The transcripts are AI-generated from the UN's English audio and can contain mistakes. We are checking them against the statements the missions publish; some errors are still expected.
This is what we expect from a statesman, Yasser Arafat and Zaki Rabin were statesmen. They challenged the past to envision a future of peace. They were defeated by hatred. Generations of Palestinians will carry the pain and trauma left by the genocide of women and children perpetrated. By Netanyahu. Government in Gaza. Israeli civilians pay the price for radicalism and intolerance of Hamas terrorist acts, persecuting the International Criminal Court and its members encourages these crimes to go unpunished. The U.N. special rapporteur, Francesca Albanese, must not be silenced for telling the truth. Illegal settlements in the West Bank. Are making the two state solution increasingly unviable, essential for Israelis and Palestinians to live in safety, threatening civilizations with extinction will not bring stability to the Middle East. The Strait of Hormuz became has become a battleground, when it should have remained a vital passage for international trade Families around the world are paying for the rising. The price of fuel, fertilizers and food. The war between Russia and Ukraine has dragged on for five years in a humanitarian drama that continues to claim lives. We all know that there will be no winners on the battlefield. Diplomacy is the only option. Initiatives such as the Friends of Peace Group, created by Brazil and China, revealed that there are forces in the international community willing to work towards dialogue in Latin America and the Caribbean region. Geographical proximity to the world's greatest military power is inescapable, especially in the context of renewed hegemonic temptations. Brazil does not fit in anyone's backyard. We need partners with a positive agenda that fosters development. Ideological differences should not hinder higher integration amongst neighbors. The countries in the region have experienced the horrors of authoritarian regimes. We have come a long way to restore popular will. Democracy is once again under threat. We witness once more interference in the electoral processes, dividing the world into zones of influence and neocolonial incursions for strategic resources are anachronistic gestures. The Venezuelan people deserve to define their own destiny. Nicaragua will not solve its problems by preventing the opposition from running in the elections. The crisis in Haiti continues to test the limits of the international community's indifference. In Cuba, the world watches in horror as collective punishment is imposed on 10 million people by an illegal economic and energy embargo.
Argentina's position is clear. Today I have come to tell you that Argentina is not going to sit around waiting for the UN and the international community to live up to their own mandate. We're going to take matters into our own hands. For far too long, Argentina managed its own decline. We managed poverty. We managed isolation. We managed irrelevance. We grew accustomed to debating how to divide up what remained, rather than asking ourselves how we could grow again, how we could rebuild what we had lost. That's over. We've already lost too much. We do not want to lose it again. That's why we've embraced free enterprise capitalism. We're opening our economy up to trade and investment. We're advancing in the development of our strategic resources. We've embraced the technological revolution, and we are rebuilding our military capabilities after decades of neglect. We've also made a geopolitical choice. We have unequivocally aligned ourselves with the West, with the United States, and with Israel, countries with which we share a deep affinity of values and strategic complementarity. That is why we condemn the attacks by the Iranian regime against the State of Israel. We have designated the Iranian Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization and continue to seek justice for the two terrorist attacks perpetrated on Argentine soil in 1992 and 1994. We have decided to cooperate with the world, but to do so standing tall, in the understanding that only a nation that is politically relevant, economically influential, and militarily respected can truly be a master of its own destiny.
We thank them all for their staunch commitment side by side with the Haitian people. President, before this august Assembly, I am bringing to you the voice of a people that has etched its name in the annals of history by daring to do what was unthinkable, breaking the chains of slavery and bringing to life, on a land conquered by sacrifice, blood and sweat, the first free black republic of the world. This epic story is the eternal proof that no empire can be more powerful than the thirst for freedom of a people. How can we forget the destiny and the hidden tears of Toussaint Louverture, torn violently away from the land of his birth, cast into icy solitude and a dungeon in Fort de Joux, made to suffer hardship and humiliation. This all brought down Toussaint Louverture, but his fight for freedom remained alive through Dessalines, Christophe, Pétion and all of our other founding fathers and mothers. Toussaint Louverture predicted it. He said, in overthrowing me, you have done no more than cut down the trunk of the Tree of Liberty in Saint-Domingue. It will spring back from the roots, for they are numerous and deep. The tree did grow back. It got larger. It has gone through the centuries and is continuing. And even though today criminal violence is threatening its roots and trying to strip our children of the fruits of this liberty so dearly won, Haiti will resist. Haiti is standing tall. It is standing tall because the peoples born in light have never given in to the forces of chaos. Haiti is standing tall because the people born of sacrifice know the price of liberty, peace, and security. Haiti knows because it felt it in its own flesh, that these gains are never definitively won, and that when they are under threat, one must have the courage to defend them. This is the struggle that Haiti is undergoing today, and that's why we call upon the world not to save it, but to stand side by side with it while it takes its own destiny into its own hands. Mr. president, I am bringing to you the voice of Haiti, but also the voice of those peoples who our world too often asks to bear the weight of crises that they did not create. For small states such as Haiti, the cost of climate change has become unsustainable. This is a deep injustice. The fact that those who historically contributed the least are among those who are paying the heaviest price, often to the detriment of their own development. Resources devoted to adaptation and resilience need to be commensurate with these challenges. No people must have to choose between responding to an emergency and financing its development. Access to capital, to markets, and to technologies need to be more fair. Our international financial architecture must evolve to better respond to the needs and realities of the most vulnerable countries. Artificial intelligence offers up colossal opportunities, but without regulations or ethical guardrails, it risks deepening existing rifts. Technology must remain a tool for shared progress, and it must serve humanity. We need to be the masters of technology and never its subjects, and no people should ever be left behind.
