster can have on our people and our progress. In January 2027, Naoero will be considered a high income country in the OECD system. That does reflect real progress. But progress should not be punished because 58% of our revenue comes from bilateral arrangements that are not ours to renew. 87% of the food our people eat is purchased and imported. We have one runway, one port, one road that connects everywhere. None of that appears in how we are assessed. That is why we strongly support the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index, or MVI, and the United Nations efforts to pilot the tool. Its full implementation is essential to ensuring that countries like ours are fairly assessed and adequately supported. It recognizes that vulnerability is complex and it must be seen, measured and acted upon. Mr. president, we acknowledge the significant progress made by some development partners and financial institutions in adopting vulnerability assessments and reviewing the eligibility criteria. The Asian Development Bank, ADB, weighs vulnerability alongside the income and its own policy names my nation as the clearest example of why income alone conceals what small island states face. As a country that is ranked the fifth most vulnerable country in the world on the index and the most vulnerable in the Pacific, we welcome these developments as positive steps. But a gap remains. Not all have taken the necessary steps to truly recognise our realities. I therefore urge all who have yet to do so, including the World Bank, to weigh vulnerability alongside income in decisions on eligibility, as the ADB already does. If the international community is truly serious about restoring trust and managing transformation, it must demonstrate that commitment where it matters most with those who are most vulnerable.
AI can be a powerful accelerator of human progress; therefore, we must not close the door to innovation. At the same time, we must address AI’s potential harms, including job losses and widening of the digital divide. We cannot also rule out the possibility that AI, particularly artificial general intelligence, or AGI, could affect human survival. That demands prudent and reliable guardrails, based on scientific evidence, to safeguard the global public interest, while allowing innovation to go forward. Governments must remain at the heart of this endeavour. But governments do not have a monopoly on expertise, capital, technology, innovation or influence. Much of that experience and capacity already lies with businesses, innovators, civil society and others. We need to unlock the doors of the United Nations to those developing and using AI. Not someday. Now. We are falling further behind each day. AI differs from earlier proliferation challenges in one critical respect: it is already embedded in nearly every facet of our lives, in our water systems, electricity grids, health records, economies and militaries. We cannot allow an arms race for control of AI to carry us over the precipice. There is clear precedent for United Nations engagement with world-changing developments. We did so on nuclear non-proliferation; through the Montreal Protocol to protect the ozone layer; and with the United Nations Declaration on Human Cloning in 2005. We need experts, innovators, industry leaders, scientists, civil society, and academia all working together on the issues of our times. (PAUSE) Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, We have an opportunity in this session to show that we have learned from what works; that we are prepared to confront what does not; and that we can build a United Nations capable not simply of surviving change, but of shaping it. To seize that opportunity, we must be realistic enough to confront hard truths, bold enough to reform, and inclusive enough to bring the right people to the table.
Hence, the need for United Nations reform, particularly reform of the Security Council. Africa should be represented by two permanent seats. And the working methods of the Security Council should be improved in line with current developments and realities. The international financial system should be reformed so as to ensure equality of opportunity in accessing finance and in implementing the Millennium and Sustainable Development Goals, as well as climate action.
And for everyone else everyone else who wants to defend truth and justice, join us in standing up to the barbarians who threaten our common civilization. But I have to be candid with you. Not everyone is standing up. We saw that because unlike Israel, there are some and most recently, especially in Western Europe, who have chosen not to stand up. The leaders of these countries have chosen to succumb to the anti-Semitic mobs. They have chosen weakness. They've chosen appeasement. We cannot evade the sad truth before us. Many in the free world are afraid to defend freedom. And I ask them, what will this future, what will this behavior, what will the world hold for you? The brotherhood of democracies or the Muslim Brotherhood? How long will it take for you to see that these fanatic jihadists are choking your waterways, your energy supply, your economic lifeline? I can assure you, ladies and gentlemen, we and Israel, we do not wait for others to wake up from their moral slumber. We forge ahead. We seize the future. We pioneer incredible developments in health, agriculture, artificial intelligence, superior intelligence. And we bring these amazing innovations to all of humanity. So Israel has never been stronger. We are not afraid. But I'll tell you who is afraid. The tyrants of Tehran, that's who.
