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Distinguished guests. Ladies and gentlemen, the world is undergoing a profound shift in the international order, with many risks and uncertainties. The tendency towards the threat or use of force, and the arms race, especially the modernization of nuclear weapons and the development of new technology weapons, are heightening the risk of confrontation, miscalculation, conflict, and even of large scale wars. At the same time, the global economy is becoming increasingly fragmented amid mounting barriers to trade, investment and technology, supply chain disruptions and economic instability, and narrowing development opportunities for many countries. Climate change, natural disasters, pandemics and emerging technological risk continue to pose direct threats to the lives of the people and their livelihoods, and to the development and stability of many nations. The shift in the balance of power and development inequalities are placing growing strains on international relations.
For some, security means protecting borders; for others, it means food, water, energy, or the future of their children. And many countries face all of these challenges at once. That is why a world ruled mainly by power rather than by rules would be dangerous for everyone. For small countries such as Slovakia, this is especially clear. But no country, large or small, is truly safe in a world where international law is ignored and institutions are weakened. Sadly, we no longer need to imagine such a world. We can already see parts of it around us: trade is becoming less predictable, security cooperation is more fragmented, the idea that every country should have a voice is under pressure. And when rules are weakened, when cooperation is replaced by confrontation, all of us become more vulnerable. But we still have a choice. The international system we have built is not perfect. It can be slow. It can be frustrating. At times, it does not deliver as quickly as people need. But the solution is not to destroy it. The solution is to make it work better. Slovakia is firmly anchored in the United Nations, NATO, and the European Union. We believe in cooperation. But we also believe that institutions must produce real results. Over the past year, Slovakia has hosted several international meetings and offered space for dialogue. Where we can be useful, we are ready to help bring parties together and to support diplomacy within the UN framework. Because when diplomacy stops, confrontation fills the space. That is why, when we speak about the United Nations, I believe in evolution rather than revolution. The world has changed, and the United Nations must change with it. The Security Council should better reflect today's realities and give a stronger voice to countries and regions that are still underrepresented. Countries from the region often understand a crisis best. Giving them a stronger voice can help us act earlier and prevent escalation. Slovakia sees its engagement in UN reform as a part of its responsibility to disorganization, including through UN80 and the implementation of the Pact for the Future. Our responsibility to the wider international order is also reflected in our candidacy for the Security Council for 2028 and 2029. We would be, of course, grateful for your trust and support. If elected, Slovakia will focus on four priorities: international law and the UN Charter, accountable security institutions, the protection of strategic resources and critical infrastructure, and the security challenges linked to digitalization and artificial intelligence. I fully share the concern of the United Nations about the inequalities that can be created by unequal access to artificial intelligence. It is in our common interest that innovation benefits all of humanity, not only the strongest economies or the biggest companies.
And if there is one word that sums up much of our vocation as a country, that word would be peace. We do not view peace simply as an absence of war. We understand it as something that has to be constantly built. The possibility for people to live, to work, to educate their children, pursue their aspirations, and to look to the future without fear. Uruguay. With its virtues, but also, like every country with its darker times, has been a country that has sought to resolve its differences through institutions, through dialogue and through the quest for agreement. In this assembly, we reaffirm our enduring willingness to contribute to peacekeeping missions with a deep sense of responsibility and solidarity. Uruguayan men and women can bear witness to the value of this instrument in easing suffering and guaranteeing respect for the human lives of the most defenseless populations. You can continue to count on Uruguay here. We are not a country given to grand gestures We are a country of deeply held beliefs. And one of these beliefs is that peace building is never finished. We can't take it for granted. Every generation has the responsibility to build it anew They can't be peaceful some and another peace for others. No suffering matters more because it happens closer to home, and no lives are worth less because they were born in another country. When people suffer, humanity as a whole bears a responsibility. When a people is displaced, when a family loses its home, when young people can see no way out and their mental health is under threat. When a child grows up under the sound of gunfire, when millions of people live in poverty or without any opportunities, we can't stand indifferent to that, nor can we stand indifferent to the pain caused by a state of endless war. The fear and pain generated by organized crime, or the constant threat of terrorism, the repression born out of tyranny, or the suffering triggered by a rigid economic blockade such as that endured by the Cuban people. We don't believe that taking one side or another in a war, confrontation or dispute necessarily contributes to resolving it. Indeed, very often it only serves to further the divisions. We have a different commitment, that is, to seek paths towards understanding, to open spaces for dialogue, and to help to ensure that conflicts find a peaceful resolution. This doesn't mean indifference. It doesn't mean downplaying suffering. It doesn't mean overlooking responsibilities. It means understanding that peace demands something more difficult than merely taking sides. It means that we need to work so that that confrontation can be brought to an end as soon as possible. And to do that, we also have to recover something that at times seems to have been lost in international debate. Humility.
