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This theme is particularly relevant in the current international context. We are living through a critical juncture, exacerbated by the proliferation of conflicts, deepening existing crises, and the emergence of new crises with devastating political, economic, humanitarian and security consequences. In the face of these challenges, we must reaffirm the essential mission of the United Nations and strengthen a renewed, more inclusive and more effective multilateralism that takes full account of the interests of all states, large and small. The region that is home to my country also continues to face crises, the consequences of which extend beyond our national borders.
Together, these developments have contributed to a growing perception that global institutions are distant from the people they are meant to serve. Sri Lanka understands this reality deeply. My country has, on many occasions in the past experienced the consequences of deficits in trust and breaches of the social contract. Two years ago, marking a watershed moment in our history, the people of Sri Lanka, representing all communities and walks of life, gave a resounding mandate to the government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka to address these challenges and institute meaningful change. Since then, our government has been working with determination to rebuild trust from the ground up. We are building trust through action, not rhetoric through delivery, discipline and the courage to confront wrongdoing. Sri Lanka, too, is therefore undergoing a historic transformation and rejuvenation. Despite conflicts in several parts of the world, including in West Asia and climate calamities, including the cyclone that struck Sri Lanka, my country has restored macroeconomic stability following the economic crisis of 2022. Today, Sri Lanka has been reclassified by the world Bank as an upper middle income economy, and ratings agencies have recognised this positive trajectory.
We are, therefore, entering a period marked by a more complex and less predictable distribution of power, in which the risk of potential conflict is greater than it has been for decades. This is no longer confined to conventional armed conflicts between states. Confrontations are increasingly taking the form of economic pressure, technological restrictions, competition for resources and markets, cyberattacks, disinformation, and attempts to influence other societies. Cultural and identity-based divisions are also becoming more pronounced, increasingly exploited for political purposes, and further deepening mistrust among peoples. The boundary between peace and conflict is becoming ever less distinct, while the consequences of confrontation among global and regional powers increasingly affect even those countries that are not directly involved. For small and medium-sized countries just like the Republic of Serbia, such an environment represents an enormous challenge. The space for independent decision-making is narrowing, while pressure on states to choose sides is steadily increasing. At the same time, disagreements among the most powerful actors are increasingly paralyzing the very institutions that should be protecting all countries equally.
Wars can disrupt food, fuel, energy, trade, supply chains far from the battlefield. Economic decisions made in the world's largest economy can reach an ordinary family in a small developing country. A mother buying food can feel the consequences. A farmer buying fuel can feel the consequences. Our small businesses facing higher transport costs can feel the consequences. And the developing countries trying to build roads, schools and hospitals can feel the consequences. This is why leadership in powerful nations carry responsibilities beyond your national borders. With great power comes great responsibility. Papua New Guinea respectfully asks leaders of the world's major powers to remember the ordinary people whose lives can be affected by decisions made far away from them. When wars disrupt food, fuel and trade, families far from the battlefield can experience higher prices and economic uncertainty. When climate changes, communities that have contributed little to global greenhouse gas emissions can nevertheless face rising seas, extreme weather, threats to food security, and damage to lives livelihoods. Mr. president, my appeal to leaders everywhere is really simple. Put human welfare ahead of war. Put humanity ahead of narrow geopolitical interests.
This purpose binds our national advancement to our continent's progress, and to our responsibility to contribute to a peaceful, equitable and prosperous world. We understand that governments and multilateral institutions earn trust when their decisions improve lives. Yet none of these gains will matter if we turn a deaf ear to the threats gathering around our borders and farther afield. We inhabit the only planet known to sustain human life, and as long as that scientific fact holds, we cannot pretend that we are insulated from conflicts elsewhere. Geography offers no exemption from the consequences of a fractured world.
Cote d'Ivoire hopes that this process will result in the appointment of a figure of the highest caliber, whose moral values independence of mind, diplomatic experience and commitment to dialogue will enable the United Nations to pursue, with ambition and effectiveness its mission in the service of peace, development and solidarity among nations. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Current international events remind us every day of the human, political and economic cost of protracted conflicts. Cote d'Ivoire remains deeply concerned about the resumption of hostilities in the Near and Middle East, the consequences of which weigh on peace and on food, energy and economic security throughout the world. The dire situation in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in the Sudan is equally alarming, with severe and endless humanitarian consequences. All these persistent conflicts are exacerbating the suffering of the affected populations and producing harmful effects that extend far beyond the borders of the states concerned. We therefore call for dialogue to prevail over arms. We also express our solidarity with the Haitian people. Cote d'Ivoire will continue to contribute to ongoing initiatives aimed at supporting the Haitian authorities and international partners in order to restore security in the sister nation so as to restore democratic legitimacy to its institutions. My country takes this opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with the United Nations Charter, and to lend its full support for the many mediation efforts undertaken by the United Nations, the African Union and relevant regional organizations. Ladies and gentlemen. Africa is bearing the brunt of the decline of multilateralism and the difficulties the United Nations has faced in recent years. Due to a lack of support from certain partners and from the United Nations, several African countries are struggling to find lasting solutions to conflicts and to bear the cost of various counterterrorism and peacekeeping operations. Meanwhile, violent extremism, transnational organized crime and illicit trafficking of all kinds continue to destabilize a number of regions on the continent and in particular, the Sahel. Our experience and the realities on the ground demonstrate that no state can, on its own, overcome such threats in a definitive and lasting manner. This requires greater regional cooperation and international solidarity in order to ensure appropriate responses. These threats also call for investment in conflict prevention and for addressing, at an early stage the vulnerabilities that fuel crises, including poverty, inequality, youth unemployment and all other forms of marginalization. In this regard we commend the efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, ECOWAS and all the partners working on security and stabilization efforts in our region.
We expect his successor to have the vision, courage, and leadership skills to restore trust, overcome divisions, and to act for change. Your Excellencies, peace and security are among the main responsibilities of the international community. In light of conflicts that have taken thousands of lives and caused immense destruction, we must step up our efforts to prevent and end hostilities. The main challenge remains the war against Ukraine, the consequences of which have spilled far beyond the immediate combat zone. Can we resolve this problem? Can we find a solution? Of course we can. I am convinced of this. Is it not time to rethink European security policy? Bulgaria, as a member state of the EU, calls for the holding of a debate on this topic and on the broader goal of the future of a post-war Europe, as well as the Europe before the war. And to begin this debate, it is high time to transfer this conflict from the military sphere to the political and diplomatic realm. This involves negotiations which require dialogue and a minimum level of trust, supported by the appropriate guarantees. Europe, however, cannot be a simple mere observer. It must be a real participant in negotiations on the post-war security architecture of the continent after the end of the war. Europe must be able to guarantee its own security. Military security must be complemented by the second pillar of security, that is to say, the contractual and legal pillar, which must guarantee that defensive capacity building provides more security rather than a new arms race. For the security of Europe, we must add robust diplomacy to military and economic security, because we cannot, dear colleagues, negotiate without the participation of two countries, Ukraine and Russia. It would be irresponsible if, after the end of the war in Ukraine, we were unable to offer anything better to European citizens than a new cold war, or worse. We need a vision for tomorrow, in line with the concept of a Europe of peace, thanks to dissuasive defense and shared security. From this lofty platform, we call for Europe to move toward this goal. Bulgaria believes that security and stability in the Black Sea region is an integral part of its national security in all of its aspects. But it is not only our national security that is at stake; it is global security. The war in Ukraine and other territories has expanded beyond the territories of the conflict parties and directly affects Bulgaria today.
The first is the Tuvalu Digital Nation initiative that utilizes digital technologies to sustain our sovereignty, institutions and our capacity to deliver services to ensure that our national identity is not lost in the transformation. The second is the Tuvalu Digital Ark initiative, which seeks to preserve Tuvalu's culture and historical heritage in digital form. Mr. president, less than 24 hours ago, Member states endorsed in this very building the landmark United Nations political declaration on sea level rise, a monumental and gratifying achievement for Tuvalu, because Tuvalu was at the forefront of global efforts demanding such a declaration. For Tuvalu, sea level rise is not a future threat. It is a present reality. Tuvalu is therefore overwhelmed with joy and warmly welcome the commitments the declaration entails. Namely. Firstly, it affirms the continuity of statehood and sovereignty despite sea level rise. Secondly, it safeguards the permanence of maritime zones and rights established under the UN convention on the law of the sea. Thirdly, it recognises and protects the rights, dignity, culture, identity and heritage of affected people. Fourthly, it commits to strengthened adaptation and resilience. Fifthly, it calls for accessible, predictable and needs based climate finance. And sixthly. And it supports science, technology, data and knowledge systems that enable informed decision making and long term planning for vulnerable countries. The declaration affirms that Tuvalu's nationhood is not negotiable, that our maritime rights are not erasable, and that our people should never be forced to choose between their homeland and their future. Mr. president, for the Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs, Tuvalu is seriously concerned that the world is not on track to achieve them, because the consequences of such shortfall will be acutely felt by small island developing states. Of the SDGs, Tuvalu underscores the urgent need to accelerate progress on SDG 14 life below water, which is the least funded and least progressed. Yet it is the most fundamental to the survival and prosperity of small island developing states. Tuvalu calls on member States to expedite implementation of the commitments of the Third United Nations Ocean Conference, and to build momentum towards the fourth Conference in the Republic of Korea in 2028. Mr. president, climate change is and remains the single greatest existential threat to Tuvalu's survival, security and sustainable development.
We believe that a just and lasting peace must be achieved through dialogue and diplomacy. In Gaza, our responsibility begins with the protection of human lives. Civilians must be protected, and humanitarian assistance must reach those in need safely and without any obstruction. Israelis deserve lasting security, and Palestinians deserve dignity, freedom, and a viable state of their own. Montenegro supports a two-state solution, with the State of Israel and a viable state of Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and mutual recognition. The disarmament of Hamas remains an important element of a sustainable settlement, while full respect for international humanitarian law must guide us throughout. Different conflicts have different histories, but human dignity cannot have different standards. Neither can international law. The same commitment to international law applies to freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, a route whose security has implications far beyond the region. Disruptions affect energy markets and global trade, but they also affect food security through the supply and price of fertilizers and other critical agricultural inputs, with particularly serious consequences for vulnerable import-dependent countries. At the same time, we must not allow conflicts that receive less international attention to become forgotten conflicts. In Sudan, in Myanmar, in Haiti, and elsewhere, civilians continue to endure violence, displacement, and profound insecurity.
At this critical historical juncture for the United Nations, we look forward with great hope to the selection through the process of electing the new Secretary-General of the most capable and deserving individual to lead the organization with a bold, strategic vision, building upon the efforts of his predecessor and capable of providing practical solutions for the various regions whose peoples continue to suffer the consequences of crises, wars, instability and inequality. A vision that restores hope to future generations for a better future in which the conditions for a dignified life are available to all. Mr. president we meet during this 81st session under the theme Restoring Trust and Managing Transformation a United Nations that delivers for all. This prompts us to ask, how can we restore this trust? And before managing the desired transformation, how can we create the conditions and lay the foundations necessary for it? Our questions stem neither from doubt nor from pessimism, but from a firm conviction that restoring trust requires serious and responsible reflection on the reasons behind its decline. Tunisia's belief in multilateral action is not a product of current circumstances. Rather, it is the continuation of a journey that began before independence, when the national movement brought the cause of the Tunisian people before the United Nations and made the right to self-determination and the recovery of sovereignty, an integral part of the struggle for freedom. Following independence, Tunisia engaged fully within the United Nations to complete the foundations of its sovereignty and to build the modern state, and it succeeded in doing so. Restoring confidence in the organization and in multilateral action requires, in our view, two essential conditions a genuine commitment and a meaningful reform process. First, there must be a sincere determination and responsible commitment by all states to respect international law founded on agreement and the principle of sovereign equality among states, and to uphold the purposes and principles of the UN charter, particularly refraining from the use of force, the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and fulfilling international obligations in good faith. Second, the United Nations must embark on a comprehensive and profound reform process that responds to the transformations that have taken place in the world. This requires, in particular, reconsidering the mechanisms of decision making within the organization to ensure a more balanced and equitable geographical representation, and establishing more effective mechanisms for transparency and accountability, thus reinforcing the confidence of states and peoples in the organisation's ability to respond to the aspirations of all. Unless genuine progress is achieved on these two tracks, collective action will remain hostage to narrow geopolitical calculations, and the gap will continue to widen between the principles we agree upon and the realities we witness on the ground. We may choose either to continue meeting under the idealism of slogans, or to commit ourselves to what can truly achieve development, prosperity and peace for all. If we have the will, we have the capacity. Tunisia welcomes the efforts undertaken within the framework of the UN80 Initiative. We regard these efforts as a true opportunity on which we should build, rather than a final destination in the reform process. We support the three reform tracks proposed by the initiative, provided that they are pursued through an inclusive, consultative process that preserves the intergovernmental nature of the organization and does not undermine the negotiating mandates of member states. Tunisia also believes that addressing the liquidity crisis in the organization requires all states to meet their financial obligations in full. We stress that reform should not result in a reduction of support allocated to developing countries, or to humanitarian missions and development programmes supervised by the organization and specialized agencies. Tunisia, therefore, calls for a fair and balanced approach that safeguards both the effectiveness and credibility of the United Nations. Mr. president.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
Mr. President, few situations illustrate so painfully the gap between international commitments and lived reality as that of the East of the DRC. For more than three decades, millions of Congolese have been suffering attacks, forced displacement, and bereavement. Territories have been occupied, families dispersed, women and girls have suffered sexual violence, while children are recruited by armed groups or deprived of education. At the same time, the looting of our resources continues to fuel international trade. My country continues to face a war of aggression led by Rwanda through its proxy, the AFC M23, in violation of its sovereignty, our sovereignty, and our territorial integrity, as documented by the UN. The atrocities committed by other armed groups, especially the ADF and CODECO, are exacerbating this humanitarian crisis even further. To combat this challenge, the DRC has chosen the path of diplomacy without ever abandoning its rights. The peace agreement signed in Washington on June 27, 2025, the commitments made as part of the Doha process, and the roadmap coordinated by the African Union have opened up prospects that we have constantly supported. I commend the United States, Qatar, the African Union, African facilitators, regional partners, and all those who are sincerely striving to restore peace. However, for the sake of truth, we must recognize that for millions of Congolese, this peace remains only a promise. Resolution 2773 of the Security Council has laid out an unambiguous path. It calls for an effective cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Rwandan forces from Congolese territory, an end to all support for armed groups, the disengagement of the AFC M23, the dismantling of parallel administrations, the restoration of state authority, unhindered humanitarian access, and the safe and dignified return of displaced persons and refugees. But we don't need new texts to replace those that have already been adopted. What we need is their implementation. With regard to the issue of the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda, the FDLR, long cited by Kigali to justify its military presence on our territory, the DRC is shouldering its responsibility. The protocol signed by the political and military leadership of the FDLR on May 30, 2026, provides for the disarmament, demobilization, and containment of their combatants, with a view toward their repatriation or resettlement without prejudice to potential judicial prosecution for serious crimes, until the movement is disbanded. The repatriation on September 8, with the support of MONUSCO, of 120 persons associated with the FDLR, is a first testament to the protocol's implementation. The issue of the FDLR, therefore, should no longer serve as a pretext for maintaining foreign military presence in our territory. The coordinated implementation of the mechanisms of Washington, Doha, and the African Union must be subject to a precise time frame, independent verification, regular information exchange, and clear consequences in case of violations. In this context, MONUSCO maintains a vital role in protecting civilians, monitoring the ceasefire, and supporting agreed-upon mechanisms. Any change to its presence must be determined by the conditions of security on the ground, the strengthening of national capacity, and the guarantee that no vacuum of power will remain to the detriment of populations. The DRC, for its part, will continue to fully shoulder its responsibility, especially through pursuing reforms of its defense and security institutions, through bolstering state authority, and through reconstruction on territories affected by the conflicts. And because the peace sought after in the subregion ought to go hand in hand with cohesion within our nation, the President of the DRC launched on August 28 a national dialogue for peace, cohesion, and the rebuilding of the state. This dialogue is open to the political and social forces that are committed to the Republic, our constitution, our territorial integrity, and to the rejection of violence. It does not aim to circumvent institutions nor to distribute power. It ought to help us address the structural causes of our vulnerabilities, to consolidate national unity, and to build a state that is more just, more involved, and more protective. Our hand remains outstretched toward all of the children of Congo that choose peace, Republican debate, and loyalty to their homeland. We Congolese speak to each other with frankness and responsibility, but no internal dialogue can transform an external aggression into a simple domestic dispute. At the same time, no external aggression should absolve us of correcting our own weaknesses. National cohesion and the defense of our territorial integrity are not mutually exclusive but mutually complementary. Because the peace that we seek cannot be limited to a ceasefire, it ought to also help our country regain full control of its future by transforming the wealth that has too often gone to fuel conflict into tools for development and shared prosperity. Mr. President, it is another paradox that my country's experience is showing the world, that some of its resources that fuel conflicts on its territory are also those that a growing proportion of the transformations of the global economy depend upon.