We must defend free and independent science. Let's protect the IPCC, IPBES. We need scientists who measure, who analyze, who assess. Let's uphold our commitment to the Paris Agreement, to our decarbonization pathways, to our 2050 carbon neutrality target. Let's shoulder our share of responsibility. We need to innovate, cooperate, restart, work on biodiversity credits, and achieve our objectives on forests and oceans. We have many decisions to take. We cannot give in to fatalism. We are already the victims of climate change. We must do it for them, and even more so for our children. Last but not least, we must hold fast and not yield on artificial intelligence. There are some who wish to make us believe that only two powers, the US and China, will be taking the decisions. They want us to believe that just a few economic actors will make all the decisions, the kinds of economic innovations that will be implemented, whether they want to take a break or not, the kinds of innovations that happen. Some of these technological developments might attack the security of our states, our hospitals or banks. They say that just a few will decide what kind of society we live in. No, no. Starting in 2018 at the G7 with our Canadian friends, we launched the Global Partnership for Artificial Intelligence under the auspices of the OECD to kickstart discussions on the need for regulation. At the AI summit in 2025. The AI Governance Summit. The next edition will be held in Switzerland next year. There was also the Indian edition. We advocated for two very simple things for everyone in the world to have their own LLM model capabilities, calculation capabilities, AI capabilities, so that we can craft a way of auditing these models instead of being reliant on just a few private actors. And in fact, Europe was the first with the AI Act to take forward these principles, to take forward these models, and we must continue down that path. Therefore, I wish to emphasize a particular point. Our young people and our children. We've spent far too long not protecting our young people and adolescents. And as a result, we're living with the consequence. Their capacity to learn is in decline. We're seeing mental health problems. The facts are stark, and the correlation is clear cut. That's why we've kickstarted a large scale initiative aimed at protecting our young people, our adolescents, to stop them accessing social networks before the age of 15. Underway in various countries. And I wish to commend our Australian colleagues, the first to take legislation on this front. We must continue down this path and see it through, but let's not wait for the consequences to come raining down on AI. We must act now to protect our children and our young people. Look at the impact chat bots have on our children. This is why, together with Kenya, Spain Australia, we've built a coalition on children's rights in the era of AI. We are mobilizing already this afternoon and also at the Paris Peace Forum on the 10th and 11th of November of this year. Governments, organizations, public and private actors, academics, private companies everyone will be rallying behind this agenda. So I hope to see you on the 10th and 11th of November in Paris. Going beyond that, we can clearly see the race that is underway in cutting edge models we must all be investing in. France is proud to have a competitive frontier model, and we will continue supporting them. So that we can have this kind of model. But we must also forge new kinds of cooperation. And I very much hope and wish for all sovereign states committed to their independence. India and Brazilian, African Gulf states, Singapore. The list goes on. This independent coalition, which I mentioned earlier, I don't want anyone to become the vassal of one of the great powers. Rather, we must come together to build an open source frontier model, a cutting edge model. Using all of the calculation capabilities you have pooling them. Our investment capabilities must be pooled to build a cutting edge, open source AI model, which we will share. We should not depend on somebody else. This is the agenda we must take forward and this through cooperation. Furthermore, there are other areas where we must set new rules AI in outer space, AI and defense, and cyber security. This has very serious consequences which affect the very heart of our national security. In Evian at the G7. Many of us lend our support for the call launched by our Finnish and Norwegian friends, and we want to continue within the framework of the G7, but also working closely with our UK colleagues who will hold the chairmanship of the G20 next year. We want to set a cooperation agenda on AI so as to protect the most sensitive components thereof, which affect our national security. We are coming to an agreement to build a new international architecture. We did this on chemical weapons. We did this when it came to other risks, and we must do the same when it comes to outer space defense, cyber security issues on which we must take control. And we need very specific kinds of cooperation, a specific framework for cooperation between member states in these areas, so as to be able to take this cooperation forward within a specific framework. We must not yield on this either.
