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My third observation is that a new economic world order is taking shape. Instruments once used for economic integration, such as trade, technology, energy investment and supply chains, have become instruments of geopolitical competition. There was perhaps, at times, a naive belief that interdependence would bring about stability and peace. Now the focus on opportunities has been replaced by the focus on threats. We've entered a world of coercion where dependencies are vulnerabilities. Countries seek choke points that can be weaponized to pressure others. But dependencies are complex. No nation, not even the biggest ones, can go it alone. All coercive actions come at a cost. And even if a mightier state dominates in one domain, a smaller state can respond in another. In the new geopolitical environment, the economic order of the post World War II era is seeking new forms. A new order must be based on a realistic understanding of the power balance in the world. We in the West must acknowledge that the global South and East are an expanding economic and political force. Many nations around the world have made remarkable advances in competence and know how. We should put this collective expertise to work for the global common good. Countries are right to be wary of dangerous dependencies, but our focus on the threats should not lead us to abandon cooperation. We should strive for an economic world order built on institutions and agreements. Multilateralism is also needed in the global economy. Now, this was the first part. It's all good and well to diagnose the problem.
We cannot call upon security in and of itself to bear the burden of peace. Economic recovery needs to be the other pillar. This is why we welcome the decision taken by the administration of President Donald Trump to extend through 2028 the trade preference known as HOPE/HELP. We are deeply grateful for this gesture of friendship, which is an important step for our economic recovery, and we call for it to be extended by ten years. We also want to extend our gratitude to the United Kingdom for the Developing Countries Trading Scheme, and we call upon more countries to put in place similar mechanisms that are capable of transforming access to markets and to opportunities for trade and investment. Haiti needs investment to craft its future. This is why today Haiti is calling for a paradigm shift. We need to move from aid to investment, from assistance to production, from dependency to partnership, and we must gradually transform resources mobilized in order to manage the crisis into investments that can create jobs and sustainable opportunities, in particular for our young people and our women. Because when you no longer hear the sound of the guns, you need to hear the sounds of peace: engines that are starting, construction sites that are beginning work again, bustling markets, women that are running businesses, young people that are working, the laughter of children that are playing, and our streets that again, are rediscovering the rhythm of our music and our life. Those who have had the privilege of knowing Haiti know that this country exists behind the images of crises. There's a people that is welcoming and has a vibrant culture with unique knowledge, with stunning beaches and heritage, and exceptional richness. We need to recreate the conditions so that the world can come to Haiti again to discover it, invest in it, do business there and stay there and come back.
Second we stand for international cooperation that is peaceful, fair and based on equality. A new nationalism would be a misguided path. Whatever its prophets may preach, the truth is that it would make our lives narrower, poorer and less secure. Instead, global trade relations need to be diversified and deepened in the framework of a fair trading order. No country should have to accept raw materials being used to force obedience or supply chains becoming instruments of pressure. None of us is powerless in the face of this. Where we cooperate, we free ourselves from one sided dependencies and open up new spaces of freedom. With our partners in the European Union, we have begun this work through new trade accords, cooperation agreements and partnerships. These partnerships are built on mutual respect, on common rules and a shared respect of international law. They also take into account the fortunate fact that many countries of the Global South are developing with extraordinary success. The same principle for partnership and cooperation also applies for technology. Access to computing power, data, expertise and infrastructure will increasingly shape who can innovate and who merely has to accept the rules set by others.