This applies particularly to permanent members of the UN Security Council. China has the power, influence, and responsibility to help prevent conflicts, de-escalate tensions, and contribute to ending wars. This includes using its influence to help bring Russia's aggression against Ukraine to an end. That aggression was launched and continues to be waged by another permanent member of the UN Security Council, Russia, in violation of the UN Charter and fundamental principles of international law. Russia's aggression continues to inflict enormous suffering on the Ukrainian people. Civilians and civilian infrastructure continue to be attacked indiscriminately. And the risks are growing day by day. Russia's aggressive posture poses a direct threat to European security as a whole. The immediacy of that threat was starkly illustrated by the recent attempted Russian drone attack on Leipzig/Halle Airport in Germany, only 150 kilometers from the borders of the Czech Republic. The consequences of aggression reach far beyond Europe. Russia's war has undermined global food security, disrupting agricultural production, exports, and supply chains. Its effects are felt in my country, but even more acutely in parts of Africa and elsewhere, particularly in countries that depend on stable and affordable food supplies. While we need to raise costs of war for Russia, we must give serious diplomatic efforts a genuine chance. Diplomacy matters most not between friends, but between adversaries. That is where the United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue, even when agreement seems very distant. The UN was founded on principles. These principles matter in Ukraine. They matter in the South China Sea and across the Taiwan Strait. And they also matter in the Middle East, in Sudan, or DRC. The current developments in Yemen and Saudi Arabia demonstrate what happens when rules give way to force and coercion, when might replaces right, and how a regional conflict can, in an instant, have consequences for the entire world.
For generations, the Palestinian people have waited for justice, statehood and dignity. They cannot be asked to wait indefinitely for rights that are already theirs. In Gaza, the scale of human suffering and destruction is intolerable. Civilians, including far too many children continue to bear the heaviest costs. Medics, journalists, humanitarian workers and United Nations personnel have also lost their lives while carrying out their duties. This suffering cannot become normal. In the West Bank, Palestinians continue to endure occupation, expanding illegal settlements, settler violence and displacement from their homes and land. Whether in Gaza or the West Bank, these are not merely numbers, they are human lives, and their suffering exposes a fundamental truth. International law and the principles of the charter must apply equally to everyone. There cannot be one standard for some and another for others. A just and lasting peace, therefore, requires more than managing the consequences of conflict. It requires addressing its root cause and realizing the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and an independent state of Palestine, based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. Without justice for the Palestinian people, there can be no lasting peace. This remains a defining test of the credibility of the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council, and the conflict is no longer confined to Palestine. Its consequences are now spreading across the region. In neighboring Lebanon, United Nations peacekeepers have also lost their lives while serving the cause of peace. It is in this wider context that Brunei Darussalam co-sponsored Security Council Resolution 2823 strengthening accountability for crimes against United Nations peacekeepers. Those who serve under the United Nations flag must be protected, but accountability cannot be episodic. The protection of those who serve peace and the protection of innocent lives, especially children, must remain at the heart of this organization. Mr. President, rebuilding confidence does not mean returning to a world that no longer exists. It means equipping ourselves to face the world that is emerging from conflicts and climate change to sustainable development and emerging technologies. The challenges before us are increasingly complex and interconnected.
The consequences of conflict do not stop at the shores. A family in Southeast Asia has no part in this dispute. Yet that family still pays the price when food, fuel and cost of living rise. Malaysia, therefore, urged all parties to step back from escalation. Diplomacy has shown that dialogue is possible, that paths must not be abandoned, or we risk sending further shockwaves through global markets and needlessly bringing suffering to innocent families around the world. Mr. president most nations in this hall are not great powers, yet decisions taken by few can shape the future for all. We are the global majority.
Mr. president, the pursuit of restorative justice gained new momentum with the adoption of the Resolution on Slavery and Transatlantic Trafficking of Enslaved Africans in this hall in March of this year. This development is relevant for Suriname and equally important for the countries of the Caribbean region. The discussion is no longer about whether slavery and colonialism have caused lasting consequences, negative consequences. We know we are living them. We increasingly must focus on how to overcome these effects. And on the question of what form reparations should take to achieve that. How countries that have benefited from slavery and colonialism will compensate the affected. That is the important issue now. It is therefore, that the CARICOM ten-point plan for restorative justice is now of eminent importance. Mr. president, Suriname occupies a unique position. We are carbon negative and remain the world's most forested country with over 90% forest coverage. High Forested and Low Deforestation countries like Suriname should not first have to lose forests before climate finance institutions recognize the value of protecting them. Conservation costs cannot be borne only by the countries protecting ecosystems whose benefits are shared globally. So I will continue my plea for just and effective climate finance, because our forests are under even more pressure than when I addressed this meeting last year. I stated that the forests faced competition of rich natural resources like gold, diamonds and other precious minerals. We are now confronted, however, with a new threat of people who also want to clear parts of our rainforests for large scale agriculture. We will need to prevent that, and we can use every assistance. At this very moment, my government is introducing legal and institutional measures to better protect our forests and the immediate living environment of indigenous people and tribal communities. Their knowledge and participation are important at all stages of development.
We aim to build a strong state and a diversified and modern economy that keeps pace with global technological and digital transformations. And accordingly, we are working to employ all successful expertise and innovative experiences in the world of economics, finance and business, in service of a renaissance of economic and financial reform for my country We also do this to provide a safe environment for national and foreign investment. This vision is based on the great potential Iraq possesses. In terms of resources and investment opportunities in the fields of energy industry, agriculture, transport and technology. Not to mention Iraq's exceptional geographical location. Which connects its economy to the world. In this context. Our vision aims to move Iraq to a stage where it can be an effective production partner in the region by gradually reducing the role of the rentier economy. Strengthening open market policies. Developing production and export capacities. And investing in infrastructure and services. On this basis, we have developed the appropriate roadmap To support the private sector. Provide the necessary legal, tax and customs facilities and guarantees for the growth of business and foreign trade. And build effective partnerships with the global market to accelerate achieving sustainable development. In the field of global energy. Iraq's influence is prominent as our government is adopting an ambitious program to increase the production of crude oil in a manner consistent with the size of our proven reserves. Our government is also working to develop gas fields and expand refining capacities and our capacities to produce derivatives, and we are also working to improve our petrochemical industry capacities. Our ambition is for Iraq to be a global hub for energy production and to leverage its potential to promote regional and international security and stability in a sustainable manner. Nevertheless, we express concern regarding developments concerned with freedom of transport and maritime navigation. And the crisis this has caused in terms of the rise of global energy prices. In order to contain the subsequent risks and the consequences on our peoples, we are working to diversify our oil export ports and develop energy lines and corridors linking Iraq, Turkey, Jordan and Syria. In order to reach global markets with the aim of contributing to energy security and diversifying supply routes. Excellencies. Economic diversification on the basis of genuine partnerships is a central strategic objective of our economic policy.
The rule of force, such as witnessed by Croatia during the brutal aggression and occupation of more than one quarter of our territory in the 90s in the war which claimed nearly 20,000 lives, and after which, more than three decades later, Croatia continues to search for 1725 missing persons a poignant example that the consequences of war do not end when the weapons fall silent. Instead, peace requires courage, credible institutions and rules that apply equally to everyone. Russia's ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine is a direct assault on those rules. Croatia will continue to support Ukraine's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on the UN charter. Peace cannot reward conquest and recovery cannot be separated from justice. The same compass must guide us in the Middle East. Protection of civilians, unhindered humanitarian access, respect for international law and a credible political horizon are essential to breaking the cycle of violence. Croatia supports a negotiated two state solution in which Israelis and Palestinians will live in peace and security. From Sudan and Myanmar to the Sahel and the Great Lakes region, civilians bear the highest cost when rules are ignored and diplomacy fails and no crisis remains local for long. War disrupts food and energy supplies, while insecurity from the Strait of Hormuz to the Black Sea affects shipping prices and livelihoods across continents.
Mr. president, for decades, my small but great country was known for a reality that it seemed impossible to change. The scourge of violence was deeply entrenched in our society. An entire nation was resigned to being condemned to live with this reality. After decades of institutional indifference, in 2019, the El Salvadoran people opted for Nayib Bukele, our president, who is now known across the world, a young leader who dared to challenge something that an entire generation thought they were condemned to and strove to profoundly transform the reality of our country, regardless of the consequences or the criticisms he had received from the international community. El Salvador went from being the most violent country in the world, with a murder rate of 103 people per 100,000 inhabitants. We as a country in peace, had more deaths than a country at war. So we moved from 103 murders per 100,000 inhabitants to 1.3 murders per 100,000 inhabitants in just five years. Unimaginable. Just think about it. But we achieved that. Por eso. Thank you. So thanks to this, my country is now a benchmark for others who suffer from the same problem. The International Monetary Fund has said that improvements for security has strengthened trust in and the economic activity of my country. And it's estimated the El Salvadorian economy will grow by 4.5% in 2026. So this has skyrocketed. And this is driven by investment, private consumption, remittances, tourism and inward capital flows. However, it would be a mistake to boil all of this down to numbers, because behind each and every number, these numbers that we have got used to when we say millions, they're not just numbers, they're millions of faces, individual people, individuals. So in my country, that we're talking about a mother who no longer has to be scared about whether her children are coming home in the evening or not. A business owner who used to face so much anxiety that knew that their basket of mangoes that they had to sell, they had to sell them for more than $10. Because if they didn't sell them for more than $10, they wouldn't be able to pay their protection money and they'd get shot in the head. So now behind these figures, we have a business owner who's able to open their business without fear, somebody who's able to breathe easily and cross the city freely, and a child who's able to run around all of the streets of our country, streets and spaces that they weren't able to dream of going in before, and something more profound, even the fact is that we now have a society that has recovered hope, grounded in the ability to imagine a different future. This is what recovering security really means. It doesn't just mean reducing crime, it means giving freedom its rights, its rightful space back. And I'm talking about freedom for each and every one of our citizens and each and every person that visits our country. And when a society recovers its freedom to walk around, to work, to do business and to live and breathe without fear, a second transformation begins. That is the recovery of trust. And this explains why El Salvador is now a benchmark for countries that are seeking support and looking for answers to their own security challenges. And it's not that our journey can be copied and pasted mechanically because there's no universal formula. Each situation needs to be resolved according to each country's individual experience. However, there is a lesson that we believe can be a universal lesson, and that is that no nation should have to accept collapse and government impotence as their destiny, the destiny for their people. No country. El Salvador, no. El Salvador has not come to this assembly to say that we've resolved all of our problems. No, we still got a lot to do. That would be false. To claim that we've come to say something much more profound. With determination, we have demonstrated that a problem that seemed irreversible could be tackled and turned around, regardless of whatever problem it is. And I want to be clear in line with the vision of my president, Mr. Bukele, security is not the final destination.
Because the reality is that we still need to fight impunity, not least through the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine, which the Netherlands has offered to host in The Hague. And let me be absolutely clear we cannot accept impunity. In this fight, Ukraine has no choice but to defend itself. But Russia makes a choice every day to wage war, and Russia must be held to account for its flagrant violations of the UN charter, for the immeasurable suffering inflicted on so many victims and families in this senseless war. And since the downing of flight MH17, the Netherlands has come to understand this only too well, and many others understand it too, with Russia threatening global food security and millions of people experiencing the consequences. And history teaches us that the only way to resolve conflict is through justice. That was the idea underpinning the establishment 80 years ago of the International Court of Justice, the principal judicial organ of the United Nations.
Development must receive the same urgency as security. Ladies and gentlemen, is it not an irony of fate that Pakistan contributes less than 1% of global emissions, yet repeatedly bears the horrific consequences of climate change? Developed countries must therefore honour their climate finance commitments without delay, fund loss and damage speedily and ensure support for adaptation and resilience.
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No. 22
South Africa09/24 · first at about 10 min2 mentions
Unfortunately much of what we see runs counter to this. In the last two years, the world spent more on military budgets than on resourcing this important body tasked with maintaining global peace. We are reminded that meeting the SDGs by 2030, including ending hunger and expanding access to safe water and sanitation, will require not more than 5% of the 2.9 trillion USD spent on arms. The results of the choice we are making is an arms race, and a world as divided as it is dangerous. We see the consequences in Sudan, which is today the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. We see also the consequences in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, in Iran, Ukraine and elsewhere. Humanitarian workers are caught in the crossfire of today's conflict. When they are not being obstructed from reaching civilians in need, they are being killed in the line of duty. To restore respect for international law, we must protect those who deliver humanitarian assistance.
Madam president, excellencies, dear friends, the United Nations was born from a harsh lesson of history. The generation of 1945 had learned at terrible cost that while states can choose their actions they cannot control all the consequences they set in motion. That lesson is painfully relevant today. We are living through a period of profound uncertainty. Power is shifting, conflicts are multiplying, and there is a growing tendency to treat the rules and institutions of the international system as constraints belonging to another age. But the United Nations was built precisely for times of uncertainty, to bring rules and restraints to an unpredictable world, and to prevent conflict from descending into catastrophe. The task of our generation is both to preserve the institutions built by those that came before us, and also to remember the hard earned wisdom on which they rest. Today, that wisdom and the United Nations that embodies it is under enormous pressure. Madam president, this year marks 80 years since Iceland joined the United Nations. For eight decades, Iceland has held that a small state should enjoy the same protection, same rights and voice as a powerful one. That idea matters more today, not less. Despite its shortcomings, the United Nations has mattered and it has mattered a lot. UN peacekeeping and peace building operations have helped prevent and contain conflict around the world. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights transformed our understanding of human dignity. The convention on the law of the sea became the Constitution of the ocean, on which countries like mine depend, now strengthened further by the BBNJ agreement. The International Court of Justice has helped states settle disputes by peaceful means through law rather than force. And the International Criminal Court was created to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. The United Nations has advanced gender equality, fought racism and discrimination, delivered humanitarian assistance, and help countries build more peaceful and prosperous societies. But loyalty to the United Nations cannot mean pretending that everything works perfectly. Bureaucracy can be cumbersome, decisions slow, and resources fragmented. The Security Council, entrusted with maintaining international peace and security, has too often been paralysed when action was needed most. Too often, the veto has become a shield against action rather than a tool for preserving peace. So yes, the United Nations needs reform, and Iceland fully supports the UN80 reform process. We need a United Nations that uses resources effectively and responds quickly when people need it. United Nations that delivers for all. The deeper challenge, however, is political. The strength of the United Nations depends on our willingness to uphold the principles and wisdom on which they were founded. Madam president, the most basic rules of international relations are being tested, not because we no longer know them. We do, but because increasingly governments apply them selectively, meaning that international law applies until it becomes inconvenient, that court decisions must be respected unless they challenge our own actions or those of our friends. That sovereignty is sacred only unless someone else's territory stands in the way of our ambitions. We cannot build courts, celebrate them when they prosecute our enemies and undermine them when they turn their attention to our friends. When grave violations go unanswered, they are more likely to be repeated.