We have prospered in the peace that Europe enjoyed for decades after 1945, and we have never forgotten that the peace could not be taken for granted. It was built generation after generation by those who chose cooperation over confrontation. Today, that peace is being challenged once again. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine has brought war back to our continent. It is a stark reminder that peace requires constant commitment, and that the principles on which our international order was built must be defended. The United Nations itself was born from that choice. Its charter called upon us to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security, and above all, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. 81 years later, that promise is under considerable pressure, but it has not failed. Multilateralism may be imperfect, but disenchantment should lead us to reform, not to dismissal. The question is, therefore, not whether we still need multilateralism. The question is whether we have the courage to make it better.
The Holy Quran commands: Wa in janahu lis-salmi fajnah laha wa tawakkal ala Allah, innahu huwa as-Sami al-Alim. If the enemy is inclined towards peace, make peace with them. Surah Al-Anfal. Ladies and gentlemen, Pakistan's founding father, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had famously declared, we stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world. These pearls of wisdom have shaped Pakistan's national ethos and guided our conduct at home and abroad. The unanimous adoption of resolution 2788 on strengthening mechanisms for peaceful settlement of disputes under Pakistan's UN Security Council presidency demonstrated our unwavering commitment to global peace. Mr. President. Unfortunately, in February this year, conflict engulfed Gulf along with wider Middle East. Precious lives were lost. Economies suffered. Critical maritime routes, particularly the Strait of Hormuz, came under severe pressure. At this critical moment, Pakistan chose to act swiftly. Through concerted efforts, Pakistan successfully brought Washington and Tehran under one roof in Islamabad. From the Islamabad talks to the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding, many historic steps were taken to bring an end to this serious conflict here. I deeply appreciate Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, Pakistan's chief of defense forces and chief of the Army staff, whose relentless efforts helped create space for diplomacy under exceptionally difficult and challenging circumstances. I would also like to commend the efforts of our Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, in this behalf. Regrettably, Mr. President, recently we have witnessed a dangerous surge of hostilities. Yet amid the roar of missiles, drones and guns, the voice for diplomacy must echo even louder and stronger. The Strait of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb are arteries of the global economy. They must remain open, connecting nations, not becoming choke points of confrontation. These waters must carry the promise of prosperity, not the perils of war. Excellencies, we once again condemn in the strongest possible terms the recent deplorable attacks by the Houthis against the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The attempted drone attack on the holy city of Makkah Al-Mukarramah has outraged Muslims across the globe. Any threat to the safety and sanctity of the Haramain Sharifain is a red line that must never be crossed. No Muslim can even dare to think of committing such a heinous crime. Pakistan stands in complete solidarity with the brotherly people of Saudi Arabia, as we always have throughout our history. Ladies and gentlemen, our enduring commitment to peace is also reflected by the historic Makkah Joint Defense Agreement among the brotherly countries Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan. This alliance is not directed against any country. It is a collective commitment for defense, stability and peace in the region and nothing more. Mr. president, a year ago, Pakistan faced external aggression from India under a false pretext. Pakistan exercised its inherent right of self-defense under article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Our brave and valiant armed forces, under the courageous leadership of Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, responded with precision and professionalism. They silenced the enemy, repulsed its attack, and taught it a lesson it shall never, ever forget. And of course, thanks to President Donald Trump's resolute and visionary leadership that hundreds of millions of lives in South Asia were saved. His timely intervention came at a decisive juncture when two nuclear armed neighbours stood at the brink of an all out war. And who knows, Mr. President, the extent of devastation that could have taken place had President Trump not stepped in at this critical moment with clarity of thought and action? Mr. president, we must therefore ensure that South Asia never reaches that precipice ever again. But this requires a just and fair solution of the Kashmir dispute. For eight decades, the Kashmiri people have waited for the United Nations to fulfill its solemn commitment of a free and impartial plebiscite under its auspices. Generations have endured illegal occupation, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and collective punishment. More recently, there have been attempts to alter the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir through demographic reengineering and other illegal measures. Helpless Kashmiri mothers and fathers yearn for their sons and daughters who never return. Their homes lie silent under curfew and in deep grief. For many, there is no closure, only a lifetime spent searching for graves that bear no names. Mr. president, from this podium, I assure my Kashmiri brothers and sisters with fullest authority at my command that we shall continue to extend our full diplomatic, political and moral support to them till they are granted their inalienable right to self-determination. Kashmir has and always will be Pakistan's jugular vein. Excellencies, another foundation of stability in South Asia is now under strain. The shared waters of the Indus River system are the lifeblood not only for the people of Pakistan, but for the entire region. India's unilateral decision to hold the existing treaty in abeyance has no legal basis whatsoever. In fact, both its claims and actions have been rejected by UN experts and more recently by the Court