is not targeted against anyone. It is an expression of our will to rely on ourselves, to have total control over our resources, and also responsibility for our choices and our alliances. The Head of state, President Tiani has consistently said this. The only thing we are asking for is that we be left to manage our own destiny. We have never been driven out of a desire to trouble anyone else, so for us, it is simply a matter of moving towards the choice and supporting the choice that we have decided upon with our people behind us. Our organization must understand this truth. The sovereignty of our states is not negotiable. Our resources belong to our peoples. Our future will no longer be decided elsewhere. Ladies and gentlemen, this is an opportunity to commend the courage of our defense and security forces and to pay tribute to all of our civilian and military martyrs who have lost their lives in the struggle for our full and total liberty. I bow down before their memory. May their souls rest in peace.
The Paraguay that, after the military catastrophe, became a true open-air graveyard, is today a very different country. Paraguay has risen up. And it is ready to take its place in the world. We rose up through hard work, through openness to the world, and through the stubborn determination of a people that did not choose its democracy but did choose their own destiny. Today, Paraguay is experiencing one of the finest economic periods in its history. And it has become an example to other countries of macroeconomic stability, sustained growth, and poverty reduction. As a result of this, in December 2025, Standard & Poor's awarded us our second investment-grade rating, making Paraguay the first country in more than a decade to achieve that distinction. In the final quarter of that year, unemployment fell to 3.6%. This is the lowest level on our records. Growth only matters if it is felt at home. Decent employment is one of the best social policies a state can provide. And that's not all. Paraguay has reduced poverty to levels never seen before. In less than 20 years, we have brought the poverty rate down from 58% to 16%, faster than any other country in the region. Because people matter to us. Moreover, the future is bright, not only because our electricity supply is abundant, stable, and 100% renewable, but also because our region possesses land, energy, critical minerals, and, most importantly, its extraordinary people. Mr. President, as I come to the end of my statement, I wish to return to the idea with which I began. People no longer want slogans alone. They want solutions to their problems. And above all, they want peace. They want freedom, security, democracy, prosperity, and opportunities for their children. And those of us who are entrusted with the responsibility of leading our countries must rise to those expectations. Paraguay knows that the road ahead is difficult. But we also know that it is not impossible. We believe it is possible to build a world in which cooperation delivers results, a world where democracy is not an empty promise, a world where technology serves humanity, a world in which development reaches those who need it most. And we believe that Paraguay has much to contribute to that future. We are a country that did not choose its geography. But we are a country that chose our destiny, a country that has confronted adversity and chose to rise again, a country with energy, resources, talent, and, above all, an unbreakable determination to progress. We are a country that has stopped asking what we lack and has begun asking," How far can we go?" This is the Paraguay, the Paraguay of great ambitions, a Paraguay that is engaged with the world, that opens its door to opportunity, that defends its sovereignty, that embraces peace, freedom, and democracy, a Paraguay that seeks to grow without leaving anyone behind. And that Paraguay has a message for the world today. We have come to show what we are capable of. Today, once again, we choose dialogue over confrontation, cooperation over isolation, democracy over authoritarianism, peace over war, and development over resignation. The United Nations will not restore trust simply because we declare it so in this hall. We must be firm and unequivocal in our defense of multilateralism, democracy, peace, and, above all, human dignity. And before this assembly, I wish to say this with absolute clarity. Paraguay is ready to play its part. Because our history has taught us to resist. And our future calls on us to build. Beyond words lie actions.
But institutions do not have hearts. People do. Charters do not keep the peace. The men and women who honour them do. Beyond every declaration and commitment, each of us carries a profound responsibility to be agents of peace, champions of goodwill and keepers of the fragile bonds of friendship among nations. The world has never needed that spirit more than it does today. Mr. president, permit me a word from the Christian faith that has shaped my people. Our Constitution was established under the guiding hand of God by a people conscious of our common destiny. We believe that is true not only of Solomon Islands, but of this whole family of nations. We live in a time when division has become the calling card of the day. Nations are sorted into camps. Neighbours are asked to choose sides. Small states are too often treated as prizes to be won rather than partners to be heard. But the destiny of nations does not finally rest in this General Assembly, nor in any capital, however powerful. King Solomon, among the wisest rulers of antiquity, wrote, there are many devices in a man's heart. Nevertheless, the counsel of the Lord shall stand. That truth does not make us passive. It makes us humble and it makes us accountable. So I call on my fellow leaders to do three things. First, let us ask for wisdom before we ask for advantage. When Solomon was offered anything he wished, he did not ask for riches or long life or the defeat of his enemies. He asked for an understanding heart so that he might judge his people well. I can think of no better prayer for every leader in this room. Second, let us stay at the table. The same king taught that in the multitude of counsellors there is safety. That is the oldest case I know for what this organization is meant to be. Many nations, large and small, sitting together because none of us sees far enough alone. Third, let us measure greatness rightly. Righteousness exalts a nation, not its arsenal, not its alliances, but its justice: how it treats the poor, the displaced and the small. Powers rise and powers fall. The purposes of God endure. Let us choose cooperation over division, dialogue over confrontation, peace over hostility and action over inaction. And let us lead as people who know we will answer for it one day. Our national motto teaches us that to lead is to serve.