Ireland strongly opposes efforts to undermine the Court. All measures against it should be immediately withdrawn. The international legal order, founded on our agreements to make the world a safer and more secure place, is being challenged. International law represents the collective lessons drawn from conflict, suffering and atrocity. The rules and institutions that we have built over generations exist to protect the rights, security and sovereignty of all states and all peoples. When these principles are disregarded, the consequences extend far beyond any single conflict. We all become less secure. Mr. President, 20 years ago, the Commission on War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity in Darfur saw the international community come together to fulfil our collective responsibility to protect.
Mr. President, let us restore trust through the pursuit of peace and security. Trust in the international system begins with the conviction that everyone matters, and that the security of small states is as precious as that of great powers. International conflicts far from our shores in Ukraine and the Middle East continue to have devastating consequences for our daily lives, disrupting agricultural trade and global food stability, and driving up fuel prices and shipping premiums. We therefore join others here and call for an immediate end to the war in Ukraine, with full respect for state sovereignty and territorial integrity under the UN charter. And likewise, we call for a permanent ceasefire in the Middle East, the protection of civilians and the realization of a two state solution guaranteeing peace and security for Palestine and Israel. Mr. President, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines does not stand alone.
Mr. President of the General Assembly. Mr. Secretary-General ladies and gentlemen, 12 years could be in politics a mere temporal span, the length of a protracted crisis. But for a Yemeni child, 12 years are his entire childhood. An entire generation was born amid war, grew up amid hunger, fear and weapons. Learning the names of mines before learning the alphabet of life. Today, we do not ask the world to mourn every Yemeni child whose future has been stolen. Rather, we ask how many more children must be deprived of their future before the world stands resolutely with the Yemeni people in their struggle to restore their state and their stability? The people of Yemen. Yemen. This great nation, with its rich history, civilization, and human heritage, has been enduring for 12 years the consequences of the coup carried out by the terrorist Houthi militia against the state and its institutions.
For Dominica, this is not an abstract question. When a hurricane destroys our infrastructure, when international energy prices rise, when access to capital becomes more expensive, when global markets change, or when climate finance remains beyond our reach, the consequences are felt immediately in our homes, in our businesses, in our schools and hospitals, and in the very lives of our people. Yet, Mr. President, I do not come before this assembly to speak only of vulnerability. I wish to speak of transformation and resilience. Dominica has made a choice. We have chosen not only to rebuild after disaster, but to build differently, build better, build stronger. We have chosen not only to adapt to climate change, but to demonstrate what a climate resilient economy and country can look like. And we have chosen to move from dependence to greater resilience. Mr. president, in 2017, category five Hurricane Maria demonstrated with devastating force the vulnerability of small island states like Dominica. The economic and human consequences were enormous. Hurricane Maria, however, also taught us an important lesson resilience should never begin after the disaster. Resilience must begin before disasters. The international community must therefore move from a model that primarily finances reconstruction after catastrophe to one that invests systematically in resilience before disaster strikes. For Dominica, this means resilient roads and bridges, resilient buildings, reliable communications, modern water systems, strengthened health infrastructure and disaster ready communities. But resilience is not only physical. A resilient country must have resilient institutions. It must have resilient public finances. It must have resilient energy systems and must have resilient food systems. Above all, a resilient nation must have people who possess the skills and confidence to withstand shocks and move forward. That is the Dominica that we are building. Excellencies.
Ladies and gentlemen, one of the biggest tests for the UN's relevance is Russia's aggression against Ukraine. For more than 12 years ago, since the illegal annexion of Crimea and occupation of eastern Ukraine in 2014, a permanent member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation has been perpetrating a war of aggression at the very heart of Europe. That aggression disregards the principles of the United Nations Charter to its very core. It violates the respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, and the prohibition of the use of force against another state. The consequences of Russia's aggression, however, extend beyond Ukraine and Europe. For example, by increasingly targeting Ukraine's Black Sea ports, commercial shipping, grain infrastructure, and alternative export routes, Russia is putting global food security at grave risk. As such, this is a concern for all of us, and rightly so. Russia's actions have been condemned by a large majority of this Assembly. But condemnation is not enough. We need to collectively force Russia into peace in Ukraine, to force into a negotiation table by raising the cost of its aggression. For this, we can and should use the diverse instruments at our disposal, be they economic, diplomatic, or political. I strongly encourage more of my fellow heads of state and government to use this occasion to call on Russia to cease its aggression. Those of you who have done so already, be it the Global South or North, you have my appreciation. The principles of the UN Charter cannot be trampled on. It is our collective task to stand up for them. We should also support the efforts of international mechanisms to document the war crimes, ensure accountability, and provide assistance to those whose rights have been violated. Estonia is doing its part. We have completed all national procedures and taken the lead in discussions in Strasbourg to establish the special tribunal as soon as possible. A UN member state whose armed forces have been repeatedly cited in the UN Secretary-General's reports for grave violations against children and conflict-related sexual violence should have been no place in UN peacekeeping operations. This is a matter of ensuring that perpetrators' actions have consequences. But it is equally a matter of retaining trust in and the integrity of UN peacekeeping. I therefore call on the UN to stop reflecting and instead take appropriate actions immediately. Ukraine requires assistance in defending itself, but also in rebuilding the country. Estonia, together with its partners, have worked closely to support Ukraine's cybersecurity and resilience, in responding to evolving threats through the Tallinn Mechanism and the IT-Coalition. Estonia is also proud to be hosting the Ukraine Recovery Conference in 2027, organized in cooperation with our closest friends in the Nordic-Baltic region. Building on the outcomes of earlier conferences, next year's event will be advancing in practical terms long-term international support for Ukraine and its recovery. As such, it will be a multilateral effort and example of true cooperation for international peace and security. My fellow leaders, while it is the situation in Ukraine and Ukraine's security that affects Estonia most directly, we are neither indifferent nor unaffected by the impact of other wars, threats, and conflicts. The situation in the West Bank and Gaza remains of great concern. Innocent civilians and children must not bear the devastating human cost of war. Estonia has consistently called for upholding international humanitarian law and ensuring safe, rapid, and unhindered access of humanitarian aid for those in need. We remain a stable donor in UNRWA and are committed to a credible political process leading to a negotiated two-state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace, security, and dignity. We have provided food aid to hospitals in Gaza and stand ready to offer our digital transition expertise in its future reconstruction. Estonia has consistently condemned the attacks by Iran against our close partners, the Gulf states, and has shown its readiness to contribute to ensuring freedom of navigation in the region. This is an issue that affects us all. We also see instrumentalization of migration as a means of exerting pressure on countries, whether on the European Union's eastern and southern borders or elsewhere.
This Assembly has this week addressed the threats posed by sea level rise. For Fiji the legal consequences are not abstract. Statehood, once established, continues. Maritime zones once lawfully established and deposited within the United Nations must remain notwithstanding the physical changes brought by sea level rise. No state should lose its rights, its identity, or its seat in this hall because others have altered its coastline. Fiji urges this assembly, to carry that principle from declaration into settled international law. Fiji welcomes the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the obligations of states in respect of climate change.
The situation in the Middle East demand clarity. San Marino unequivocally condemn terrorism, including the horrific attack of 7th October 2023. But we must be equally clear on another point. The Palestinian people have an inviolable right to self-determination and to their own state. Statehood is not a reward for terrorism. It is a right. At the same time, nothing can justify the collective punishment of civilians. The suffering in Gaza cannot become new normal. We call for a permanent ceasefire and for full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access. Humanitarian assistance must reach those who need it. Civilian lives must be protected. UNRWA and other humanitarian organisations must be able to operate. We call for the permanent disarmament of Hamas and other non-state armed groups, and for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip. We support the Palestinian Authority and its reform efforts, including democratic elections. We urge Israel to release withheld clearance revenue and to facilitate correspondent banking services for the Palestinian Authority. In the West Bank and East Jerusalem, settlement expansion, settler violence, land appropriation, demolition and eviction must stop. The situation is rapidly deteriorating amid unprecedented level of settler violence and settlement expansion, including an unacceptable decision to publish tender for the E1 settlement project. This development undermines the possibility of a viable Palestinian state. The status quo of Jerusalem holy site must be respected. All communities, including Christian community, must be protected. Last year, San Marino endorsed the New York Declaration for a two state solution. Following a unanimous mandate from our parliament, the Great and General Council, San Marino recognised Palestine as a sovereign and independent state within secure and internationally recognised borders and in accordance with relevant United Nations resolution. We stand by that decision. There is no alternative to the two state living side by side in peace, security and mutual recognition. The window for that solution is narrowing. We must act now. Mr. president, the consequences of the conflict extended far beyond Gaza and the West Bank. Escalation across the region, threatening international peace and security. We are deeply concerned by the hostility involving Iran and by threat to maritime security in the Red sea and the Strait of Hormuz. Freedom of navigation is essential to global stability. International law, including UNCLOS, must be respected. In Lebanon, we call for full respect for sovereignty and for the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1701. Civilian infrastructure must be protected. In Syria, we support an inclusive and peaceful political transition that respects sovereignty, protect civilians and strengthen institutions. Peace cannot be imposed by force. It requires diplomacy and dialogue, and it requires international rule. Mr. president, Europe is also facing a war that continues to cause immense humanitarian suffering. San Marino condemned Russia's ongoing aggression against Ukraine, the bombardment of the city, the killing of civilians, attack on humanitarian aid workers, the unlawful deportation of children. These are not simply tragedy. They are violations of international law. No state can be allowed to redraw borders by force. San Marino therefore, reiterate its call for a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire, leading to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Any peace must respect Ukrainian sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Mr. president, from Ukraine to Gaza, from Sudan to Syria, from the Sahel to Afghanistan, civilians continue to pay the highest price.
We now have capable people, institutions, policies that are proudly guiding our national transformation agenda. We must also ask ourselves why we continue to mobilize vital resources to respond to crisis, while investing far less in preventing them. The UN office for Disaster Risk Reduction estimates that every $1 invested in proactive measures, resilient infrastructure or early anticipatory actions saves between 3 to 15 USD in future damages and response costs. Therefore, we cannot remain trapped in a cycle of financing the consequences of the conflict while neglecting the peacebuilding or responding to humanitarian emergencies while underinvesting in resilience and anticipatory actions. Prevention is more cost effective, it's more humane, and it's more sustainable. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Now El Nino is strengthening and is likely to bring another period of significant climate stress across the world, with disproportionate impact on nations like Somalia.
And few examples are more powerful than the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea. With 172 parties, UNCLOS provides the binding legal framework within which disputes can be managed peacefully rather than through force. And from the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea to the Indo-Pacific, strategic maritime routes are increasingly becoming arenas of geopolitical confrontation. Commercial vessels are being targeted and vital trade routes are used as instruments of pressure, with grave consequences for supply chains, for energy markets and for future food security worldwide. Freedom of navigation and uninhibited passage through international straits, as guaranteed by international law must be championed globally, and it is our collective responsibility to uphold these principles in practice and to safeguard commercial shipping. And as a leading maritime nation, Greece actively contributes to maritime security through the operation of the European Union Aspides in the Red Sea, and this topic will remain a high priority when Greece assumes the presidency of the Security Council next month. We intend to place particular attention to the challenges posed by emerging technologies. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's geography grants it the natural role of serving as a bridge between Europe and its wider neighbourhood to the east and the south.
It must be earned by consistent application. But the cost of failure is measured in more than lost trust. It is measured in children driven from their classrooms, children who go to sleep hungry, children who learn the sound of gunfire before they know the safety of peace. When collective security breaks down, schools close, hospitals collapse, families flee, and economies are consumed by war. Peace is not separate from development. It is its first condition. When the institutions entrusted with peace fail, it is too often the youngest who inherit the consequences. Excellencies, Africa exposes this contradiction most clearly. In 1945, most of our continent could not speak for itself at San Francisco because it remained under colonial rule. Only four African states were represented.
The negative consequences of unjustified unilateral sanctions also affect small countries such as ours, which are at the stage of formation and development. In some cases, such practices led to interference in the internal affairs of independent states and contradict to the fundamental principles of international law. Some major states, in pursuit of their own interests, put pressure on smaller countries, such as Kyrgyzstan, attempting to force them to bargain over certain matters and issuing ultimatums. In this context, I would like to take this opportunity to note the decision made by the president of the United States, His Excellency Mr. Donald Trump, after taking office to halt funding of non-governmental organizations around the world. As a result, interference by NGOs in the internal affairs and policies of the developing countries has practically ceased. President Trump's decisions have created conditions for strengthening the sovereignty of states and enabling them to independently choose their own path of development. Therefore, taking this opportunity, I would like to express my appreciation to Mr. Trump for ending the funding of the NGOs. Distinguished colleagues, decisions to impose sanctions should be taken in accordance with the UN charter and exclusively within the mandate of the Security Council. We believe that the mandate to impose sanctions against the state should belong exclusively to the United Nations. In my view, this is the only possible way to improve the international sanctions system. First and foremost, we should introduce a mandatory mechanisms under which all sanctions and measures are reviewed in advance by the organization. The prior review of sanctions would help ensure that their potential humanitarian, economic and social consequences are taken into account. An important element of the proposed mechanism should be the enhanced transparency and accountability. States initiating sanctions should clearly indicate the legal basis for such measures, explain their necessity and objectives, and define clear criteria and conditions for their eventual removal. I believe it would be appropriate to establish, under the auspice of the United Nations, the Unified International mechanism for monitoring sanctions and reviewing them on a regular basis. Only then can the central role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security be strengthened and its mandate enhanced. This would also help eliminate the risk that sanctions being used arbitrarily by one country against another for political or economic gain. No state should act arbitrarily. The United Nations must be strong. Every country should tremble when the United Nations intends to impose sanctions. Only then, the strict international order can be established in the world. Otherwise, some decisions of the United Nations may no longer be taken seriously, while states simply act according to their own discretion. Every decision of the United Nations should be implemented without delay. If a state fails to implement such decisions and other countries cease cooperation with it, the effectiveness of sanctions will increase. Only then will a decision will be implemented promptly, and the United Nations will become a strong and respected organization. Otherwise, existing sanctions will become a sort of children's toy.
We wish them well as they complete their tenure at the end of this year. Mr. president, few institutions embody the principle of sovereign equality as visibly as this assembly. Within these walls, differences in power, wealth and influence may shape the realities our nations confront, but they do not confer a greater claim to membership or participation. And perhaps more than anywhere else, this assembly reminds us of a simple truth: Our differences are real but so is our interdependence. This is why this organization was created with the understanding that disputes must be resolved through dialogue, human dignity must be protected, and that nations must work together if development, peace and human rights are to be sustained. In other words, that our common future requires common institutions. Eight decades later, we must ask ourselves whether we have remained faithful to that insight. And perhaps more importantly, do we still trust one another enough to act on it? Because today, Mr. President, trust is being tested. Geopolitical divisions are widening. Wars have become more protracted, with devastating humanitarian consequences. Respect for the United Nations Charter and international law is under visible strain, with developing countries facing intensifying debt burden, climate vulnerabilities, huge gaps between commitments made and implementation, and feeling of marginalization and inadequate representation in the global system. Therefore, the task before us is building stronger, better equipped, representative responsive and effective multilateral system and global financial architecture that delivers for all nations and regions. Mr. president, The Gambia's own experience within this organization gives us grounds for optimism. We have seen within this very institution that multilateralism can still deliver. During the 80th session of the General Assembly The Gambia had the honor of chairing the second Committee at a time of profound disagreement over some of the most consequential economic and development issues before us. That experience reminded us that multilateralism does not require unanimity on every issue. It requires the willingness to remain at the table to listen, negotiate, and courage to make compromises. Our experience demonstrates that in this period of deep disagreement, progress remains possible when member states approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a sense of responsibility.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate, and where might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
Humanity will have to address this question, no matter how devastating the consequences may be. My friends, this was true in 1961 and sadly remains manifest today. This is why Barbados throws its full support behind the establishment of the International Panel on Inequality that is being proposed. Growing inequality is at the centre of geopolitical discussions, tensions, distrust in institutions and indeed the increasing number of conflicts that we see. It is for this reason that we reject the notion that governments must refrain from policy interventions that are essential to creating a level and fair playing field for ordinary citizens. We know that it is the policy choices of government that has led to this injustice, and it is the policy choices of governments that must now remove it. For us, this is as important a battle as the climate crisis. Mr. President, that brings me to that crisis.