Tonga has committed to protecting at least 30% of our ocean by 2030. Our ratification of the BBNJ Agreement extends that commitment beyond our waters, supporting the protection of marine biodiversity on the high seas. Our task is to navigate a course that safeguards the ocean and unlocks its value to our people. This principle underpins Tonga's ocean strategy. It is in that spirit that we intend to convene a Polynesian Ocean Summit in Tonga in May of 2027, to move from shared ambition to practical action. But our responsibility does not stop at the boundaries of our Pacific continent. Consider the humpback whale. Born in Tonga's warm oceans, it migrates to Antarctica to feed on krill before returning to the Pacific to escape the winter and breed. Tonga's sanctuary protects them but their survival depends on healthy ecosystems at both ends of that journey. What happens in the southern seas of Antarctica is felt in the southern oceans of Tonga. So we invite partners to join us in Tonga with practical commitments that recognise the scale and interconnectedness of our shared ocean corridors. Mr. President, the same principle extends across our development. Interconnection must not be dependency. For Tonga, resilience means taking greater control of the forces, shaping our future and turning the resources within our geography into greater self-sufficiency.
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No. 5
South Sudan09/28 · first at about 13 min2 mentions
South Sudan possesses millions of hectares of arable land, significant water resources, Livestocks fishery natural resources and one of the youngest population in the world. South Sudan, therefore, seeks to transition progressively from humanitarian dependency to self reliance and towards the sustainable development and investment. For our farmer, a road to a market is development. For a child, a functioning school is development. For a mother, access to healthcare is development. For a young person employment is development and for South Sudan, development is one of the strongest foundation for lasting peace. We therefore invite international partners and responsible investors to look beyond South Sudan's current challenges and recognise its potential.
Everyone is being harmed, from Asia to Europe, from Africa to the Americas. No country is immune. They have serious economic and social impact and are already having undesirable consequences for all of us and also for the parties involved. This is a senseless crisis because it's harmful to everyone. We must put an end to this collective masochism, and we must do it quickly to close this chapter, which is a chapter of widespread harm. We all have a duty to learn from the lessons of the crisis of the 1970s and avoid repeating what happened then. We will be judged by how we handle this challenge. On the one hand, it is urgent to put an end to the protracted conflicts and on the other hand, starting now, we must discuss and decide on complementary ways to mitigate the impact of this energy crisis and prevent it from being prolonged. It is my belief that it would also be beneficial to discuss the mechanism by which international oil prices are determined. I do not have a concrete solution which is very complex and difficult, but I wonder if it makes sense for all of us to be so dependent on speculation and the volatility of financial and futures markets, which affect the entire production sector, even when the instability originates only from a portion or a limited period of that production. Excellencies, we also bear the intergenerational responsibility to accelerate the energy transition in order to reduce dependencies and mitigate the effects of climate change. I will share with you that in Portugal, we feel the devastating impacts of climate change firsthand in the increase in forest fires, coastal erosion, and the degradation of marine ecosystems, and also and more frequently in extreme weather events, new such as storms, high winds and flash floods. That is why we take a strategic approach to the energy transition. More than 70% of our energy production comes from renewable sources. We have anticipated our carbon neutrality target to 2045. We maintain close collaboration and continued support for countries that are particularly vulnerable to climate change, and we are investing in innovative solutions, such as agreements to convert debt into green investment. Climate change and freedom of navigation share a common priority of our policy: the sea and ocean. Protecting the marine environment and its biodiversity, combating ocean warming, addressing the threat of sea level rise and ensuring universal freedom of navigation are essential priorities on the ocean agenda, which is an agenda we all have to pay attention to.
Africa must move beyond its historical role as an exporter of raw materials towards greater value addition, manufacturing, technological innovation, and knowledge driven growth. Our abundant natural resources must become engines of shared prosperity rather than sources of perpetual dependency. Mr. President, no nation, however formidable its defenses, can secure itself completely against dangers sustained beyond its borders. Terrorism, organized crime, cyber attacks and illicit finance exploit the gaps between our national responses, drawing strength from the divisions that weaken collective action.