The time has come to back this resolution with practical results. Esteemed President, dear participants, today humanity stands on the brink of another massive transformation. I speak of artificial intelligence, but one question remains unanswered: does technology serve humankind, or are we forced to adapt to technology? However, the principle must be clear: humanity and its destiny must be at the heart of technological progress. Artificial intelligence must be inseparable from human rights, security, equal opportunity, and accountability. Technological progress should not force people to change, but rather serve to improve human life. Uzbekistan advocates strengthening international dialogue in this regard. Dear friends, the power is not above the law. Every person who turns to the court, regardless of who they are, must have faith that justice will prevail. A separate international commercial court, based on the principles of English law, is being established at the Tashkent International Financial Center. We have eradicated child labor and systemic forced labor. We have tightened the responsibility for domestic violence. We also rely on this criterion when it comes to women's rights and opportunities. Therefore, we have created a separate system to support women's entrepreneurship. Today, women make 39% of our parliament. Esteemed heads of delegations, in Tashkent, the Islamic Civilization Center was built at the initiative of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev.
Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, distinguished delegations, ladies and gentlemen. There was a time in which, in my country, fear prevailed over the law. This was the experience of families that weren't going out at night, business owners who had to pay to be able to work, young people who were given weapons before they were given a diploma. We decided that this should not be the destiny of Ecuador, and we have acted with determination.
I also wish to express my sincere appreciation to your predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock, for her leadership during our 80th Session. Mr. President, we assemble at a historic moment for humanity. Sixty-three years ago, in 1963, Emperor Haile Selassie famously cautioned this global community by stating:" Lasting peace can be achieved only when nations recognize that their true strength lies not in the domination of others, but in cooperation anchored upon genuine equality." As a founding member of the United Nations, Ethiopia bears both the scars of historical betrayal and the unyielding conviction of a survivor. When the League of Nations abandoned our appeal against Fashist aggression in the 1930s, we did not surrender to despair and desolation. We resolutely stood firm as champions of collective security, helping the birth of the very organization in which we stand for. Today, we call upon the Community of Nations to summon that same foundational courage to actively reinforce the very ideals that help prevent global conflict and the scourge of war. The question, therefore, is: how much longer shall we wait before the pillars of collective security fractured beyond repair? This is exactly what drives the significance of multilateralism, not as a diplomatic convenience, but as a living shield rooted in sovereign equality to address the shifting tides of power politics. Mr. President, I would like to thank the Secretary-General for placing before us the defining imperatives of our era, namely artificial intelligence, the climate crisis, and deepening global inequalities. These are not only policy choices; they are the pivots upon which human destiny is determined. The United Nations has achieved remarkable victories against extreme poverty, but it has never been enough.
As the United Nations enters its ninth decade of existence, we have a collective duty to demonstrate that multilateralism remains the best response to the challenges of our time. We must choose dialogue over confrontation, cooperation over isolation, and solidarity over indifference. We must restore trust among nations, ensure that the rule of law prevails over the use of force. Place human beings at the heart of our decisions and make our diversity a source of strength, rather than a cause for division. Only then will the United Nations continue to embody the hopes of peoples and fulfill the promises that led to its creation. Cote d'Ivoire, true to its values and firmly committed to peace, dialogue and multilateralism, will continue with humility but with determination to contribute to this collective endeavour, because we believe that the destiny of humanity remains profoundly shared. Finally, it is incumbent upon us to ensure that the United Nations remains for present and future generations, a true crucible of human dignity and the guarantor of a better world I thank you. On behalf of the General Assembly.