We must defend free and independent science. Let's protect the IPCC, IPBES. We need scientists who measure, who analyze, who assess. Let's uphold our commitment to the Paris Agreement, to our decarbonization pathways, to our 2050 carbon neutrality target. Let's shoulder our share of responsibility. We need to innovate, cooperate, restart, work on biodiversity credits, and achieve our objectives on forests and oceans. We have many decisions to take. We cannot give in to fatalism. We are already the victims of climate change. We must do it for them, and even more so for our children. Last but not least, we must hold fast and not yield on artificial intelligence. There are some who wish to make us believe that only two powers, the US and China, will be taking the decisions. They want us to believe that just a few economic actors will make all the decisions, the kinds of economic innovations that will be implemented, whether they want to take a break or not, the kinds of innovations that happen. Some of these technological developments might attack the security of our states, our hospitals or banks. They say that just a few will decide what kind of society we live in. No, no. Starting in 2018 at the G7 with our Canadian friends, we launched the Global Partnership for Artificial Intelligence under the auspices of the OECD to kickstart discussions on the need for regulation. At the AI summit in 2025. The AI Governance Summit. The next edition will be held in Switzerland next year. There was also the Indian edition. We advocated for two very simple things for everyone in the world to have their own LLM model capabilities, calculation capabilities, AI capabilities, so that we can craft a way of auditing these models instead of being reliant on just a few private actors. And in fact, Europe was the first with the AI Act to take forward these principles, to take forward these models, and we must continue down that path. Therefore, I wish to emphasize a particular point. Our young people and our children. We've spent far too long not protecting our young people and adolescents. And as a result, we're living with the consequence. Their capacity to learn is in decline. We're seeing mental health problems. The facts are stark, and the correlation is clear cut. That's why we've kickstarted a large scale initiative aimed at protecting our young people, our adolescents, to stop them accessing social networks before the age of 15. Underway in various countries. And I wish to commend our Australian colleagues, the first to take legislation on this front. We must continue down this path and see it through, but let's not wait for the consequences to come raining down on AI. We must act now to protect our children and our young people. Look at the impact chat bots have on our children. This is why, together with Kenya, Spain Australia, we've built a coalition on children's rights in the era of AI. We are mobilizing already this afternoon and also at the Paris Peace Forum on the 10th and 11th of November of this year. Governments, organizations, public and private actors, academics, private companies everyone will be rallying behind this agenda. So I hope to see you on the 10th and 11th of November in Paris. Going beyond that, we can clearly see the race that is underway in cutting edge models we must all be investing in. France is proud to have a competitive frontier model, and we will continue supporting them. So that we can have this kind of model. But we must also forge new kinds of cooperation. And I very much hope and wish for all sovereign states committed to their independence. India and Brazilian, African Gulf states, Singapore. The list goes on. This independent coalition, which I mentioned earlier, I don't want anyone to become the vassal of one of the great powers. Rather, we must come together to build an open source frontier model, a cutting edge model. Using all of the calculation capabilities you have pooling them. Our investment capabilities must be pooled to build a cutting edge, open source AI model, which we will share. We should not depend on somebody else. This is the agenda we must take forward and this through cooperation. Furthermore, there are other areas where we must set new rules AI in outer space, AI and defense, and cyber security. This has very serious consequences which affect the very heart of our national security. In Evian at the G7. Many of us lend our support for the call launched by our Finnish and Norwegian friends, and we want to continue within the framework of the G7, but also working closely with our UK colleagues who will hold the chairmanship of the G20 next year. We want to set a cooperation agenda on AI so as to protect the most sensitive components thereof, which affect our national security. We are coming to an agreement to build a new international architecture. We did this on chemical weapons. We did this when it came to other risks, and we must do the same when it comes to outer space defense, cyber security issues on which we must take control. And we need very specific kinds of cooperation, a specific framework for cooperation between member states in these areas, so as to be able to take this cooperation forward within a specific framework. We must not yield on this either.
It is something our people practice every day. But resilience also requires international solidarity. A small island country cannot finance all of its resilience needs alone. We cannot rebuild every road, bridge, school and hospital after every disaster from domestic resources alone. We cannot absorb indefinitely the economic consequences of external shocks and we cannot protect our people from a changing climate without a meaningful international cooperation. Therefore, when we speak about climate finance, development, finance, disaster resilience and sustainable development, we are not asking merely for charity. We are asking for partnership, fairness and the fulfilment of international commitments.
We will work with all Member States to advance essential consensus based priorities for Guinea-Bissau as a developing country, multilateralism and respect for international law are not mere concepts. They are an existential necessity. Ladies and gentlemen, Guinea-Bissau follows with concern the humanitarian consequences of the measures imposed against Cuba. We therefore reiterate our call for the lifting of the economic commercial and financial embargo, as well as other restrictive measures that affect the Cuban people and essential sectors of that country's economy.
Development means transforming knowledge into opportunity, and opportunity into dignity. Excellencies, for Cabo Verde and other small island states, the climate crisis is not a distant threat; it is a present reality. Climate crisis is here. The droughts, the desertification, water scarcity, ocean acidification, and the rising sea levels. Just look at what is happening currently on the island of Sal, where only two days ago rising sea waters flooded the avenue in front of the hotels. It is also a question of justice, because those who have contributed the least to this crisis cannot continue to bear some of its most serious consequences. Science has shown us the way forward. We must translate this valuable knowledge into decisions and actions, and Cabo Verde has tried to do its part.
This theme comes at a pivotal time in international history. Our world is beset by numerous profound and interconnected crises. Armed conflicts are becoming more protracted. Geopolitical tensions are intensifying, inequalities persist, climate change is accelerating, and humanitarian emergencies are multiplying. These challenges are compounded by the economic and social consequences of successive crises food insecurity, the forced displacement of populations, the risks associated with cybercrime, and the upheavals brought about by emerging technologies. These realities are severely testing the international community's ability to act together. In this uncertain environment, there is one value that can still guide us: trust. For Gabon, restoring trust among nations requires more than ever a return to the fundamental principles of international law in general, and of the charter of the United Nations in particular. In this spirit, my country reaffirms its commitment to the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of states and to the respect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity. Against this backdrop, Gabon once again welcomes the adoption of resolution 2797 of 2025, which has injected fresh impetus into the settlement of the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara, based exclusively on the autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty. Mr. President, restoring trust depends above all on concrete action that enables us to address together global challenges relating to peace and security, climate change, sustainable development and pandemics. Accordingly, in the face of human tragedies across the world, and particularly in Africa, greater collective engagement is essential.
Everyone is being harmed, from Asia to Europe, from Africa to the Americas. No country is immune. They have serious economic and social impact and are already having undesirable consequences for all of us and also for the parties involved. This is a senseless crisis because it's harmful to everyone. We must put an end to this collective masochism, and we must do it quickly to close this chapter, which is a chapter of widespread harm. We all have a duty to learn from the lessons of the crisis of the 1970s and avoid repeating what happened then. We will be judged by how we handle this challenge. On the one hand, it is urgent to put an end to the protracted conflicts and on the other hand, starting now, we must discuss and decide on complementary ways to mitigate the impact of this energy crisis and prevent it from being prolonged. It is my belief that it would also be beneficial to discuss the mechanism by which international oil prices are determined. I do not have a concrete solution which is very complex and difficult, but I wonder if it makes sense for all of us to be so dependent on speculation and the volatility of financial and futures markets, which affect the entire production sector, even when the instability originates only from a portion or a limited period of that production. Excellencies, we also bear the intergenerational responsibility to accelerate the energy transition in order to reduce dependencies and mitigate the effects of climate change. I will share with you that in Portugal, we feel the devastating impacts of climate change firsthand in the increase in forest fires, coastal erosion, and the degradation of marine ecosystems, and also and more frequently in extreme weather events, new such as storms, high winds and flash floods. That is why we take a strategic approach to the energy transition. More than 70% of our energy production comes from renewable sources. We have anticipated our carbon neutrality target to 2045. We maintain close collaboration and continued support for countries that are particularly vulnerable to climate change, and we are investing in innovative solutions, such as agreements to convert debt into green investment. Climate change and freedom of navigation share a common priority of our policy: the sea and ocean. Protecting the marine environment and its biodiversity, combating ocean warming, addressing the threat of sea level rise and ensuring universal freedom of navigation are essential priorities on the ocean agenda, which is an agenda we all have to pay attention to.
Denmark is committed to supporting the people of Syria in a Syrian led and owned transition. It is a glimpse of hope in a troubled region and a stark contrast to this destabilizing actions of Iran, whose consequences are felt far beyond the region. Denmark's position remains clear Iran must never be allowed to develop or acquire a nuclear weapon. We strongly support continued diplomatic efforts to restore effective international verification of Iran's nuclear program, and we deeply regret the unwillingness of a few council members to acknowledge that sanctions measures have been reinstated in full accordance with Security Council Resolution 2231.
International law applies everywhere. International humanitarian law applies everywhere and human rights apply everywhere in Ukraine, in the Middle East, in Africa, in Asia or in Latin America. We are well aware that conflicts never remain purely local. They have repercussions on food security, energy markets, immigration development and global stability. We can see that with the war of aggression by Russia on Ukraine, this was a war chosen by Russia the consequences of which are worldwide in scope. This is a devastating aggression on a sovereign state committed by a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the violation of the UN charter and of international law. Attacks by Russia on Ukraine also threaten the security of civilian populations beyond Ukraine's borders, and it is unacceptable that over the last 12 months, Russia has on several occasions threatened the security of several European Union member states. Russia must bring an end to this dangerous escalation, and the international community must do its utmost and use all of the tools available to it to bring an end to this war and to create the conditions for negotiations for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. This war must end. The same goes in the Middle East. We regret the current stalemate in Gaza and more broadly speaking, in Palestine, which is prolonging the suffering of millions of civilians, despite the momentum towards the end of the conflict that we thought we saw at the end of last year. The European Union and its member states have made their positions clear. The two state solution is the only one that can ensure lasting peace in the Middle East. With the State of Israel and the State of Palestine independent and living side by side in peace and security. And we also support all of the efforts to find a solution to the conflict in Iran. The cease fire must be fully respected. Freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be preserved without conditions and without hindrance. For a lasting solution, it is also necessary that security of the countries in the region be ensured. It is essential that Iran never be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons.
For Kiribati, this is an expression of our belief that even the smallest country can contribute to global peace. For Pacific peoples, the consequences of nuclear weapons are not merely historical. Our region still bears the human and environmental legacy of nuclear testing. As States Parties to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), we remain committed to advancing the Treaty’s and the humanitarian objectives and establishing an international trust fund for nuclear-weapons victims. As Co-Chairs with Kazakhstan of the recent International Meeting on Victim Assistance and Environmental Remediation, we thank the Secretary-General for convening this important meeting and for keeping the needs of affected communities at the center of our collective efforts. Peace and security must also keep pace with emerging threats in the digital domain.
Mr. President. Excellencies, I want to tell you about my grandmother, Alice. Growing up in rural Sweden as the seventh of 11 siblings, her opportunities were very different from those of her brothers. Her parents expected her to focus first and foremost on family life. Yet she was curious, capable and determined to build a life of her own. A job at a local bank gave her not only an income but also independence and confidence. There at the bank, she met many women with little to no experience with finances and who were left vulnerable when circumstances changed. She wrote in her diary about some of the women she met, many of whom were recently widowed, coming to the bank in tears because they didn't know anything about their own family finances. One woman came to the bank holding two safe deposit keys without knowing which bank they belonged to. My grandmother was as independent as a woman in that time and place could be, but she worried deeply about the consequences for the women who were not. During her life, she witnessed extraordinary progress. But two generations later, far too many women are still entirely economically dependent on men. Mr. President, 80 years ago, when Sweden joined the United Nations, the foundations of our modern society were being laid. In the 1940s and 50s Swedish women joined the labour market in large numbers. This was not only a matter of principle, it also came from the realization that our economy needed women in the workforce. Women's economic empowerment is a matter of freedom. When women work and earn their own money, their self-determination grows. Gender equality is not only the right thing to do, it's also the smart thing to do. When women work, economies grow. Mr. President, each generation must fight for equality. In 1919, the same year my grandmother was born, Sweden decided that women should have the right to vote. That very same year, women in Afghanistan were also granted the right to vote. More than a century later, the contrast between women's freedoms in our two countries is as striking as it is saddening. It is a painful reminder that progress is never irreversible. Rights, once gained can be lost. Freedoms do not defend themselves. It is up to us to protect them, for women and girls everywhere and for generations to come.
In Austria, we are fortunate to live in peace, but the consequences reach us. Energy prices rise, factories close and families are forced to flee war and seek safety across Europe. This is why the United Nations matters. It is our life insurance. This is why we are a proud host country of the organization, why we successfully campaign for a seat on the UN Security Council. I would like to thank you wholeheartedly for your support at the elections in June.
Restoring trust, mutual respect and equality before the law is our collective responsibility during this 81st session. Mr. President, distinguished participants, a year ago, we called in this very hall for peace to be the foundation of development and human rights. 12 months later, we must acknowledge that the gap between our commitments and reality remains evident. Everywhere around the world, from the Middle East to the Sahel, through the Great Lakes region, in Eastern Europe and Latin America, civilian populations continue to pay the high price of conflict, driven by interests that are often hidden. The devastating war in the Middle East, marked by massive civilian losses and destruction of critical infrastructure, has spread to Syria and Lebanon as a result of Israeli military operations and has had major global economic consequences. In addition to its worldwide impact, the conflict threatens the food and energy security of vulnerable countries, such as the Union of the Comoros, which remain highly dependent on imports and whose population face declining purchasing power And this demands greater international solidarity. Given this shared insecurity. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen allowing the conflict in the Middle East to continue directly weakens the United Nations by calling into question its ability to maintain world peace and by undermining its credibility amongst the peoples we represent. The theme of this 81st session acknowledges that something is broken, and that is why confidence must be restored through concrete actions that uphold the rule of law and collective security.
These directions bode ill for the aims and objectives of the United Nations. A persistent threat to peace has been the scourge of terrorism. That this could be state sponsored with cross border purpose makes it a direct affront to the global order. Governments indulging in such practices must be held accountable. There must be no dilution in our zero tolerance approach towards terrorism. Its financial aspects in particular should be exposed and should be countered. Mr. President, yesterday a serious practitioner of terrorism misrepresented facts. Before this assembly, arguments were invoked to normalise terrorism and claim immunity from its consequences. That will not stand. Our right to defend ourselves against terrorism will be exercised. Mr. President, friendship and goodwill cannot coexist with terrorism, and understandings premised on that will naturally be called into question. It is for the perpetrator of terrorism to mend its ways.