Global progress must uphold the spirit of humanity in relations among nations, safeguard their legitimate interests and respect differences in history, culture and development conditions. Third, we must proactively shape technology governance so that progress serves humanity and our common development. Science, technology, digital transformation and artificial intelligence are opening up unprecedented opportunities, but they are also presenting new challenges. The future of technology does not automatically guarantee equitability, and technological progress must help narrow divides and expand development opportunities, rather than creating new forms of dependency or new sources of conflict. We need to develop inclusive, safe, transparent and accountable principles and governance frameworks to ensure that technologies will be in service of the people while respecting national sovereignty digital sovereignty and the right to development. Developing countries must be able to participate substantively in rulemaking, receive support for infrastructure and digital capacity, and enjoy equitable access to the benefits of scientific and technological progress. Vietnam's hosting of the signing ceremony for the UN Convention Against Cybercrime in Hanoi last year reflects our desire to make substantive contributions to global digital cooperation. Vietnam stands ready to work with partners to strengthen cooperation and build capacity in preventing and combating cyber crime so that people may live safely and benefit from technological progress. We also stand ready to support international initiatives on green and digital transformation, and the development of effective governance frameworks, so that science and technology can truly become drivers of shared development.
Mr. President, dear colleagues, the choice between force and politics is not confined to war. It extends to the economy, resources, and technology, to every sphere in which unrestrained power risks prevailing over the human person. Politics thus must once again take the lead in shaping change. We stand at the dawn of a technological revolution that is already reshaping the way we live, the way we work, produce, and make decisions. It's the artificial intelligence revolution. The great inventions of the past took centuries to transform the world. Artificial intelligence is doing so in a matter of years. Those who control these technologies will enjoy an enormous advantage over those who are left behind. The risk is that new inequalities, new dependencies, and new concentrations of power, or even new forms of domination, will emerge. Entire professions may disappear or be transformed. Falsifying and manipulating reality will become ever more easier. Automated systems operating without human oversight may produce extremely dangerous decisions. Pope Leo XIV in the encyclical Magnifica Humanitas reminded us that no algorithm can take the place of human conscience, and that any technology capable of striking without seeing the face of another person lowers the moral threshold for conflict. Italy shares this vision. But governing innovation does not mean demonizing it. Artificial intelligence can open up possibilities that today are unimaginable in medicine, for example, research, education, manufacturing, and environmental protection. Every major technological advance has generated fears, but it has also created opportunities and, over time, greater prosperity. Turning back is neither possible nor desirable, but neither can we hand over our future to technology without rules. We do not need bureaucratic cages that can only be respected by some. We need a balance between transparency, oversight, security, and the protection of intellectual property.
We remain deeply concerned about Ukrainian crisis, which continues to take lives, erode global trust, and undermine international security. Even the most difficult conflicts must ultimately be resolved through diplomacy and negotiation. Beyond the tragic loss of life, Kazakhstan strongly condemns the repeated drone attacks against Kazakh crude oil export infrastructure, including against commercial vessels in the Black Sea basin. Such incidents endanger civilian navigation, disrupt international trade and threaten the stability of global energy supplies. We call on all parties to uphold international law and take all necessary measures to protect critical infrastructure and ensure the safety and continuity of civilian commerce. Political and diplomatic means remain the only viable path towards ending hostilities and achieving sustainable resolution of the Middle East crisis. The ongoing escalation carries serious implications for regional and international peace and security, as well as for economic stability, transport, connectivity and energy security. A just and lasting peace in the Middle East requires an independent, sovereign and viable state of Palestine, living side by side with Israel in peace and security. We support the New York Declaration as a framework for tangible, time bound and irreversible steps toward the two state solution. My country stands ready to support every effort aimed at maintaining unhindered humanitarian assistance, protection of civilians, and recovery of Gaza. Kazakhstan calls for the full and good faith implementation of the Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict and Security Council Resolution 2803. As a member of the Board of Peace, President Tokayev has committed to contribute to the stabilization of Gaza by supporting civilian reconstruction, ensuring food security and providing digital government solutions. Kazakhstan's peacekeepers in UNDOF and UNIFIL reflect our readiness to assume practical responsibility and contribute to the international mandated stabilization forces in Gaza. Kazakhstan formally announced its intention to join the Abraham Accords. We see them as an additional platform to reinforce the UN brokered political process towards the two state solution. The long term stability of Afghanistan remains inseparable from the security and sustainable development of Central Asia. Humanitarian assistance remains indispensable, but it cannot by itself break the cycle of poverty, displacement and dependency. Kazakhstan supports pragmatic, coordinated and step by step international engagement with Afghanistan, with the UN playing the central role. Finally, we have watched with growing concern in recent years the erosion of protection of civilians in conflict zones.