Mr. president, excellencies, I am appearing addressing this assembly representing the first female president of my country, doctor Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo whose government places people at the heart of the actions of the state and works on a daily basis to achieve freedom, democracy, social justice and substantive equality. Mexico conducts its public life according to a conviction that I'm bringing to you today, from this rostrum, to make shared prosperity a reality for all people. This conviction coincides with the commitments that we all made in the United Nations Charter, whose first article establishes as goals to maintain international peace and security, to engage in friendly relations between nations, and to cooperate to resolve economic, social and cultural problems and humanitarian problems. Promoting respect for human rights without any type of distinction. Mexico, a culture with more than 3000 years of history, is experiencing a profound transformation that is a continuation of the journey that, uh, was started with the independence movement, the reform, and then the revolution the three defining moments when my country expanded the rights of its people. My country today aspires to achieve a prosperous society with rights and a decent life for all. This is a transformation with clear goals to bring about shared well-being, to strengthen our competitivity, to develop our own capacities, and to determine our own destiny. It's for this reason that my country has come to share the experience of a nation that decided to show, through concrete actions, that it is possible to improve the quality of life of our people by expanding their rights and their capacity to exercise these rights. Please allow me to underscore some of the progress made. The first is the reduction of poverty. Between 2018 and 2024, more than 13 million people were lifted out of poverty in Mexico, the most significant reduction in the history of our country. It's also important to underscore that in 2025, we had the lowest in white poverty rate in our history. This effort continues with a national social policy. In 2026, the well-being programs of our countries reached 42.8 million people. In addition to this, we have sustained investment in infrastructure, healthcare, trains, highways, schools and water infrastructure. Looking towards 2030, the investment in infrastructure for development with Well-Being plan plans to make investments in energy, transport, water, health, education and emerging technology. The second concrete action is security that the government of President Sheinbaum understands from a comprehensive perspective, addressing the causes that push youth towards crime and also zero impunity. And the results speak for themselves. In just 22 months, the 22 months to July 2026, intentional homicides declined by around 51%. This is the result of a national security strategy that is being strengthened thanks to international cooperation on shared challenges. And that, respectfully, um, I'd like to respectfully recall, is grounded in four principles one respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Two, shared but differentiated responsibility, three mutual respect and trust, and four, cooperation without subordination. This milestone was not achieved through war, nor by renouncing human rights or through reliance on force as the sole response. Mexico combines education and employment for youth with intelligence investigation, strengthening institutions and boosting the presence of the state where before it was absent. Today we can say proudly that our progress in security really make Mexico stand out on the international stage. That's why we wish to, um, put forward a truth to this assembly, um, a truth that is valid for all peoples, that peace cannot be decreed or imposed. It's built with social justice. The third action is focused on employment. Since 2018, the minimum wage has increased in real terms by 154% And today we have the highest purchasing power in more than four decades. And we achieved this with dialogue between the government workers and employers. With inflation under control and one of the lowest unemployment rates of any OECD economy. We've demonstrated in practice something that was denied for decades in theory, and that is that, um, paying workers better does not make economies poorer. It actually strengthens them. The fourth, fourth action that we've engaged in has transformed the history of our country. For the first time in two centuries of independent life, Mexico is being governed by a woman. And this did not happen alone. Um, and she's not governing alone either. She, uh, has a cabinet with gender parity, a Congress with gender parity, and a reform that made substantive equality a constitutional mandate.
Our experience in southern Africa has taught us that dialogue is a shared fortitude and not a weakness. In the African tradition, the meeting place is not where courage is abandoned. It is where wisdom is summoned. Lessons can be drawn from the heritage based approaches to peace building and conflict resolution from communities across the world, including within Africa. Military action may alter the battlefield, but durable peace is built through inclusive political processes that restore confidence, address grievances and allow affected communities to shape their socioeconomic and political destinies. Mr. president, Zimbabwe's grateful for the confidence placed in us through our election to the Security Council for the 2027 to 2028 term, my country will assume this responsibility in January 2027 with humility, independency and a readiness to serve, guided by our foreign policy of being a friend to all and an enemy to none. Accordingly, my country will prioritize for priorities in the Council. Firstly, the promotion of preventive diplomacy, mediation, a peaceful dispute resolution while tackling the underlying causes of insecurity. Secondly, we shall advocate for the strengthening of cooperation between the United Nations and the regional organizations such as the African Union and its Peace and Security Council. In this respect, we call for the full implementation of resolution 2719 to ensure predictable, adequate and sustainable financing for authorized African Union led peace support operations. Thirdly, our nation believes that our rich heritage and natural resource endowments must advance industrialization, modernization and the green agenda for the prosperity of all and not to finance conflict As such, Zimbabwe shall support Africa silencing the guns agenda and strong action against terrorism, organized crime, illicit arms flows, and illegal resource trafficking. Finally, women and young people must shape peace. From the outset, the support of Zimbabwe will also be extended to the women and youth peace and security agendas. The current times demand peace keeping that is grounded in clear political strategies, realistic mandates and adequate resources. Those most affected by the decisions of the Security Council should not be the least heard. There is need not only give a voice, but consider the views of the countries and regions on the Security Council agenda towards our shared aspirations for enduring peace and sustainable development.
And this is why Andorra will continue to work, both within the group of friends of multilingualism and the groups of francophone ambassadors, to ensure that new digital tools, as well as the UN itself, continue to reflect the plurality of peoples and cultures that we represent. This organization exists because the international community understood that the destiny of peoples is shared. No nation can prosper while ignoring the suffering of others, because the security of one depends on the security of all. In this regard, I would like, first and foremost, to commend the excellent UN aid initiative, which proposes improvements to the work of the Secretariat, a stronger mandate lifecycle, and simplification of structures to avoid duplication and overlap. Secondly, I would like to emphasize the need for a form of the Security Council so that the UN can reflect the realities of today rather than those of 80 years ago. But the most important reform is to ensure that this organization remains a space where states not only defend their legitimate interests but are also capable of exercising a shared responsibility to address the great challenges facing humanity, and above all, continue to believe that what unites us is stronger than what divides us. I would like to also offer a few words of recognition to Secretary-General António Guterres. Since 2017, he has exercised his mandate during one of the most difficult and uncertain periods the international community has known, consistently defending the principles of the UN charter and reminding us, even when it seemed most difficult, that multilateralism remains the best hope for preserving peace and cooperation among peoples as well as human dignity.
The United Nations was born in 1945 from humanity's determination that the tragedies of war should never again define our common destiny. Eight decades later, the world continues to look to this organization as a century where nations can assemble, where differences can be resolved through dialogue, and where hope can be transformed into tangible action. Yet, at a time when conflicts persist, inequalities deepen, climate-related disasters intensify, and countless communities continue to struggle against poverty and insecurity, the international community must renew its commitment to global cooperation. To ordinary people across the globe, this Assembly must not be perceived merely as a forum where the world discusses its problems, but as an organization that actively solves them.