of Arbitration. Our legitimate stand that the treaty remains valid, binding and fully operative has been vindicated beyond any doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, water must never be weaponised. Rivers should nourish nations, not divide them. Therefore, any attempt to stop, impede or divert Pakistan's share of the waters will be treated as an act of war. India. India. India must make no mistake about it. Ladies and gentlemen, for generations, Palestinians, particularly women, children and the elderly have been subjected to occupation, eviction, suffering and death. Last year, Mr. President, I had shared with you the heart wrenching story of Hind Rajab, an innocent Palestinian girl who was brutally shot by Israeli soldiers. This year, another tragedy weighs heavy on our hearts, your hearts and the world's heart. This time it is the deafening cries of the sobbing mother of eight year old Wafaa Akila, who embraced martyrdom in this senseless aggression. What should have been the first day of her school, alas, became the last day of her life. Does not a child born in Gaza deserve the same life and the same future and same dream as a child, anywhere else in the world? The tragedies of Rajab, Wafaa Akila and countless others will echo through history as an indictment of our collective silence, failure, and inaction. Excellencies, it is deeply worrying that Israeli violence has now spread to the West Bank where the forcible eviction of Palestinians clearly reflects Israel's genocidal agenda, which continues unabated. Pakistan believes that the only just and lasting solution is the creation of an independent, sovereign, viable and contiguous state of Palestine, based on the pre 1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Ladies and gentlemen, we also condemn continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Syria. This, too, must stop immediately. Ladies and gentlemen, terrorism remains one of the greatest threats to international peace and security.
At that time, it was a historical achievement for the Angolan people, who waited more than 12 months from the date of proclamation of the national independence for the country to be accepted as a full fledged member of the international community. That event of great significance for the history of my country took place in a global context in which Angola became a victim of confrontation between world powers in the struggle for control of sphere of influence within the spirit of Cold War. Our entire journey towards the attainment of peace in 2002 was closely linked to the spirit of that period, which hampered the fulfillment of the dreams of Angolans and their plans to building a prosperous nation committed to its own development. These facts belong to the past, but have left us with a wealth of experience and lessons that we have drawn upon to build peace, understanding and reconciliation among all Angolans, and to chart the course of our foreign policy. Peace and national reconciliation is now a reality as shown through concrete gestures, including the holding of award ceremonies to honor the main political leaders of national liberation struggle and representatives of all segments of civil society, within the framework of the 50th anniversary of national independence. Still, within this framework, a monument in memory of all victims of the political conflict that occurred in Angola, from the proclamation of national independence until achievement of Peace in April 2002 will be inaugurated in October this year. Mr. president, excellencies, nowadays we are witnessing a downgrading and violation of the rules governing international relations with the logic of force, intimidation and imposition of values stemming from unilateral vision by certain countries in defense of their exclusive interests.
Ladies and gentlemen, there are other challenges which I believe to be inseparable from the future of our nations, the fight against organized crime, as I have already said. Organized crime has various different sources of financing. Uh, to finance myself, I had to ask multilaterals. I have to ask for resources that come late or sometimes never arrive, because the slow procedures that those multilateral organizations have mean that organized crime has an advantage when it comes to getting resources from drug trafficking, drug terrorism, or the smuggling of gold to then destabilize our democracies. That is why multilateralism has to act much more immediately. It cannot be the case that one, 2 or $3 billion is the value of a democracy in crisis. Democracy is the priority in order to establish relations between our nations. The United Nations is built upon and based upon democracy, based upon respect for laws and having clear laws, having constitutions. But we have suffered from the attack of these narco terrorists for 53 days. Again, now, we have used dialogue and the technique and technology of peace. They wanted confrontation. They wanted blood on the streets. We instead offered dialogue and the technique of peace. And that same technique of peace, which I ask countries at war to use to end confrontations. Because when there is war in the world, those that suffer the most are the poor. When there is war in the world, it is the poor that suffer the most with fuel prices, energy, the cost of living.
We are, therefore, entering a period marked by a more complex and less predictable distribution of power, in which the risk of potential conflict is greater than it has been for decades. There is no longer confined to conventional armed conflicts between states. Confrontations are increasingly taking the form of economic pressure, technological restrictions, competition for resources and markets, cyberattacks, disinformation, and attempts to influence other societies. Cultural and identity-based divisions are also becoming more pronounced, increasingly exploited for political purposes, and further deepening mistrust among peoples. The boundary between peace and conflict is becoming ever less distinct, while the consequences of confrontation among global and regional powers increasingly affect even those countries that are not directly involved. For small and medium-sized countries just like the Republic of Serbia, such an environment represents an enormous challenge. The space for independent decision-making is narrowing, while pressure on states to choose sides is steadily increasing. At the same time, disagreements among the most powerful actors are increasingly paralyzing the very institutions that should be protecting all countries equally.