The AU-UN partnership must be founded on mutual respect, complementarity, and greater African ownership of solutions to the continent's challenges. Africa wants to be a strategic partner and a full-fledged actor in multilateralism, not merely an area of intervention for the international community. As Burundi assumes the chairmanship of the African Union, it is choosing unity, solidarity, and action. We are choosing an Africa at peace, an Africa that is integrated, an Africa that feeds itself, and an Africa that transforms its resources, an Africa that empowers its youth to create and innovate, an Africa that is master of its own destiny. And we are choosing a renewed multilateralism in which every region, every people, and every nation counts. For Africa, we want a United Nations that is more representative, more effective, and closer to the peoples. We want an Africa that is better represented within global decision-making bodies. We want a global partnership founded not on dependency but on solidarity, shared responsibility, and investment in the future. On behalf of the people of Burundi and in our capacity as the Chairperson of the African Union, we call on all our partners: let us make this period of transformation an opportunity to build a more just world, a stronger Africa, and a better future for generations to come. Burundi and the African Union express the hope that the high-level debate of this 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly will mark a new beginning for a consolidated multilateralism, a United Nations in which every state and every region counts. Thank you.
Libya paid a heavy price when regional and international balances of power were transformed into balances within its own territory. Accordingly, our vision for Libya's external relations is clear. We do not seek to replace one influence with another, one axis with another, or one dependency with another. We want strong relations with our Arab surroundings, especially our neighboring countries. We want Libya to regain its natural role within its African continent. We want balanced strategic partnerships with our Mediterranean neighbors and our regional international sphere based on a single principle, namely common interests, mutual respect, non-interference, and respect for national sovereignty. Libya's true ally is not one who seeks out the strongest party within it. The true ally is one who wants a strong Libyan state. The true partner is not one whose interests are tied to the continuation of division. The true partner is one whose shared interest with us grows as Libya becomes more united, stable, and prosperous. We want states to compete in Libya on investment, reconstruction, energy, technology, and development, not for influence within its institutions. Ladies and gentlemen.
The governance of strategic resources ought to be an issue of peace, development, and global security from now on. The energy transition, the electrification of transport, energy storage, as well as the expansion of digital and AI infrastructure are accelerating demand for copper, cobalt, lithium, nickel, and other critical minerals. As the largest global producer of cobalt and a major copper-producing power, the DRC is at the heart of this transformation. Congolese cobalt is already being used in batteries, power grids, digital equipment, and technologies that are crucial for the decarbonization of the global economy. It would be both unjust and dangerous for added value, jobs, know-how, and technologies to remain concentrated far away from the communities that are making these changes possible. We cannot build a decarbonized economy through blood-stained minerals. And we will not bring about a just transition by reproducing a greenwashed version of our past dependencies. The DRC, therefore, rejects the old model that limits producer countries to crude extraction while processing, research, technology, and the bulk of the profits are concentrated elsewhere. Our ambition is clear. We no longer wish to be simply the basement of the world's economy. We plan to become a workshop, a laboratory, and a sovereign partner. We'd like to process more cobalt and copper on our territory, develop precursors for batteries and industrial components, train our engineers, support our researchers, and include our enterprises in global value chains. We'd like to build, together with our African and international partners, competitive regional businesses that create jobs, skills, and shared prosperity. This ambition, first and foremost, entails taking up our own responsibilities. The DRC is pursuing the modernization of mining governance through the transparency of contracts, extractive revenue, and effective beneficiaries, improving mining registries, the deployment of traceability mechanisms, and the fight against fraud. We're also accelerating the formalization of small-scale mining, the regulation of traders, organization of cooperatives, and by securing exploitation zones. The battle against child labor in mines, in this regard, is a moral and national obligation. Together with the International