Mr. President. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. We must acknowledge that the challenges that we have faced for decades, namely food insecurity, disease armed conflict, or natural disasters are still with us. Thus for Madagascar. As for many other nations, the new emerging challenges must not overshadow the priorities that still require our attention. The theme of this 81st session calls upon us to assume our shared responsibility for our destiny, and for that of future generations, with clear vision placing collective action, the common good, and the welfare of humanity at the center of our responses to the profound transformations shaping our world. In light of these intersecting transformations and challenges, the question of trust in our collective action arises with renewed urgency. Indeed, we must admit, taking into account. All the hopes and expectations that we, the peoples of the United Nations, have placed in our organization. That trust has gradually eroded over time. The most vulnerable populations affected repeatedly or continuously by health crises, food insecurity and hunger, the impacts of climate change and conflicts exacerbated by current geopolitical tensions sometimes come to feel a certain skepticism regarding our collective capacity within the United Nations system to respond to the scourges of our age. Mr. President.
The theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation. A United Nations that delivers for all, reflects the core of our responsibilities towards the common goal of this organization that was established after the horrors of the 20th century. They decided to rely on the strength of law and not that of the might. They decided to choose dialogue instead of confrontation. Our responsibility today is to maintain the scores, and we have to counter the selectivity in applying international law, especially when there is a systematic avoidance of collective commitments. Some countries do not want to uphold the same rules that they call on others to uphold. This leads to weakened collective cooperation mechanisms. We no longer can prevent conflicts or settle them. This danger extends to institutions that might falter and fail. Multilateralism is not limited to the interests and sovereignty of states. It is not a a an example of weakness. It. Instead, it is a necessity to ensure human dignity, bring peace, and confront challenges. Defending the United Nations is a defense of the right of all peoples to determine their future and participate in decision making. Those decisions that define their destiny. We want a more just United Nations. A United Nations capable of confronting the current challenges. Challenges. After more than eight decades since the establishment of the UN, the Security Council reform has become a necessity to ensure. A fair representation of Africa, including permanent and non-permanent. Membership. While reviewing the financial architecture, this will ensure a participant cooperation on equal footing and open greater opportunities for development. The reform of this organization cannot be complete without promoting its ability to meet the promises of development. As 2030 approaches, we call for accelerating the implementation of the SDGs, and we support the UN 80 initiative as well as the pact of the future.
A United Nations that delivers for all must be inclusive. I reaffirm Namibia's unwavering solidarity with the people denied their right to self-determination. This position is firmly rooted in Namibia's historical experience of the brutality and colonialism, apartheid, and occupation. This is not a position born out of antagonism, but rather one grounded in Namibia's long-standing commitment to justice, solidarity, and the rights of the peoples to determine their own destiny in accordance with the UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 of 1960. The United Nations has a responsibility to advance a just and lasting resolution of the question of Western Sahara, constant with the charter of the United Nations and the relevant resolution on decolonization and self-determination. We support Minerals Mandate and the holding of a UN-backed referendum in Western Sahara for the Western Sahara people to finally exercise their right to self-determination. We therefore call upon the full implementation of the UN Security Council Resolution 2797 of October 2025, which reaffirms the need for a mutual, agreeable, lasting political solution between the Pretorian and the Kingdom of Morocco. Namibia calls for the Palestinian people's right to self-determination, freedom, and statehood.
I am appearing once again before this assembly on behalf of the Republic of Panama, a nation whose own geography defined its destiny. It's the bridge of the world and connects continents, cultures, and markets. At a time in history in which geopolitical fractures threaten to polarize us in a dangerous manner, Panama reaffirms its historic vocation to bring people together and seek common understandings. I must say that polarization is coupled with a large mass of people who feel that international organizations have forgotten the values and priorities of the majority of citizens.
We could accept mistrust, replacing dialogue, or on the contrary, we could choose another path, the most difficult path, but also the most human one. Uruguay, therefore comes before this assembly today. With that belief, with the humility and respect of a small country, but also with the resolve of those who understand the value of their principles. We've come to say that peace is no utopia. It is an ongoing endeavor. No conflict is ever definitively resolved through more conflict. No society becomes safer when hopelessness becomes the norm. No country can build its well-being in isolation. The future of humanity will, to a large extent, depend on our ability to understand that we are profoundly interconnected. We are different. We think differently. We have different histories. We have different interests. We are well aware that this isn't a struggle between the good guys and the bad guys. All too often, the good guys quickly become the bad guys, or those that we harshly condemned yesterday magically become the standard bearers of our alliance for good. But we share the same planet and ultimately the same destiny.