The Indian Ocean must remain peaceful. It must remain as a region where trade can flow and where States can prosper. Regional competition among major powers must not limit the choices of smaller States. Conflict does not have to reach our shores to affect us. In today’s interconnected world, a crisis far away can quickly become a crisis at home. Interruption to maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz raises fuel prices. It affects food supplies and air travel. The consequences of this are felt across tourism and public finances in the Maldives. The Maldives, therefore, condemns the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. The Strait must remain open and safe. The Maldives further condemns the attacks on Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman and Jordan. The Maldives appreciates the diplomatic efforts of Oman, Pakistan and Qatar to de-escalate the crisis and bring the parties to dialogue. The right to a sovereign future must belong to all. And nowhere is that right more brutally denied than in Palestine. Israel's genocide and war crimes against Palestinians continue. And their actions are not confined to Gaza. Its military attacks across the region have violated the sovereignty of other States. Security cannot be built by exporting insecurity. Nor can any country demand respect for its sovereignty while violating the sovereignty of others. No State should be shielded from accountability by its power or political alliances. But condemnation alone is not enough. Every Member State must ask: what have we done to end this violence? The United Nations must ask itself the same question. The problem is not a lack of law. The rules are clear. What is absent is equal application. International law cannot bind the weak and bend for the powerful. The same rules. The same standard. No exceptions. Israel’s genocide in Gaza must end. Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestine and other Arab lands must end. Illegal settlements must end. Humanitarian assistance must reach Palestinians safely, rapidly and at scale. And the decisions of international courts and the resolutions of this Organization must be respected and implemented. For the Palestinian people, a sovereign future means freedom, dignity, self-determination, and the right to live with security in their own State. The Maldives will always stand with the Palestinian people and their undeniable right for that future. That is why I reiterate our call for the recognition of an independent and sovereign State of Palestine, based on the pre-1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. And if this Organisation is to restore trust and deliver for all, Palestine must become a full Member of the United Nations.
I wish I could stand here today simply to talk about development, democracy, peace, and the hopes of a young nation. Instead, I must speak about death and destruction of epic proportions, about families waiting for loved ones who will never come home, about communities searching through the mud, rocks, water for the people whose bodies may never be recovered, about bridges, about roads, schools, homes, livelihoods swept away in minutes, about a country whose steady progress to achieve Sustainable Development Goals has been interrupted. Four weeks ago, the world saw shocking images of catastrophic floods that swept away Nepal's mountain communities, with ferocity many have called" mountain tsunami" or "Himalayan tsunami." The Bhotekoshi-Trishuli disaster was not just a local tragedy; it was a warning to the world, and I ask you today, have you really heard that warning? Nearly three years ago, standing in the shadow of our Mount Everest, the Secretary-General of the United Nations warned humanity about the madness of an impending climate disaster. That cry from the rooftop of the world was not heard enough, loudly. We in Nepal heard it. Our communities heard it. Scientists around the world heard it. They repeated it with evidence. But we, the political leaders, have been negligent to translate those warnings into action at the speed and scale that the vulnerable people require. Last month, we saw the tragic consequences: a warming climate that is destabilizing the fragile Himalayan ecology, melting permafrost that is fracturing mountains, slopes beneath the glaciers, and accelerating the risk of ice rock avalanches, floods, landslides, and other cascading hazards. The resulting devastation unleashed havoc on both sides of Nepal-China border. The flood continued downstream to India. This tells us something fundamental: climate change does not recognize borders. Glaciers and floods do not travel with stamps on passports.
It is less about doing things for others than doing things with them. This principle takes on particular significance in the face of current technological revolutions. AI is the most obvious illustration of this. It offers considerable new possibilities in science, the economy, medicine, education, and the management of resources. But it also highlights the risk of a new divide between those who have the skills and infrastructure needed to participate in this transformation, and those who are likely to feel only its effects. We must ensure that technological progress broadens opportunities without widening the gaps. This means that as many countries and societies as possible must be able to benefit from advances in AI, develop their skills and contribute to the debate on the rules that will govern its development and use. This is exactly the aim of the Geneva AI summit, which will take place on the 21st and 22nd of June 2027 under the motto Bridging Innovation and Trust. These two concepts must go hand in hand. Innovation in which societies no longer have confidence risks being rejected. Conversely, rules that would prevent all innovation would deprive us of enormous potential. Our responsibility, therefore, is to strike a balance to enable progress and promote its benefits, while creating the conditions for the reliable and responsible development and use of these technologies. Artificial intelligence thus reminds us of a simple truth. Certain changes are so far reaching and so fast moving, that no single state can manage all of their consequences by itself.
It is the clearest expression of the principle that the force of law must always prevail over the law of force. It is precisely for this reason that we continue to firmly defend the need to uphold the Charter of the UN and international law. We also support, more than ever, the efforts of the International Criminal Court to identify those responsible for the gravest crimes, and we condemn any act of aggression—once again, and unambiguously— that violates the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a state. In this sense, we continue to express our solidarity with the people of Ukraine in the face of the consequences of a war that has lasted for far too long already, and we reiterate our support for efforts aimed at achieving a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the UN and international law. We do so for the people of Ukraine, and also for all territories and populations where the threat of conflict continues to rage. Similarly, we reaffirm that a negotiated solution based upon the coexistence of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace, security, and mutual recognition, remains the most solid path toward achieving a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. On the other hand, we hope that a peaceful solution can be found in Lebanon that fully respects the sovereignty of all countries involved. We cannot resign ourselves to turning human suffering into a statistic: behind every victim is a life cut short, behind every child killed, a future that disappears, behind every school or hospital destroyed, a part of our shared humanity that has failed. For this reason, we are particularly concerned by the increase in attacks against civilians, humanitarian personnel, and United Nations staff who are carrying out their mission, often under extreme conditions and at extraordinary personal risk. The conclusions of the last SG's report on children in armed conflict and conflict-related sexual violence, are especially alarming: the figures presented are not only dramatic, they are morally unacceptable. For the first time, the primary perpetrators of these violations are states themselves, which should be the ultimate guarantors of the protection of their citizens. Given this reality, Andorra will continue to act.
We aim to process and add value to our resources domestically, and this explains our interest in special economic zones because we think political sovereignty must go hand in hand with economic sovereignty. Our vision, I would like to point out, aligns with the Sustainable Development Goals, the SDGs and the 2063 African Union agenda, the Africa we want. But let's be lucid and pragmatic here. The ambitions of our development of the Republic of the Congo and many other African countries are impeded by the burden of debt inequalities in the international financial system and the consequences of climate change. Four years before the 2030 SDG deadline, we cannot afford another collective failure. The Republic of the Congo, therefore, calls for an ambitious international action on the issue of developing country debt, including through debt relief and, where appropriate, debt cancellation measures to free resources for SDG related investments. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Africa is not the world's periphery. It is one of its centers of gravity and a source of multilateral renewal.
Because even the most complex historical differences can and must be resolved by peaceful means. We are deeply concerned by the persistence of armed conflicts in different regions of the world, and their devastating consequences for civilians. In every case, our position rests on the same principles respect for the charter and international law, the protection of civilians, safe humanitarian access and dialogue and diplomacy as indispensable paths towards a just, sustainable and lasting peace. We must not grow accustomed to war. We must not accept violence as a permanent condition of our time, or allow entire generations to grow up believing that force is the only way to resolve our differences. Guatemala stands for peace. This December, we will mark 30 years since the signing of the agreement on a firm and lasting peace, which brought an end to 36 years of internal armed conflict. After years of negotiation, we chose to replace armed violence with the pursuit of dialogue. That is why we understand the value of international support and the role of the United Nations. Our experience allows us to share one conviction. Negotiation is not a sign of weakness. Dialogue does not mean abandoning our principles. Seeking peace must never mean accepting injustice. We have also contributed to United Nations peacekeeping operations More than 6300 Guatemalan women and men have served under the United Nations flag in peacekeeping operations in different parts of the world. A country that knows the cost of war must also take responsibility for helping others preserve peace. Mr. president, we must strengthen the timely exchange of information, operational and judicial coordination, border security with respect for human rights, the protection of ports and transit routes, financial and asset investigations, and the recovery of assets derived from illicit activities.
These are the strengths which our multilateral system needs now more than ever. Mr. president, for Jamaica, the consequences of global challenges are not theoretical. On the 28th of October last year, Hurricane Melissa struck our island. In a matter of hours, the most catastrophic hurricane in our modern history inflicted damage and loss estimated at 56.7% of our GDP. Think about that. In a matter of hours, more than half the value of an entire year of national economic output was damaged or lost. A single event. Jamaica had prepared. Years of fiscal discipline had allowed us to build buffers. We had put in place disaster risk financing, including catastrophe insurance and an independently sponsored catastrophe bond. Those measures gave us immediate liquidity, but no level of prudent national planning can fully insulate a small, developing state from a climate event of that magnitude. And therein lies the fundamental inequity faced by small island developing states. We can do everything right. In fact, Jamaica's reforms balanced economic orthodoxy with innovation and expanded support for the most vulnerable. And yet, one hurricane could erase decades of progress. We are deeply grateful to our international partners, our CARICOM family, our Jamaican diaspora, and the thousands of individuals and organizations which stood with us during our hour of need. Jamaica has not simply resolved to recover. We have resolved to rebuild better and differently. Our resilience must not be measured by how much suffering we can withstand. It must be measured by how well we prepare, how quickly we recover, how intelligently we adapt, and whether we emerge stronger. That is why the government of Prime Minister Andrew Holness established the National Reconstruction and Resilience Authority, NaRRA. Its mandate is to drive reconstruction at speed and scale to coordinate major infrastructure projects, crowd in investment and, critically, to embed resilience in the Jamaica we are rebuilding. We are not simply replacing what Melissa has destroyed. We are building the Jamaica that must withstand the storms of tomorrow.
At home, we are investing in computing capacity, digital infrastructure and AI skills. We are forging new trusted partnership on AI governance and emerging technologies, and we have recently adopted law on artificial intelligence and new digital code. But without effective governance at all levels, it will also deepen inequality, create new security risks, as we have seen very recently, and widen the digital divide. We also should not let ethical norms fall behind this rapid evolution. AI must remain human centered, safe and subject to meaningful human oversight. These risks are particularly serious in the military domain, where the use of AI in warfare and cyber operations could have far reaching consequences for international stability. Kazakhstan supports stronger international rules and cooperation, including through the United Nations Global Mechanism on ICT security and UN Global Dialogue on AI governance. At the regional level, we invite partners to engage with the UN ESCAP Asia-Pacific Digital Solutions Centre in Almaty city as a platform for sharing expertise and advancing regional digital cooperation.
President, this week has also seen an intense debate on harnessing the potential of artificial intelligence. But perhaps what we are discovering in these conversations are our own limits to understanding what the potential might be. Reporting from the most powerful and well capitalised AI companies tell us that we are on a precipice, either of a technology fuelled utopia or an apocalypse. Whether we achieve one or the other, unfortunately has been treated as a secondary priority to the AI race, one that has no clear finish line and, for that matter, a dubious prize. Liechtenstein supports the regulation of artificial intelligence. Unless we have a clear understanding of the methods, processes and purposes of the huge variety of AI systems, how can we risk the consequences to human rights, to our environment, to the long term capacities for our critical thinking, and ultimately, to the future of the human species? We are already seeing the impacts on civilians as armed forces increasingly integrate AI capabilities into their targeting systems in warfare. AI tools have to be made for humanity, lest we become the source material for AI systems to use, or merely the victims in its crosshairs.
It transcends borders and generations. Small island developing states are already experiencing consequences that threaten their very existence. Luxembourg may be landlocked, but we are deeply committed to this common effort, including by drawing on the expertise of our financial centre in green finance. Our interests may differ, but our future is shared.
Excellencies, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, can we speak of development when international peace and security are being tested by multiplying crises around the world and persistent tensions? Restoring trust requires the United Nations to maintain and to restore peace. We must be concerned that the multilateral system is struggling to contain escalating tensions fueled by geopolitical rivalries. These crises now affecting different regions of the planet, have consequences for our states. They directly impact our economies and the daily lives of our populations through disruptions in energy supply chains and difficulties in the delivery of essential goods. These are all factors which further aggravate the vulnerabilities that we already face.
The second opportunity is strengthening climate action resilience. Mr. president, Malawi contributes negligibly to global greenhouse gas emissions, yet we remain on the front line of the climate crisis. In recent years, devastating cyclones, prolonged droughts and increasingly erratic weather patterns have destroyed infrastructure, devastated crops, displaced thousands of our citizens and inflicted severe damage on our economy. This year, we face the added threat of El Nino related extreme weather, which risks further undermining livelihoods food security and economic stability. As such, we are fighting back by embedding climate resilience into our national development planning and strengthening locally driven adaptation measures. However, our efforts are continually outpaced by the scale and speed of climate change. Climate shocks repeatedly destroy infrastructure, decimate agricultural production and make worse food insecurity and erode hard-won development gains. Mr. president, the global community must therefore move beyond rhetoric and translate commitments into meaningful action. We call for the full and effective operationalisation and capitalisation of the Loss and Damage Fund. Major historical and current emitters must honour their climate finance commitments by providing accessible, predictable, grant based and highly concessional financing rather than relying on debt-creating instruments that further burden countries already struggling to cope with the consequences of a crisis they did little to cause. Mr. president, Malawi, therefore, calls for enhanced, predictable and easily accessible climate finance, with greater emphasis on adaptation and disaster risk reduction. We need sustainable investment in early warning systems, climate-resilient infrastructure, sustainable land management, climate smart agriculture and locally led adaptation. Climate change is an existential threat to Malawi's development and to the hard won gains we have made. Mr. president, the third opportunity is to reform global governance and strengthening multilateralism. The current global challenges underscore a fundamental truth.
Mr. president, as a low lying atoll nation with no higher ground, sea level rise is an immediate and stark reality. This week's UN high level meeting on sea level rise has helped achieve new understanding in international law. It is the seas that are rising around us and not our islands which are sinking. Our boundaries and baselines of today. The political footprint on the map will endure in the face of aggressive sea level rise scenarios. Our collective stability and security as Pacific Islands Forum members and as a UN member state will be now better addressed. As an atoll nation, our tide gauge is proof enough that far more action is needed, and we are acting. Confronted with rising seas on our most vulnerable shorelines. We completed the Ebeye Seawall and Footpath last week. 1.8km of oceanside protection built with support from the World Bank, the Green Climate Fund and our own resources. Engineered for rising seas, it now protects 8,400 people and critical energy infrastructure, reduces annual coastal flooding losses and anchors resilient future development on Ebeye, including schools, housing and the proposed new hospital, while providing a safe public space that strengthens community wellbeing. It cost $75 million, took 70,000 tonnes of rocks, took more than a decade to do, and it is just one island of over a thousand. We are taking action and we urgently need strengthened partnership to better protect our islands before sea level rise overtakes us. Mr. president, my nation underscores the importance of the law of the sea as a key pillar of our future. Even before we were a UN member, we fought closely both to participate in UN law of the sea negotiations and to secure these rights in our Constitution. Pacific Island leadership and that of all small island developing states has defined every multilateral milestone for oceans and fisheries. And we will continue to do so. As an ocean people, the consequences of getting it wrong are not from distant impacts, but adjacent to our waters, particularly in the North Pacific, both within the International Seabed Authority and unilateral actions. Collectively, the people and voices of Micronesia must be heard. We are joined by Guam, Northern Marianas, Federated States of Micronesia and Palau in expressing our alarm at seabed mining actions where the decisions are made before impacts are well understood and where adequate safeguards remain undefined. The Marshall Islands joins 45 nations seeking a moratorium on seabed mining. Responsible and science driven regulations need to be in place. Going on guesswork for global oceans is beyond dangerous. There are no do overs. The Marshall Islands looks forward to the first Conference of Parties to the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction, to work across silos to advance high seas protection. We urge wide ratification of the agreement. The Marshall Islands looks forward to supporting its secretariat in a host nation, committed to upholding the law of the sea as a matter of both principle and law, in words and in actions. Mr. president, too often the word geopolitics is considered to refer only to the whims of superpowers and not the reality of our fragile place between them.