Labor Organization, UNICEF, and our other partners, we are strengthening our identification, monitoring, and remediation mechanisms, as well as the training of our inspectors, school attendance of children, and economic solutions for their families. Our goal is unambiguous. We need to achieve zero children in the mines. This responsibility is one that lies with the Congolese state, but it also involves businesses, traders, refiners, manufacturers, financial institutions, and destination markets. The real proof of a responsible supply chain is not the electric vehicle sold downstream. It is the child who no longer descends into the mines upstream. That is why the DRC proposes creating, under UN auspices and together with the African Union, as well as producer, processor, and consumer countries, a global framework for just, traceable, and resilient critical mineral value chains. Based upon the sovereignty of producer states, it ought to guarantee traceability of minerals, responsibility of economic actors, protection of workers and communities, as well as a more equitable sharing of added value thanks to local processing and technology transfer. The corridor of Lobito ought to become one of the tools to further this ambition. We commend the commitment of Angola, Zambia, the USA, the European Union, the African Development Bank, financial institutions, and the private sector to promote its implementation.
They resolved to save succeeding generations from its scourge. They reaffirmed faith in human dignity and in the equal rights of nations, large and small. And they pledged social progress, better standards of life, and the economic and social advancement of all peoples. These were not mere words; they were the foundations of a new global order: peace over war, law over force, sovereign equality over dependency, cooperation over division, and human dignity over ambitions of power. On 16 December 1963, four days after our independence, Kenya took its seat in this Assembly. We arrived with one vote and the same sovereign rights as every other state. The promise made in San Francisco now belonged to us as well. And that promise changed the world.
Poland has no colonial past. Our historical experience is different, marked by the struggle for our own freedom and resistance to domination imposed by force. In international relations, we advocate an approach based on mutual respect, sovereignty, and equality of states. Poland does not seek an advantage over others. On the contrary, it builds cooperation that strengthens all participants. In a world of growing geopolitical rivalry, we need more partnerships that create real value rather than deepening dependencies. That is why Poland consistently works toward a model of international cooperation that gives countries room to develop, strengthens their resilience, and allows them to make sovereign decisions. This approach is reflected both in our own regional policy and in our global engagement.
Artificial intelligence is changing economies and societies. Digital technologies are changing the way governments operate. Energy systems are changing. Global trade is changing. Demographic patterns are changing, and climate change is transforming the physical environment in which many of our societies exist. The question before us is not whether transformation will occur. It will. The question is who will shape the transformation and who will benefit from it? For Vanuatu, the answer must be clear transformation must not create a new hierarchy between those who possess technology, capital and influence, and those who merely experience the consequences. We need an international system in which developing countries and small states are participants in transformation, not simply consumers of decisions made elsewhere. Artificial intelligence provides one example. AI offers enormous opportunities for education, health care, public administration, agriculture, climate forecasting, and economic development. But without appropriate governance, it could also deepen existing inequalities. Small states need access to technology. We need digital infrastructure. We need skills and capacity. We need access to data and computing. And we need a meaningful voice in establishing the international norms that govern that governance. Emerging technologies. The digital future must not become another form of dependency. Mr. president, there is a tendency to describe small states primarily in terms of our vulnerabilities. We are small. We are geographically dispersed. We are economically vulnerable. We have limited institutional capacity. We depend on international markets. We depend on development partners. We depend on international shipping. We depend on imported fuel, food and manufactured goods. And yes, in many respects we are dependent on the international system. But dependence must not be confused with powerlessness. Small states can lead. Indeed, history has shown that some of the most important developments in international law and global governance have emerged, because small and vulnerable states refuse to remain silent.