The AU-UN partnership must be founded on mutual respect, complementarity, and greater African ownership of solutions to the continent's challenges. Africa wants to be a strategic partner and a full-fledged actor in multilateralism, not merely an area of intervention for the international community. As Burundi assumes the chairmanship of the African Union, it is choosing unity, solidarity, and action. We are choosing an Africa at peace, an Africa that is integrated, an Africa that feeds itself, and an Africa that transforms its resources, an Africa that empowers its youth to create and innovate, an Africa that is master of its own destiny. And we are choosing a renewed multilateralism in which every region, every people, and every nation counts. For Africa, we want a United Nations that is more representative, more effective, and closer to the peoples. We want an Africa that is better represented within global decision-making bodies. We want a global partnership founded not on dependency but on solidarity, shared responsibility, and investment in the future. On behalf of the people of Burundi and in our capacity as the Chairperson of the African Union, we call on all our partners: let us make this period of transformation an opportunity to build a more just world, a stronger Africa, and a better future for generations to come. Burundi and the African Union express the hope that the high-level debate of this 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly will mark a new beginning for a consolidated multilateralism, a United Nations in which every state and every region counts. Thank you.
It must become an instrument for the future. We need a Security Council that reflects the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, not the power structures of 1945. A council that embraces the immoral, the emerging multipolarity of our world, including permanent representation from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean Mr. president, if the United Nations is to remain humanity's best hope, then this is not the hour to retreat from multilateralism. This is the hour to reclaim and to renew it For it is. In times such as these, when wars rage across borders, when the shadow of existential threats falls across the future of human civilisation, when the old certainties are dissolving before our eyes that multilateralism must rise, multilateralism rests upon the proposition that our destinies are bound together, that the security of one, the security of one cannot be at the insecurity of another, and that in an interdependent world, cooperation is a necessity. And where there can be no enduring prosperity, when inequality deepens and no just international order, when rules are applied selectively. It is to that truth that this 81st session of the General Assembly must recommit itself. But recommitment cannot mean merely repeating the language of yesterday. The world has changed and multilateralism must change with it. We need a new and invigorated multilateralism, one equal to the turbulence of our age. Sufficiently courageous to confront its trials, sufficiently imaginative to navigate its transformations, and sufficiently principled to defend the rule of international law. To make the United Nations fit for purpose. We must make it more transparent, accountable, and responsive. We must strengthen the General Assembly and give great and give greater weight to its deliberative and representative authority. We must bring greater coherence to a system too often divided by institutional rivalries, bureaucratic silos, and competing mandates. We must ensure that the resources of the UN match the responsibilities we have entrusted to it. But institutions do not reform themselves. They require leadership capable of seeing beyond the present and imagining the institution the future demands. The United Nations needs leadership that can bring its different organs, agencies and programs into greater unity of purpose, leadership that can build bridges where division has become habitual. Leadership that can defend the principles of the charter without fear or favour. The United Nations needs its next general Secretary to work with all Member States to restore confidence in the organisation, mobilise its energies and turn the language of multilateralism from aspiration into action. The reform of the United Nations, the restoration of trust and the need to manage transformation, is therefore inseparable from the question of leadership, and the choice of its next secretary general will be, in no small measure, a choice about the kind of United Nations we wish to leave to the generations that follow. It is in this spirit that Guyana has put forward the candidature of Her Excellency Carolyn Rodrigues Burkitt. For the office of Secretary General of the United Nations. She has served her country, represented the developing world and work within the multilateral system with a deep understanding of both its promise and its imperfections. We believe that our experience, her convictions, her record of service, speak directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. Her candidature, therefore, requires special significance. Amid the profound challenges confronting the United Nations and international order. We need leadership capable of restoring trust without compromising principles, of listening, without surrendering conviction of building bridges across the widening chasms between north and south, between large states and small, between the developed and developing world. We need a secretary general who will defend the charter not only when it is politically convenient, but precisely when its principles are under pressure. On a personal note, Mr. President, Carolyn Rodrigues Burkitt. Come from every experience. Her very upbringing crossed every struggle, every aspect of our accomplishment defined and broke barriers. An indigenous woman coming from a small indigenous village defying the odds. The odds against indigenous persons, the odds against women, the odds against poverty. Defining every challenge and rising to the top amidst those challenges Her character is built on struggle, sacrifice, commitment her accomplishments are crafted in her humanity. This is an individual of extreme qualities not because she is a Guyanese, not because she come from Guyana, but because I know personally and many of you know this too, the permanent representatives sitting here in New York, you know, her character knew who? You know her integrity. You know her will. You know her commitment. You know her love for humanity. You know her love for this world. And I know that this world will be a better place. With Caroline Rodrigues as the secretary general of the United Nations. In the humblest of ways, I call on the P5, the Security Council and every member and every member here to look beyond the small country that nominated her. Look beyond the small country that nominated her. Caricom as a body has endorsed her. And let us rise to the challenge of giving this indigenous woman the chance of helping us craft together the United Nations we want to see succeed. The responsibility for recommending the next Secretary general rests in the first instance with the Security Council, and we therefore respectfully place before its members the candidature of Caroline Rodrigues Burkitt, endorsed by the Caribbean community. We invite all to consider her candidacy on its merits and to judge whether her vision, experience, expertise and record can help restore confidence in the United Nations at this critical moment Mr. president, the United Nations was conceived in hope, and that hope remains alive in the pursuit of peace, security and human progress over the perpetuation of division and war. This is why we must not abandon multilateralism because it is imperfect. We must renew it because humanity still needs it. Let us therefore build a United Nations that does not merely reflect the world as it is, but help create the world as it ought to be. A world where law restrains power, cooperation overcomes division, and every human being can look to the future with hope. Ghana believes that the choice remains ours as to whether the divisions of our age will define the future, or whether nations can summon the will to build a more peaceful, secure and prosperous international order. The United Nations must be at the heart of that endeavour, not as an institution. Looking back at the world it was created to serve, but as one helping humanity shape the world that is yet to come. May God bless all of you. May God bless our humanity. May God guide us to peace and keep our world safe, our children safe, and give us all the worth, all to build nations that are prosperous.