We further call for an end to the atrocities being committed in Gaza. The establishment of an independent Palestinian state, living side by side with Israel, in peace and security, remains a vital goal that we must collectively pursue. We call for the lifting of the unjustified economic embargo against Cuba, which had far-reaching consequences for the Cuban economy and the well-being of its people, including access to essential goods and services. We call for the end to the energy siege on Cuba and her removal from the unilateral list of states allegedly sponsoring terrorism.
This strategic canal for the free world, once again, is suffering the consequences of climate change. This is something that is a real paradox because we are a carbon-negative country and one of the very few carbon-negative countries in the world, but this does not mean that we don't have to face strong droughts followed by heavy rain that causes flooding. This leads us to a reflection that is, there's a lot of support for nations that assume the objective of decarbonization, but the fact is that we don't benefit from any type of economic aid, despite the fact that we remove more carbon from the world than we produce. So it will be the Panama Canal itself that grew under Panamanian hands and that saw billions of dollars of investments to build the Rio Indio project. This is going to be a reservoir of water to ensure that the canal can continue to be used and provide more predictability to international trade and water supply to hundreds of thousands of citizens. This is an endeavor of the United Nations to support responsible projects, both socially and environmentally, that represent real progress for our countries. It's fundamental not to give in to pressure from organizations that seek extortion under the coverage of social struggles and seek cover in international organizations such as the ILO, for example. Distinguished delegates, Panama is a global leader in the conservation of biodiversity and cultural legacy as a basis for our sustainable development.
We commend and thank him for his sincere and positive leadership of this organization. In the same vein, Saint Lucia wishes to express its endorsement of the candidate of the Republic of Guyana, Ms. Caroline Rodrigues-Birkett, for the post of Secretary General. Her distinguished record of public and international service speaks directly to the kind of leadership this moment demands. On 25th March 2026, the General Assembly approved one of its most historic and consequential resolutions that declared the trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialised chattel enslavement of Africans as the greatest crime against humanity. This resolution, and the subsequent establishment of the High level Global Advisory Council on Reparatory justice is a very significant step in the search for reparations for the transatlantic slave trade and the enslavement of Africans in the Americas and the Caribbean. I want to thank the President of Ghana for spearheading and championing this resolution. Saint Lucia congratulates the Government of Jamaica on its successful petition to the British monarch for him to refer three questions to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council over the legality of the enslavement of Africans in Jamaica. Mr. president, reparations are not about vengeance. They are about truth, acknowledgement, repair and transformation. Reparations are not about seeking charity or revisiting history for its own sake. History is not behind us when its consequences remain embedded in wealth, power, institutions, and opportunity. Reparations are about addressing the continuing effects of slavery and colonial exploitation, restoring dignity, advancing development, and building more equitable
Through ECOSOC, Sierra Leone will champion a development system that responds more effectively to Africa's priorities. Mr. president, restoring trust and delivering for all must also embrace the unfinished cause of Reparatory justice. In March, this Assembly adopted a resolution led by Ghana and supported by the African Union and Caribbean Community, recognising the trafficking and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. For Sierra Leone, this history is neither abstract nor distant. From Bunce Island, in our own river estuary, thousands of Africans were forcibly transported across the Atlantic into enslavement. Freetown, our capital, would later become a home for formerly enslaved and liberated Africans. This history is woven into our national identity. However, the consequences did not end with abolition. Their legacy continues to be reflected in enduring disparities in wealth, power and opportunity across our world. Reparatory justice is therefore not a plea for charity. It is a call for acknowledgement, formal apology the return of cultural heritage fair redress and guarantee of non-repetition. Sierra Leone stands with Africa the Caribbean and the wider African diaspora in advancing this cause, not to remain captive to the past, but to build a more just and equitable future.
Our most pressing threats are already reaching our shores. Transnational crime illicit drugs, illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing, cyber threats and unresolved consequences of nuclear testing and radioactive contamination remain. In this respect, our region is committed to directly utilising innovative technologies and working closely with our trusted security partners to address our security challenges. We are committed to protecting the rights of marginalised people and ending violence against women and young girls. This year, Tonga ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with disabilities, reaffirming our commitment to the dignity and the equal participation of persons with disabilities.
And I thought it's a good idea to share with you my thoughts. Gunpowder changed the battlefield. Nuclear fission changed the meaning of human survival. Artificial intelligence is changing something even more intimate: who can enter the minds of a citizen, imitate a trusted voice, manufacture a reality calibrated to one person's fears, and do so millions and millions of times at once. Albania is not a developer of frontier models, but we are a nation that has already lived the future others are still debating, and I think a simple message is what we owe to all of you. The greatest immediate danger is not that artificial intelligence will stop obeying humanity. The greatest danger is that it will obey the wrong human beings perfectly. The challenge comes in three layers. What artificial intelligence does instead of us, what it does to us. And who gains the power to reach us? First, what it does instead of us. The public debate imagines machines that awaken, acquire ambitions and turn against their creators. But the systems confronting us today do not wake up with hatred in their hearts. They multiply ours. They have no ambition of their own. They serve the ambition of others. They carry no flag. But they can be deployed by a state. They tell no lie for their own benefit. But they can tell a billion lies on others behalf. The machine has no conscience. But it can borrow the reach of a government, the precision of a weapon and the intimacy of a friend. At the same time, the economic incentives surrounding artificial intelligence increasingly reward the replacement of human effort, rather than the enlargement of human capacity. Write the code so that I do not have to understand it. Draft the report so that I do not have to think through it. Make the judgment so that I do not have to assume responsibility for it. When success is measured only by how much work the machine removes from the human being, we may create more efficient institutions, but will have less capable people. A civilization that outsources effort may eventually outsource knowledge. A civilization that outsources knowledge may eventually outsource judgment, and the civilization that outsources judgment may discover that it also outsources responsibility. This is not inevitable. It is a choice. We can build artificial intelligence that teaches rather than merely answers, guides rather than commands, and strengthens the human being instead of making the human being dependent upon it. The question cannot be only how quickly did the machine complete the task? We must also ask, what did the human being learn? Who understood the decision? Who can challenge the decision and who answers for the decision when it is wrong? Albania became the first country to bring an artificial intelligence instrument into the architecture of government through Diella, our worldwide known artificial intelligence minister. We did not do this to transfer sovereignty from people to a machine. We did it to make public services more accessible, procedures more transparent, and the state more accountable. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. Behind every consequential public decision, there must remain a legal mandate, a human institution, and a name that can be called to give answers. The second layer is what artificial intelligence can do to us. Artificial intelligence inside an accountable state can reduce the distance between citizens and public services. Artificial intelligence outside accountability can eliminate the distance between a lie and the human mind. Albania experienced this directly. I am sure you must have followed or just known the so-called Flamingo Revolution, a fabricated narrative of an Israeli invasion of the Albanian coast, an invasion that never occurred, was manufactured, was personalized and delivered through voices, pages and channels citizens already trusted. One citizen received a story of national betrayal. Another received a story of religious provocation. Another received a conspiracy of foreign occupation. Different fabrications entered different emotional worlds, all serving the same strategic lie. The consequences were real. Citizens had their own reasons to protest. Don't take me wrong. But suddenly they started to protest also against a phantom enemy. Antisemitic tropes entered our public discourse for the first time ever. Don't forget, Albania is the only country in Europe that ended World War Two with more Jews than it started it. Fear became anger. Anger became mobilization and fabrication became political reality. And this is not and was not a laboratory experiment. I'm not talking to you about a science fiction movie. It was a Tuesday in Tirana, our capital city. The algorithm did not invent the objective. A human actor did.
Mr. president, excellencies, nowadays we are witnessing a downgrading and violation of the rules governing international relations with the logic of force, intimidation and imposition of values stemming from unilateral vision by certain countries in defense of their exclusive interests. Instability being experienced in various regions of our continent is a direct consequence of that stance, as it can be seen in the conflicts currently unfolding in Europe, in the Middle East, in the Persian Gulf and in Africa, while tensions is mounting in the Asia-Pacific region. From what we have observed, we do not discern encouraging signs regarding the likelihood of reaching any peace agreement in the near future in the wars between Russia and Ukraine, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the Middle East, and in the Persian Gulf. We condemned the genocide against defenseless population, the elderly, women, children, bedridden patients, health professionals, journalists and workers of international humanitarian organizations who are often deprived of access to most basic human rights and to essential goods for life, such as water, food and medicines. The expulsion of Palestinians from their homes and lands through expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank must elicit the strongest international outrage and condemnation. Attempts to dominate entire countries and regions of the globe by force of arms, are leading the world towards a catastrophe. The food security and energy and humanitarian situation of countries and the world in general, has deteriorated considerably following the outbreak of wars against Ukraine and more recently against Iran. The toll of these wars is disastrous, judging by the consequences arising from the strangulation of freedom of maritime navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab, a situation that has created serious risk of disruption to logistic supply chains in general, and to food and energy supply chains in particular, with devastating effects on the most vulnerable countries.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. I am indeed humbled and honoured to be asked to deliver this statement by the Honourable Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda, the Right Honourable Gaston Browne, on behalf of the government and people of Antigua and Barbuda. Mr. president, we meet once again at a moment when history asks difficult questions of this institution. Can multilateralism still protect the weak as well as the strong? Can international law restrain power rather than merely record its consequences? Can development remain a promise for all rather than a privilege for some? For Antigua and Barbuda, these are not philosophical questions. For small island developing states, these are questions of survival. As we begin the 81st session of this General Assembly, we stand between two eras, one ending and another waiting to be shaped. At the end of this year, His Excellency Antonio Guterres will complete his tenure as secretary general of the United Nations. Antigua and Barbuda places on record our profound appreciation for his service to this organization and to the international community in general. For my country, our appreciation is deeply personal. In 2017, Hurricane Irma devastated Barbuda. The entire population had to be evacuated. Homes were destroyed, livelihoods disappeared. An island community was brought to its knees.
We meet at a time when the Arab Gulf is facing a security situation of a severity not witnessed in decades. The states of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to waves of unjustified Iranian attacks involving ballistic missiles and drones targeting civilian infrastructure, residential areas, ports, airports and energy facilities. This came in flagrant violation of international law and the charter of the United Nations. These are indiscriminate attacks without justification under any law. My country also condemns the attacks carried out by the Iran backed terrorist Houthi militia against civilian objects and Islamic holy sites in the brotherly kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We also condemn their threats to freedom of navigation in the Bab el Mandeb and the Red sea. Allow me to put the facts before you in figures. Our countries have been subjected to nearly 7000 attacks at the hands of Iran, involving 1700 ballistic missiles, 80 cruise missiles and 5220 drones. 2000 cargo vessels and tankers with 20,000 seafarers on board have also been detained, while 72 commercial vessels have been targeted, resulting in the deaths of 22 seafarers. These are not merely numbers. Behind every figure is a ship, a port, a market and families waiting for those that provide for them to return home. Commercial vessels have been targeted in the Straits of Hormuz. Mines have been laid in an international shipping lane. Restrictions on passage have been imposed in contravention of international law. The consequences of all the above extend far beyond the Arabian Gulf. It affects energy and food prices, shipping and insurance costs, as well as supply chains across the world. As the kingdom renews its full solidarity with the brotherly countries subjected to these attacks, it commends the professionalism of the Bahrain Defence Force and the Air Defence Forces of brotherly countries, and their readiness in confronting these attacks. We reaffirm the right of all states to take all lawful measures to defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity, pursuant to article 51 of the UN charter and the Joint Defense Agreement of the GCC states. All the same, we continue to exercise the utmost restraint, seeking to ensure that security and peace prevail for the benefit of the people of the region. Mr. president, the position of the Kingdom of Bahrain is grounded in international law, the rights of peoples and. The Strait of Hormuz is an international strait, and the right of transit through it is established for the vessels of all states under the UN convention on the law of the sea. That right may not be suspended or obstructed, nor may it be subjected to conditions imposed unilaterally by any state. Accordingly, the Kingdom categorically rejects any permit or fee regime imposed on the passage. It rejects the use of international waterways as instruments of pressure or economic coercion, or any attempt at the seizure of vessels. Such actions would set an extremely dangerous precedent, because what is accepted today in one strait may be demanded tomorrow in every international waterway upon which global trade depends. Alternative routes cannot be treated as a solution to conduct that violates international law. Mitigation measures are an emergency response. They should not be used as a pretext to claim that the strait is no longer necessary, or to accept a new status quo. The right of passage does not cease to exist because alternatives are available. Nor does the violation cease just because those affected have found ways to reduce the loss. This threat is not confined to the Strait of Hormuz. Security Council Resolution 2817 also referred to Bab el Mandeb, recognising that a threat to one waterway is a threat to navigation through all waterways. The security of navigation in the Red sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Bab el Mandeb is part of the same system. We are now not only defending a regional interest, but a rule that applies to every international waterway, and if it does apply to our strait alone, it wouldn't have been a rule. The Kingdom of Bahrain has not only stated its position in principle. On behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council states and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and by virtue of its current presidency of the GCC and its non-permanent membership of the Security Council, Bahrain led efforts resulting in the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2817, with a historic and unprecedented support of 136 countries. The resolution condemned the attacks against our countries, reaffirming their sovereignty and rejecting any action intended to close the strait or obstruct navigation through it. The Kingdom also introduced a draft resolution under chapter seven of the charter to protect commercial navigation. The resolution, adopted by the Council of the International Maritime Organization on the 19th of March, together with the Human Rights Council resolution 61/1, both have further demonstrated that the international rejection of such conduct extends beyond the Security Council. We stress the need for the full implementation of these resolutions to ensure that those responsible are held accountable, and there are compensation for the damage caused. On the 17th of this month, the Kingdom convened an Arria-formula meeting of the Security Council dedicated to freedom of navigation. In this session, we heard from 53 affected states, the maritime transport sector and relevant international bodies. And we heard a conclusion expressed by all delegations. That is, the freedom of passage through international straits is a prerequisite for global economic prosperity. The Kingdom contributes to the protection of a rules based maritime order across an area exceeding 3,000,000mi² through its hosting in Manama, of the headquarters of the Combined Maritime Forces. This comprises 47 nations. We welcome the establishment of the Multinational Maritime Defence Alliance, led by the brotherly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom is proud to participate in the alliance as a founding member in support of efforts to safeguard international trade routes and global energy supplies in accordance with international law. As efforts continue in the Security Council, this General Assembly has an equally important role to play as the forum in which all states stand equal. From this podium, we call upon Member States to support a firm collective position which upholds freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage in accordance with international law.
Although Bangladesh has contributed little to global carbon emissions, it is bearing the adverse consequences of climate change. In these circumstances, Bangladesh has chosen the path of building resilience and developing the capacity to survive and adapt. Therefore, Bangladesh expects stronger global cooperation at COP31 on climate justice, climate finance and adaptation support. The Government of Bangladesh has strengthened its programmes for environmental protection. As part of these efforts, the government has launched a programme to plant 250 million trees across the country over the next five years. Emphasis has been placed on the use of clean energy and solar energy. With the aim of freeing the country from the scourge of floods and droughts, the government has also launched a programme to excavate 20,000km of canal across the country.