The issue concerns the unique high altitude Lake Issyk-Kul, which is part of the UNESCO Biosphere Reserve and is included among wetlands of international importance under the Ramsar Framework. Today, this invaluable natural water reservoir is under severe climatic stress. Over the past 170 years, the water level has fallen by almost 14m, while over the past five years the rate of decline has reached approximately seven centimeters per year. 101 rivers historically flowed into the lake, but today only 30 flow throughout the entire year. The main source of water for Lake Issyk-Kul is the glacier of the Tien Shan Mountains. Over the past 70 years, more than 30% of the region's mountain glaciers have melted. Nearly 20% of this reduction has occurred within the just past 7 to 10 years. This process poses a direct threat to the biodiversity of the region and economic stability of hundreds of thousands of people. As part of our efforts to preserve Lake Issyk-Kul, Kyrgyzstan is mobilizing all available domestic resources, in particular the state concept for the sustainable Development of the Issyk-Kul ecological and economic system until 2030 is being implemented. Strict environmental restrictions have been introduced and pilot projects have been launched to monitor the depths of the lake using the underwater robotic technologies. Large scale efforts to clean the lake bed and its waters are continuing on a regular basis. The scale and speed of climate change exceed the capacity of any individual mountain country and require consolidated international action. The loss of Lake Issyk-Kul would not be merely a local tragedy. It would become an irreversible environmental loss for the entire region. In order to understand the potential scale of this environmental challenge and the costs associated with preventing, it is important to look at the fate of the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, both of which have suffered severely over recent decades. Please take a look at. Not so long ago the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, just like Issyk-Kul today, were full and reservoir was full of water. Today they have largely dried up. For us, this example must serve as a clear warning. Taking this opportunity, I officially call upon the United Nations, international financial institutions and donor countries to support our initiative to establish under the auspice of the organization the Special Joint Trust Fund for the Preservation of Lake Issyk-Kul. In order to demonstrate our commitments through concrete actions, we are prepared to contribute 10 million USD from the state budget to this fund. In our culture, there is a concept known as Amanat. It means the duty to carefully preserve what our ancestors have entrusted to us and to pass it on to future generations. In this sense, it would be fair to state that Lake Issyk-Kul is our shared climate Amanat. We are not asking for help. We are proposing a joint global partnership to preserve this unique natural resource for the earth. Before it is too late, let us unite our efforts and resources within the framework of this Trust fund. Distinguished participants. Ladies and gentlemen, the challenges before us are shared. Therefore, our response to them must be also collective. We stand at the threshold of a new era of change. Safe, just and sustainable future can be built only through collective action. The destiny of our planet and future generations is the responsibility of each and every one of us. This year, Kyrgyzstan celebrates the 35th anniversary of its independence. Throughout this period, our country has faced many different challenges. Since then, we chose cooperation over confrontation, creation over destruction and embark upon the path of sustainable development. There is one thing we must all remember. Peace does not come about by itself. Therefore, let us turn our words into action, concrete steps that improve people's lives and protect nature.
It is Arab in its identity and language, African in its geography, destiny, and belonging, Mediterranean in an intrinsic part of its culture, interests, and partnerships, and Islamic in its civilizational values, which incline toward peace, security, and building bridges with its neighbors. The multiplicity of these circles is not a contradiction but a source of strength, responsibility, and opportunity. From this geopolitical vantage point in particular, we have learned a harsh lesson in recent years. When the state weakens, the vacuum does not remain empty; competing interests fill it, armed groups become active within it, criminal and smuggling networks spread, illicit funds seep in, and institutions themselves become arenas of struggle for influence. At that point, the state does not merely lose part of its security. Its national decision-making begins to lose its independence. This brings us to the essence of what sovereignty means to us. Sovereignty is not merely a flag raised or borders drawn on maps, nor is it slogans repeated while judicial and oversight institutions fail to exercise their roles independently and responsibly.
Within the framework of the National Development Plan 2025-2044, Mozambique is committed to transforming its potential into shared prosperity for the people through the valorization of resources and investing in human capital, especially in the youth and women, which are the majority. We also want to increase value to natural resources. We also want to modernize our agriculture, promote industrialization, develop tourism, expand access to energy, invest in infrastructures, education, health, science and technology, digitalization, and in the economy in general. Natural resources should contribute to the economic diversification of our economy, the mobilization of income, and investment in our biggest asset, which is the talent of the Mozambican people and the talent of the African people. Our location in the Indian Ocean, our logistic corridors, and our agricultural potential, energy, and minerals make Mozambique a strategic platform for investment and regional integration. We therefore seek partnerships that build national capacity, promote local content, respect the environment, and generate employment, especially for the young people and women. Mozambique will continue to diversify its partnership in a sovereign way, transparent, and mutually beneficial manner, working with all the parties in light of the national priorities. This is also Africa's ambition: to be the architect of their own destiny, to participate in setting the rules, and to fully benefit from the wealth it helps to create.
Here, Venezuela felt the real spirit that inspired the creation of this organization. I come to you, before this assembly, as one more daughter of Venezuela, to present the aspirations of a country that is seeking to rebuild its own destiny following political conflicts and economic models that were imposed that affected our development. For all too long, we were a divided country, where we were a country in which the color of a party flag held more weight than the common surname that we all share. That is the name Venezuelan.
Well, Yoni said it simply. We have no other choice. And throughout this long war, our goal never wavered. To win. To win with unwavering resolve. To win with unrelenting courage. Because this is Israel. One nation fighting for one future left and right, young and old, religious and secular. Do we have our differences? Of course we do. Who doesn't? But in critical moments, those moments that shape our destiny, we stand together because what unites us is so much stronger. Our history, our values, our courage, the courage, the courage of our brave people who withstood 1000 massive ballistic missiles that Iran rained down on our cities, on our civilians. Ladies and gentlemen, you're sitting here in the General Assembly Hall of the UN. Do you know what? Just 1 ton ballistic missile would do if it hit this place. It would obliterate the entire compound. In fact, two such missiles would obliterate the U.N.. So you can imagine think about 1000 gigantic missiles falling from the skies on your cities, on your homes. I salute the courage of the people of Israel. I salute the courage of our brave soldiers, Jews, Christians, Druze, Muslim, the most moral army in the world, the IDF. For three years our brave soldiers have been valiantly fighting a seven front war. But there's an eighth front to this war. It's the war for truth. It is waged in the world's media and most perniciously in social media. Several foreign countries have spent untold billions to spread lies about my country. The first to do so was Qatar. Decades ago. It started massively funding American universities and toxic media outlets like Al Jazeera. They did the same in Europe, by the way, and their goal was clear brainwash young minds to hate Israel, hate America, hate the West. This is the same Qatar that hosts the Hamas butchers of October 7th, now the latest country to become a super spreader of anti-Semitic lies is Turkey.
It applies to the international system and it applies to Europe. We will not abandon the European idea because the European path has been difficult. The European Union remains for us our natural political, economic and institutional home, and we have work to do at home. We must strengthen the rule of law, build more effective institutions, build a more competitive economy and strengthen our citizens' confidence in their own state. That is our responsibility, and we will not shift it to Brussels. At the same time, we expect European integration to remain a merit based process based on measurable criteria, not a process in which bilateral issues can continually move the goalposts. We are not asking for an easier path. We are asking for a path governed by rules. We are not asking for lower standards. We are asking for standards to remain standards. This is equally important for Europe's credibility at a time when its geopolitical weight will increasingly depend on its ability to translate its commitments into tangible political outcome, and on its resolve to uphold the values it espouses and to remain steadfast in advancing them despite the many challenges it faces. Excellencies, the future international order will not be shaped only on battlefields or in diplomatic halls. It will be also shaped in laboratories, in schools, in factories, in energy grids, in data centers, and in the ability of societies to make sense of the changes that technology is bringing. Artificial intelligence is no longer a subject of the future. It is infrastructure for today, for the present. Today, the world is once again recognising the value of resilience, of reliable energy, of infrastructure, of diversified transport routes, of nearby and trusted supply chains. For us, the intensified development of Corridor VIII and Corridor X is a part of broader European vision to better connect the Adriatic, Ionian, the Black Sea, the Aegean and Central Europe to provide goods, energy and people with more routes and greater connectivity, and to ensure that the region becomes interconnected in the infrastructure rather than remaining on the geopolitical periphery. Our geography does not have to be our destiny. It can be our advantage if we build the institutions and infrastructure that transform our geographical position into connectivity. At the same time, we must also approach migration differently. Migration begins where there is no security, no employment, no education, no access to water, no prospects or no confidence that tomorrow will be better than today. It is not simply a matter of borders. Responsible policy must bring together security, human dignity, development and the real needs of labour markets. Climate policy, too, will have to become more grounded in reality. The green transition is essential, but if we make it socially unsustainable, we will lose the political support that is necessary to implement it. If we make it technologically dependent on a handful of sources, we will create new challenges while addressing old ones. If we expect poorer countries to move at the same pace without providing them with equal access to capital and technology, we will create injustice instead of a transition. That is why future climate policy must at the same time be environmental policy, economic policy and social policy. Mr. president, all of this brings us back to the central theme of this session: trust.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about, um, pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate. And there might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
The transformation we seek for a better world will only happen when we trust each other. And we accept our responsibility for each other. We in the Caribbean understand something about the necessity of living together. We had no choice. Barbadian novelist and essayist George Lamming once described the Caribbean as perhaps the first global experiment in human history, bringing together, and I quote, every branch of the human family, from the indigenous peoples of the Americas to the diverse peoples from Africa, Europe and Asia. It is as though that we, through this tortuous and shared history of migration, conquest, slavery and the difficult work of constructing a common national and regional destiny that we give the world an example to follow. Against all the odds, the Caribbean produced what Lamming called a new kind of global family. Our history has taught us that difference need not mean division. That coexistence requires dialogue and negotiation, and that those without the power to compel must learn the power of persuasion. These are not merely Caribbean lessons. The universal. And it is.