And I would like to begin by talking not about the government, but rather the people, the Bolivian people, the homeland people that has gone through difficult times, a people that knows poverty, but also that knows the meaning of work, that knows division, but also knows how to recognize one another in unity. That has been through economic and political crises, social conflicts, and times of uncertainty, but which has never lost sight of something fundamental. And that is the hope of building a better life. I come from a country that today is facing a reality that we cannot hide. But first of all, allow me to say one thing. A part of those 20 years of the reality of a country that has been dragged along, is due to the consequences of a time of ideological construction on our continent. In the case of part of South America, where one leader came here and said, this smells of sulfur. It was part of a political and ideological line, which was being built upon by another leader who brought a coca leaf here. And he turned a traditional leaf into a historic leaf, a leaf that is part of our culture. He turned it into a betrayal. So that construction and development and the vision of the development of a nation would be betrayed. Today the Bolivian economy in 2026 had inflation of more than 20%. But it was a country that was an energy power in gas and hydrocarbons and mining. Nevertheless, we were reduced to a country that now has to be negotiating with multilateral institutions and with various different nations, and that is not right. They said that they were socialists. However, we carried out a campaign ten months ago, in the ten months since I've been president, with the concept of capitalism for all of resources financial capacities, being able to invest and develop. Socialism and ideology does not put food on the table. What does is employment and the development of our economies and our production. When I took on the challenge of government, there were $51 million in our reserves because the reserves of the central bank had been entirely liquidated. Now, ten months on, we have nearly 1.2 billion and we, by the end of the year, are heading towards nearly 4 billion. And in the following 18 months, nearly $10 billion. For many nations, that might not be much, but for Bolivia it is a record, a milestone, a challenge, and a process of construction to build, strengthen our democracy and to strengthen our productive model within the country. I say this clearly, being able to look at the reality in my country, which decided to engage in a change and a transformation and to not turn back to the past. We are indeed doing this. We are ordering our economy. We are putting our house in order. We are facing up to the shortage of fuel. We are rebuilding our reserves. We are reforming our institutions. We are trying to restore internal and external trust in the country. We are doing something that we thought was even more important. We are trying to restore that trust in Bolivians so that we can move forward, because a nation that does not rebuild its trust cannot move ahead with money alone, with clear rules, with labor, with institutions that work, education, security and justice.
Ladies and gentlemen, the pillars of multilateralism are being eroded. The World Trade Organization is being kept on life support. When governments capitulate vis a vis those who use tariffs as weapons of coercion and blackmail, consequences are harmful. In the age of misinformation, obscurantists resist the evidence of science.
But in order to succeed, we must be more resilient in order to preserve an environment favorable to agriculture, a source of life, and food security. Indeed, Mr. President, climate change strikes the most vulnerable populations particularly hard. Africa has contributed little to historical greenhouse gas emissions, yet it is already suffering severe consequences. We, therefore, call for stronger international solidarity on adaptation, climate financing, and technology transfer.
What has changed is the world around it. What has changed, first and foremost is Chile. For the vast swathes of the 90s and until the beginning of the 2000, Chile was a success story and a model for many regions and nations. Our country implemented economic policies that prioritized economic stability, openness to trade, and private investment in the Latin American context in which many nations were facing inflation crises and external debt. Chile distinguished itself because it continued to show fiscal responsibility, display high rates of growth and poverty reduction. What happened then? Chile ground to a halt. Things stagnated. It took bad decisions. Public policies were implemented that increased taxation, regulation and obstacles to entrepreneurship. We also weathered a very difficult juncture. In October 2019, Chile then fell to its knees in our streets. For months, there was an outbreak of violence. Chaos reigned and disorder prevailed. All of that brought consequences. With it, investment plummeted, employment ground to a standstill and homicide levels rose to an extent that Chile had never seen in modern history as a result of the rising tide of organized crime. And that all happened until very recently. Until now. Distinguished. I've come to this forum to tell you that Chile is back, and that is no slogan. It is the very reality of a country that today begins to stride towards development. Our government took office with one conviction. Order does not run counter to freedom. Order is one of the preconditions of freedom. The freedom to walk home worry free and to not be a victim of crime. The freedom to run a business and not be stymied by the action of the state. The freedom to invest and not find ourselves in a situation where the rules of the game are continually changing. We have been in government for six years and we're getting our house in order. Today, Chile is a safer, more competitive country and a nation with far less red tape.
This organization has done significant work here. Since 1963, the international community has developed 19 universal legal instruments aimed at preventing different terrorist acts. However, after decades of discussion, there is still no legal definition of terrorism that is universally agreed by member states. The UN Office of Counterterrorism itself has recently flagged that the lack of a universally agreed definition begets legal uncertainty, discrepancies among national laws and causes difficulties in international cooperation. The Republic of Colombia believes that the time has come to move ahead. We need a common international definition that is sufficiently clear and precise, compatible with international law and fundamental safeguards, but also useful enough so that states can cooperate effectively in combating acts of terrorism. A serious definition should avoid two extremes. On the one hand, a political disagreement being arbitrarily characterized as terrorism, and on the other hand, allowing an organization to hide murders, kidnappings, bombings, or deliberate attacks against civilians behind a political label in order to evade the legal consequences of its actions. Terrorism must be condemned regardless of the perpetrator, where it is committed or the cause they invoke. The United Nations has repeatedly reaffirmed that terrorism, in all its forms and manifestations, represents one of the most serious threats to international peace and security. Now, a better definition is not enough. States need better tools to combat this phenomenon. We need faster mechanisms for exchanging information and intelligence. We need better judicial cooperation, effective tracing, freezing, seizing instruments for assets related to terrorist financing. And we need closer cooperation to deal with networks that operate simultaneously across different countries. Colombia stands ready to participate actively in that discussion. My country wants to see United Nations, where the effectiveness is measured less by the volume of documents it produces, and far more by the results that it delivers. A UN that is less inclined to multiply processes and more determined to translate international cooperation into concrete action. That is the sort of multilateralism that Colombia is ready to defend, one that respects the sovereign equality of states as the charter itself provides, but one that is also capable of acting effectively when threats recognize no borders. Drug trafficking, terrorism, transnational organized crime and illicit economies are precisely those threats.
In this context, I wish to state clearly and unequivocally that Egypt's water security is an existential issue that is not open to compromise. The Nile is not merely an economic resource it is the lifeline upon which the existence and development of Egyptian society have depended throughout history. Egypt believes that transboundary water resources should be a field for cooperation and integration, not conflict. We also believe that water security and development are not contradictory objectives, but complementary ones when political will exists, when intentions are sincere, and when international law is respected. We do not oppose the right of any people to development. Rather, we defend a clear and just principle that the development of one party must not be built upon causing harm to others. Shared resources cannot be managed through unilateral measures or fait accompli policies. They must be managed through cooperation, good neighborliness and the conclusion of binding agreements in accordance with international law that preserve the legitimate rights and interests of all parties. In this regard, Egypt reserves its legitimate and internationally recognized right under the charter of the United Nations and International Law to protect its water security and preserve the existential resources of its people. Amid the multiple threats facing our region, we recall the crisis of brotherly Sudan, a crisis whose consequences extend beyond military confrontations to affect the security and safety of civilians and threaten to dismantle the state institutions.
The coalition of the willing for Ukraine is particularly close to my heart. It's a group of countries working to end Russia's war of aggression. The war is unlawful, unjustified and unprovoked. Its solution will have far reaching consequences for Ukraine and beyond. It is really about upholding international rules. The coalition works for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, in accordance with the UN charter. It seeks to uphold the basic tenets of the international order.
Second, Japan is devoted to enhancing cooperation towards peace and stability. Since the end of the Second World War, Japan has consistently and seriously pursued efforts towards nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. At the very heart of our aspiration for a world without nuclear weapons lies the earnest plea of the hibakusha. The catastrophic consequences of nuclear weapons must never be repeated. It is Japan's mission as the only country to have ever suffered atomic bombings during war, to lead the efforts of the international community towards a world without nuclear weapons. Japan strongly calls for solidarity within the international community to maintain and strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty NPT regime, to which both nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states are parties. Further, Japan will persistently advance realistic and practical efforts, including enhancing the transparency of nuclear forces and promoting a deeper understanding of the realities of atomic bombings. The situations in Ukraine and North Korea have reminded the world of growing risks and threats posed by nuclear weapons. There are also concerns regarding the proliferation of nuclear and missile related technologies through the strengthening of military cooperation between Russia and North Korea. The security of the Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic is inseparable. The advancement of North Korea's nuclear and missile programs, as well as its use of malicious cyber activities, including cryptocurrency thefts as a source of funding, are clear violations of relevant Security Council resolutions and pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The full implementation of Security Council resolutions under the principle of the complete denuclearization of North Korea is essential. Moreover, the issue of abductions by North Korea is an ongoing matter with lives at stake. The abductees are still denied their freedoms and their families continue to suffer. This is a matter of grave concern not only for Japan, but for the international community. As the abductees and their families are aging, the abductions issue must be resolved immediately. For the sake of the future of both Japan and North Korea, I am prepared to engage in dialogue and take concrete action to establish a mutually fruitful relationship in accordance with the Japan DPRK Pyongyang Declaration. Third, Japan will continue to contribute to the maintenance and development of a free and open international order based on the rule of law. Any attempts to unilaterally change the status quo by force or coercion are contrary to the principles enshrined in the charter of the United Nations, and must never be tolerated anywhere in the world. Russia's aggression against Ukraine is the most obvious example. A permanent member of the Security Council, with a special responsibility for international peace and security, has initiated an act of aggression against another country and has vetoed Security Council resolutions concerning its own actions. In this current situation, it must be said that the Security Council is not functioning for international peace.
Climate change threatens the lives and livelihoods of millions. Those countries that have contributed least to it bear its gravest consequences. This calls for equitable adaptation, finance and technology transfer. At the same time, the artificial intelligence revolution is opening unprecedented horizons for progress across every sphere of life.
And how can we make cooperation a genuine partnership among nations, rather than a carving-up of spheres of influence? We, in the Arab and Islamic world, and on our African continent, do not approach this question as observers, for we live its consequences every day. That reality unfolds before us at every moment in Palestine, whose delegation, we regret, has not been able to participate with us in this session. There, the plight of the Palestinian people continues to worsen after decades of occupation, repression, and alteration of their identity, yet they remain steadfast in their adherence to their right to life and to self-determination. These are rights guaranteed without discrimination by international law and international humanitarian law. All of humanity yearns for international instruments and resolutions to move from texts and promises to a reality, and for the right of the Palestinian people to their state to be realized in accordance with international law. The continued undermining of these prospects for its establishment not only squanders opportunities for peace; it also drives the region toward a widening cycle of conflict, the spread of extremism, and a search for alternatives amid major expansionist projects that extend beyond occupied Palestine to Syria and Lebanon. Neither the Islamic and Christian holy sites, nor civilians, nor civilian infrastructure in Palestine have been spared the ravages of this conflict. Its repercussions have extended to the Arabian Gulf, most recently in the attack against the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. We affirm our full solidarity with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in safeguarding its security, its territorial integrity, its citizens, and its holy sites. We reject any targeting that threatens it or endangers Islamic holy sites. The security of the Kingdom and the Gulf, given their Arab and Islamic weight, is not a national matter, but it is a pillar of the security and stability of our region. The ongoing armed conflict in the Sudan, our brotherly neighbor, has made its people the victims of a devastating war for which they are paying a hefty price. In that war, interests and interventions collide, and its effects extend beyond the borders of Sudan, endangering the security and stability of the region and the unity of its states. The instability in the Sahel region represents an existential threat to the integrity of its states. That threat stems from the nexus of terrorism, organized crime, poverty, climate change, displacement, and migration, and from the widening of the cycle of armed conflict in the region.
The NATO action in Libya significantly worsened the security, political, humanitarian and human rights situation in our region through in particular, the spread of terrorism and violent extremism. Now, faced with this reality, it is legitimate to question the effectiveness of the tools available to our organization. It is for this reason that we welcome the Strategic review of the United Nations Regional Office for West Africa and the Sahel, which should lead to an approach better aligned with the realities and concerns of the people impacted. The government of Mali reiterates its strong condemnation of international terrorism and its foreign state sponsors, who finance arm, provide logistical support and intelligence to this organized transnational crime. Following Ukraine's initial statement in 2024, in which it acknowledged support for terrorist groups operating in the Sahel, that country publicly reiterated the highest level of state interference in Africa. And beyond our states, other independent sources also corroborate these unacceptable actions by Ukraine. Here we have a country which claims to be protecting its territorial integrity, where, as in Africa, in the Sahel, it provides clear support to terrorist groups and other harmful groups which undermine the territorial integrity of our countries. Given our history, the international community in particular Africa, cannot just remain silent in the face of what it was being done by Ukraine. It has enormous consequences for African countries, and it goes beyond that. We understand very well that Ukraine is just a visible part of the iceberg, which is trying to destabilize our country, to break our determination to throw off the colonial yoke. Terrorism, which is nurtured and supported from outside, does it in three ways. First, in the armed way. We know that it's attacking civilian populations. It's a security crisis in the economic way, which impacts our countries and through the media notably through us, organized and systematic disinformation campaigns and certain media outlets nostalgic for colonial past play a role in these. The coordinated attacks of 25th April and 4th of July 2026, and several locations in Mali caused numerous casualties, and they demonstrate the existence of the dangerous connection that we're becoming increasingly aware of. So the scenario we witnessed in 2012 is repeating itself now with terrorist groups and so-called separatist armed groups now forming openly terrorist coalition against Mali institutions and populations. Regional and international responses, including the deployment of international forces, have failed to halt these complex security crises and massacres affecting Sahelian populations.
Often the consequences of war also come home to haunt the aggressor. What was described by President Putin as a special military operation that would be over in days or maybe weeks, is now well into its fifth year. Likewise, there is no end in sight for the war in the Gulf. Both wars reminds us about the limitations of military power. Military action is never the goal in itself. Clausewitz described war as the continuation of politics by other means. Well, if the war's political goals cannot be achieved, war just becomes unnecessary death, destruction and loss. And frankly, demonstrations of weakness. The limited success of these and other ongoing wars is in itself a strong argument for prevention, mediation and peace building. Diplomacy can work if we allow it to. We saw a good example of this this week. The agreement between our neighbour Denmark, Greenland and the United States serves as an example of how good diplomacy can lead to a lasting solution that respects the interests of all parties while fully respecting their sovereign rights.
They are asking whether it works. Yes, there have been wars and conflicts that we could not prevent, and issues we could not resolve. The Palestinian issue continues unresolved for decades. Wars and conflict and their aftermath are ravaging Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine, Myanmar, and the Middle East. But even as those wars raged, the United Nations stayed and served. I’ve seen this in my own country, where the United Nations country team in Cox’s Bazar is striving to do more with less to support Rohingya refugees in the camps. Just recently, a representative from a war-torn nation said to me: “Your peacekeepers from Bangladesh were not just blue helmets. They built roads and communities. They fed children. They helped rebuild societies and put us on the road to proper governance.” In Iraq, the United Nations system helped nearly five million people return home. It rehabilitated hundreds of schools, electricity stations and water-treatment plants. And right now, in Haiti, the entire United Nations family is delivering amid immense security and governance challenges. These stories rarely make the headlines, but we should never lose sight of what is working. (BRIEF PAUSE) At the same time, let us not turn a blind eye to where we have fallen short, particularly in a world where challenges seem to multiply by the day. The war in Gaza has left over 70,000 people dead, including thousands of children. Humanitarian support has been a fraction of what is needed. The ongoing wars across the Middle East and Europe have consequences far beyond the frontlines. And the heartbreaking disaster in Nepal and China, was not just an isolated event, but yet another horrible climax to our collectively insufficient response to climate change. The circumstances and politics of these crises differ. But our commitments under the Charter do not. The principles of multilateralism, international law, the protection of civilians and humanitarian access cannot be applied selectively, not if we want the world to trust us.
International law has spoken with increasing clarity. Saint Kitts and Nevis welcomed the International Court of Justice's advisory opinion on states' climate obligations. Clarification must now become compliance. Commitments must become conduct. And promises must become performance. States must reduce emissions, strengthen adaptation, honour climate finance responsibilities, and cooperate with countries bearing consequences vastly disproportionate to their contribution to this crisis. Mr. President, those who contributed least must not pay the greatest price. Our oceans must also move from promises to protection.
Lower trade costs in these decades have boosted global real GDP by an estimated 6.8%, and in the case of low income countries, by around 33%. Under the GATT and subsequently the WTO, disputes even between unequal powers could be settled by adjudication rather than the exercise of unilateral coercion. But we all know the multilateral trading system has frayed. This year's WTO conference in Yaoundé could not even reach consensus on several key issues, including the moratorium on the customs duties for electronic transmissions, which lapsed. Tariffs and supply chain restrictions have also returned as instruments of coercion. The consequences of all this cannot be overstated for Singapore. Trade is three times our GDP. For many in this hall, access to markets and technology are absolutely essential for our development. When the rules governing trade are eroded, all of us will pay the price. I know that consensus amongst 193 states is difficult, but it remains the gold standard.
Do not ask only what South Sudan needs. Ask what South Sudan can offer. Mr. President, South Sudan continues to face severe consequences from climate shocks despite contributing minimally to global emission. Recurring floods, droughts, displacement and food insecurity are affecting millions of South Sudanese. South Sudan therefore, reiterates its call for predictable and accessible climate financing, investment in adaptation, resilient infrastructure, renewable energy, agriculture and technology transfer. Climate justice must reflect not only in commitments but in the implementation.
Following the Dagalo militias takeover of Al-Fashir and the compelling evidence and testimony presented by the Sultan of the Masalit people to the Security Council, we call upon you to advance legal accountability processes for the perpetrators. This is one of the effective avenues for de-escalation and for curbing the wave of violations committed by the militia, with considerable support from its regional and external sponsors. These continued violations alone undermine the credibility of any political partnership in the political wing of the Rapid Support Forces Militia during the remainder of the transition period, given its continued and reprehensible complicity. The Security Council has failed to condemn and identify the sponsors, thereby contributing to the concealment of those atrocities. These sponsors have also continued to recruit foreign mercenaries and provided political cover for the militias political wing, while fabricating accusations against the Sudanese armed forces, supported by regionally funded platforms backed by the militias sponsors that disseminate disinformation, baseless allegations and fabricated condemnations aimed at tarnishing the reputation of our professional armed forces. Our armed forces have fought alongside the allies during World War Two. The response has been efforts to undermine and destroy the armed forces and to impose sanctions on their leaders and expand the Darfur arms embargo to encompass all of Sudan. This paves the way for the victory of the militia and the foreign mercenaries, who constitute 60% of its members. Throughout this war of aggression, the Sudanese armed forces have adhered to the following principles the protection of civilians in accordance with the approved national plan submitted by Sudan to the Security Council. Distinction at all times between combatants and civilians, and between civilian objects and military targets. Taking precautionary measures to avoid and minimise incidental harm. Refraining from using civilians as human shields. Refraining from recruiting child soldiers, refraining from enforced disappearances and arbitrary detention of civilians, and adhering to humanitarian truces to end the war. Pressure must be exerted on the regional sponsors and certain neighbouring states that have not merely facilitated the transfer of weapons, equipment and supplies to the militia through their territories, but have also created battlefronts and enabled repeated attacks launched by militias and mercenaries from within their territories in broad daylight and established hospitals along their borders to treat militia casualties. Mr. president, the cause of Palestine remains the central issue in the Middle East. The Palestinian people must be empowered to exercise their right to self-determination and establish their independent state, with Jerusalem as its capital, and refugees must be allowed to return in accordance with the resolutions of international legitimacy. Sudan also stresses the importance of stability in the Red Sea, Bab el Mandeb and the Gulf region. Given their impact on the wider region, there is a need to end the current situation in a manner that spares the peoples of the region, the scourge of war and its consequences. We reaffirm our full support for the countries of the region in preserving their sovereignty, security and stability. We underscore the importance of respect for international law and the charter of the United Nations, and the importance of refraining from interference in the internal affairs of states. Before concluding, allow me to convey to you the greetings of General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, who is at this moment among his people, as they chant in one voice, one army, one people behind their leader.
I repeat: the Malvinas for us are a national cause. They are also a test of the gulf that can exist between the words of international institutions and the reality upon which they purport to act. Fifty years ago, this very Assembly adopted Resolution 31/49, which calls on parties to refrain from introducing unilateral modifications while the dispute remains unresolved. Fifty years on, the situation has not changed, yet unilateral modifications continue. Today, the Sea Lion Project is moving toward oil extraction on the Argentine continental shelf in the North Malvinas Basin, under British licenses that Argentina rejects as illegal and illegitimate. Any such activity not authorized by the Argentine Republic in this regard constitutes an unlawful act under both international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, and Argentine domestic law. That is why I wish to ask a question: what use is a resolution if, for decades, the other party can act in direct contravention of it, while that resolution remains intact in the archives but powerless in the face of reality? There's no shortage of words or resolutions. What is lacking is consequences. Because an institution that cannot ensure that its words carry weight in the real world loses the most important thing of all: its authority. In these circumstances, those who follow the rules receive no reward for doing so, while those who break them suffer no repercussions whatsoever. That's why the Malvinas are not merely an issue between Argentina and the United Kingdom. They also raise a question regarding the ability of this organization to enforce its own resolutions. Argentina has taken note of that reality, and in the face of the unauthorized exploitation of our resources in the disputed area, we've acted. We've submitted formal notes of protest. We've availed ourselves of the legal remedies at our disposal. We've imposed sanctions on the companies involved and their suppliers. And we've submitted a national sovereignty defense bill to Congress. For far too long, Argentine governments opted for a rhetorical defense. We have chosen a peaceful, practical, and effective defense. I repeat: we have chosen a peaceful, practical, and effective defense. I also wish to reiterate our position regarding the population of the islands. As this very Assembly has determined in numerous resolutions, the principle of self-determination does not apply in this case, since the population was implanted by the occupying power on a territory whose sovereignty is in dispute. That principle exists to liberate colonized people, not to legitimize situations arising from colonization. If the United Kingdom maintains a selective interpretation of the principle of self-determination with regard to the Malvinas Islands, it must also explain how it reconciles that position with the debates on self-determination taking place within its own territory. Once again, we call on the United Kingdom to resume negotiations with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the sovereignty dispute, as required by international law. We also reiterate our invitation to proceed without delay to an exchange of views with a view to resolving the issue concerning the aforementioned dispute over the exploitation of our natural resources. And I want to say something more to the global energy sector. Vaca Muerta represents a historic opportunity, with the potential to become one of the major players in the energy sector in the decades ahead. Come, invest, develop it with us. But there's a limit to this invitation. We will not remain indifferent to those who exploit resources under illegal foreign occupation.
And very often the countries with the least economic room to maneuver bear the greatest burden in proportionate terms. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea confers rights, but it also imposes obligations. The safety of navigation, the protection of the marine environment, and respect for the rights of coastal states. A smaller navy doesn't mean fewer rights, nor does a larger one confer the right to impose its will. No country should have to surrender the rights the law gives simply because another can send more ships. That is why maritime disputes must be settled by law, not by intimidation. And that is why freedom of navigation depends on common rules, so that every country can exercise its rights while respecting those of others, but keeping our sea routes open also means keeping them safe all the way into our ports. The International Ship and Port Facility Security Code, the famous ISPS code offers a very concrete example of what multilateralism can achieve when it works. Piracy, terrorism and crime are scourges that we must fight together, and that code must be strengthened. Belgium understands its importance. Freedom and security are not opposing ideas. Security is a condition of freedom. I dwell on freedom of navigation because it illustrates something larger. Sovereignty doesn't require isolation. We can defend our interests while accepting that others have rights too. And when rules are clear and predictable enough, a space of competition can still remain a space of cooperation. The ocean, moreover, are far more than the highways of our trades. They feed populations, regulate our climates, and absorb much of the excess heat caused by global warming. For many small island states, rising sea levels affect the land on which the citizens live, in some cases, the culture and the very ability to remain where the families have lived for generations. The freedom to use the ocean, therefore, comes with a responsibility to preserve it. And on this point, allow me to be optimistic. The BBNJ Agreement entered into force this year after almost 20 years of negotiations, almost 20 years. Measured against a political cycle, this is close to an eternity. Measured against the building of international law, it is sometimes the time needed to reach a compromise strong enough to last. The agreement proves that even today, we continue to build international law rather than dismantle it, and Belgium has invested greatly in this process. It helped launch the Blue Leaders, a coalition of countries working to protect at least 30% of the ocean by 2030 and secure an ambitious high sea treaty. The agreement now gives us an essential tool to advance toward that protection goal. But 20 years of negotiations must not be followed by years of waiting. It is in that spirit that Belgium is offering to host the treaty's future secretariat in Brussels. We are ready to enable it to work from day one. It will be able to draw on our scientific expertise and on a community that brings together international organizations, embassies and civil society so that we have agreed together becomes real protection at sea. Beneath those same oceans run other vital routes: the cables that connect the continents and carry much of our digital communications and energy. Here too, our interdependence is plain to see. A break, an act of sabotage or an attack can have consequences thousands of kilometers away. Protecting those connections is essential, but our responsibility in the digital world doesn't end with infrastructure.
It's the opposite of genocide. So to all those that are spreading these lies about my country and about our brave soldiers, whether they sit in this hall or in the office of the anti-Semitic mayor of New York, I say this, shame on you. Shame on you for distorting the facts. Shame on you for inverting victim and aggressor. Shame on you for spitting in the face of truth. Mr. Mamdani, since you were elected mayor of this city, many Jews no longer feel safe in New York. They talk to me. They tell me this isn't the city we remember. It changed so quickly now. It's no wonder you praise criminals convicted of supporting Hamas. You count as friends. People like Hasan Piker, who said America deserved 9/11. Some friends you have you invite into your home a Palestinian journalist who filmed Hamas terrorists beating and torturing Israeli hostages, and later admitted that he refused to publish the videos in order to protect, you guessed it, the terrorists. Your wife liked a post praising the October 7th massacre. She liked another post saying Tel Aviv shouldn't exist. You refuse to condemn any of that. You falsely repeatedly accused Israel of genocide. Mr. Mamdani, you tried to stop me from coming here. You tried. You tried to silence me. Well, you can't silence me. You can't silence the truth. And here's the simple truth. Here's a simple truth. Israel didn't commit genocide. Israel prevented genocide. And that's exactly. That's exactly what Mr. Mamdani's Hamas buddies would have done to us had we not stopped them. They would have killed every last one of us. The lies you and other anti-Semites spread about the Jews and the Jewish state have real consequences. In New York, Jews are threatened on the way to synagogue. Jews have been stabbed in the streets. Jews are demonized, targeted. They're targeted simply for being Jews. Jews have been murdered in Sydney, Manchester, Montreal, Boulder, Colorado. They've been attacked in Los Angeles, London, Paris, Berlin, Washington, D.C. The anti-Semites of the world want to terrify our people. I have news for them. The days when Jews were defenseless victims marched to the slaughter. Those days are over. Today we have a state. Today we have an army. Today we have a people ready and willing to defend ourselves. So today. Today, I have one message for Jews around the world. Raise your head high. Be proud, be confident. Don't be intimidated. Stand up.
That is the only way that we will manage to find paths to progress on the all too many, all true, all too intractable conflicts blighting our world today. In Malta, the smallest member state of the European Union, we have always been a bridge between Europe and the Middle East. So allow me to focus on two of those conflicts on our doorstep. Firstly, Ukraine. It is all too easy and all too great a mistake for us to fall in the trap that repelling the invasion of Ukraine becomes another never ending conflict, a grinding tragedy on the corner of our continent about which we can do nothing. Malta will never accept that despair. Europe must never accept that despair. The world must never turn its head away in despair. Malta remains as adamant in our condemnation of that invasion today as we were on day one in February 2022. And Malta is equally as adamant that a just and lasting peace must guarantee Ukraine's sovereignty within its internationally recognised borders. That will only come about through a diplomatic process that the Ukrainian people can have full trust in. They will only have such trust if the process follows a full and unconditional cease fire and the full participation of Ukraine and its people in the subsequent peace talks. Rightly the Ukrainian people will never have trust in any search for a settlement which involves their government being frogmarched to the table, one arm tied behind its back, whilst the guns still blaze. The issue of trust is clearly also central to the very worrying situation in Gaza. The people of Israel need to have trust that Hamas will be disarmed, and that they will play no future role in the governance or security structures of Gaza. But the people of Gaza need to have trust that there is a path to a just peace. It is impossible to build that trust with a humanitarian situation as acute as that being experienced in Gaza right now. Malta's voice remains unwaveringly with the global calls for safe, sustained and unhindered humanitarian access throughout Gaza in accordance with international law. We firmly believe that the Gaza peace plan provides the best path towards ending the conflict and advancing credible political progress. To achieve that progress, all parties and I emphasize all parties must fully respect and implement the objectives and commitments set out in the plan. And naturally, no progress can be made. If there is any question of the forced displacement of any of the Palestinian population. Indeed, it is incumbent on each and every one of us in the international community to rebuild the trust needed to underpin the conditions where genuine progress can be made towards a negotiated and lasting two state solution. That is the only solution. Nobody, however, is under any illusion how out of reach, unfortunately, that seems at the moment. But nor is this the moment to shy away or run away from the only goal that will guarantee the people of Israel and Palestine living side by side with the peace, prosperity and stability that they both deserve. Sadly, any progress towards a long term solution is being endangered by the situation in the West Bank settlement expansion, running directly counter to the resolutions of this General Assembly and designed to undermine the Palestinian territorial integrity, must stop and stop now. So too, must the violent settler attacks on Palestinian communities increasing at an alarming rate. Behold, they must be halted. These are all essential preconditions to a just and lasting peace, as is a credible and reformed Palestinian Authority that can demonstrate to citizens of both Palestine and Israel that it has the transparency, the accountability, the institutional effectiveness, and, above all, the democratic legitimacy to be a truly effective partner for peace. Malta stands ready to play its part in building the capacity of both a renewed Democratic Palestinian Authority and the robust civil society that must underpin it, not just in Ukraine, Gaza and Israel, but across the world. Be it the conflict in Sudan, the ongoing violence in Myanmar or the instability across the Sahel. It is evident that diminished trust means diminished chances of finding solutions. You could put it as starkly as no trust equals no peace. Of course, no matter the conflict, each with its own individual and particular circumstances, there is no easy way of building trust. But equally, there is no easy way of avoiding the need to build trust. We all know from our lives as much as from the experiences of our own countries, just how hard it is to rebuild trust when it has evaporated. Yet we also know the consequences if we give up trying, and the rewards that can come if, however slowly and however tentatively, we can start. If it is hard enough to build trust human to human face to face, it can be, of course, infinitely harder to build trust.
This assembly also calls on us to manage transformation. No one here needs me to tell them what the great transformation of our age is. Every great era in human history has had its driving force. Steam powered the Industrial Revolution. The transistor powered the digital age. No force in our time is as profound as artificial intelligence. We can already see its power in warfare, in the economy, and in our everyday lives. Unlike tools that merely transmitted what we said, these systems are part and parcel of the decisions that we make. The potential is immense. Paraguay today feeds 100 million people. And with this tool, it could feed 1 billion. It could enable us to cover, in years, distances that once took generations. This transformation cannot be held back. And no one should be left out of it. However, we're not blind to the risks. But we cannot allow fear to guide us. Like a child, artificial intelligence repeats what it has learned from those who trained it. If it has learned to deny freedom, then that lesson will not arrive in the form of a law that we can debate. It will arrive covert, in some minor task, in some action that no one regards as a decision. Democracy endures, provided that the decisions that govern us can be traced back to the will of those who must live with their consequences. When that thread is severed, the will of the people risks being replaced without ever having been defeated. Protecting that delicate thread doesn't mean forgoing the benefits. It means refusing to ignore the risk that truly matters. Artificial intelligence must serve human dignity and not replace it. As His Holiness the Pope reminds us in the recent encyclical Magnifica Humanitas, the values embedded in these systems are not a technical constraint. They are a choice made by those who trained them. The future demands that the choice be freedom, democracy, and equality before the law, and that those who make that choice be held accountable for it. It may seem that, so far, I have only talked about an endless series of problems and challenges.