Artificial intelligence will transform professions, industries, and the ways in which decisions are made. Energy will be governed by a new configuration and a new logic of operation. Climate change will affect economies, agriculture, cities and the movement of people. Demographic change will reshape labour markets and social protection systems. Security will no longer depend on armies and borders, but also on power grids, data centers, cables, satellites, algorithms and trust in the information we receive every day. And yet today, as we prepare for the future, millions of people are living through war or under the threat of war. More than 100 million people have been displaced by force, more than 270 million children and young people are not in the school. This is the paradox of our time. Humanity has never possessed such immense scientific and technological capabilities, and yet it has never been more evident that technological capability does not automatically produce political wisdom. That is why the real question before this assembly is not simply how we will manage the crisis of 2026. The real question is this: what kind of international order will we leave to the generation that is entering school today? For a small size country like mine, this is not an academic question. It is a question of survival. 33 years ago, since we become a part of the United Nations, the world looked very different. The Cold War had ended. There was hope that a new era was beginning, an era in which cooperation would gradually replace confrontation. Our region, however, was living through a very different reality. Yugoslavia was disintegrating in bloodshed. Wars were being fought just beyond our borders. The fear that the violence might spread was real. And yet my country chose peace. It chose stability. It was in those circumstances on our territory that the United Nations did something it had never done before. It established the first preventive peacekeeping mission in the history of the organization. That experience left a profound lesson in our national memory, a lesson to which I will return towards the end of my speech. Peace does not begin when war ends. Peace begins when politics is wise enough to prevent war from beginning. Perhaps that is why small countries sometimes see international politics differently. Great powers have room for strategic shifts that small sized states simply do not have. For a great power, a mistaken geopolitical calculation may mean a change of strategy. For a small sized country, the same mistake can mean a lost decade. That is why we cannot afford to be indifferent to the rules, nor can we afford to believe that the rules will defend themselves. The world taking shape before us is a world of sharper competition. Power is being redistributed.
It entails the humility to recognize that no country alone has all the answers, and it only makes sense when what we learn together is translated into action, because this is, after all, the true essence of multilateralism. In a time of fragmentation, we need to regain trust. In a time of confrontation, we need to strengthen cooperation. In a time when force so often prevails, we need to reaffirm the law. Cabo Verde is a small country, but our history has taught us to engage in dialogue, to build bridges, and to seek consensus. Our history also taught us that no country is too small to have a voice, and no challenge is too big to tackle when we work together. The United Nations must continue to be the space for this collective endeavor, and I will recall what Amílcar Cabral taught us: learn always. Learning today also means understanding that educating a child, providing opportunities for young people, protecting our planet, fighting poverty, promoting development, and building peace are not separate missions. They are, indeed, different ways of us caring for the future. And perhaps this is the greatest lesson that our times require of us: the future is not simply what we receive; rather, it is what we are able to teach, to learn, and build together.
With this in mind, I propose that we take the following four steps. First, we should safeguard the postwar international order and foster lasting peace based on common security. The world wants peace not war. The international system centered on the UN and. The international order, underpinned by international law that emerged after World War Two must be upheld. We should turn into action. The vision of common, comprehensive cooperative and sustainable security and reject the Cold War mindset and block confrontation. We should settle differences and disputes through dialogue and consultation, and oppose unilateral military actions that violate the UN charter and circumvent Security Council authorization. Major countries shoulder special responsibilities for safeguarding international peace and security, and they should take the lead in complying with the rules, upholding the rule of law and doing what's right. China holds that the sovereignty and security of countries in the Middle East, including the Gulf should be respected. International industrial and supply chains should be kept stable and unimpeded, and global trade should be safeguarded. China calls for advancing the governance of the West Bank and the post-conflict reconstruction of Gaza, in accordance with the principle of the Palestinians governing Palestine. It also calls for bringing the Palestinian question back onto the right track of the two state solution at an early date. On Ukraine, President XI Jinping has put forward four points on what must be done, which are the fundamental guidance for China in playing a continued constructive role in its own way for achieving a political settlement of the crisis. China urges the relevant country to immediately stop using threat of force against Cuba, and immediately and completely lift the blockade and sanctions against Cuba. Second, we should address the global development predicament and promote prosperity for all through openness and cooperation.
And no sphere is more urgent than that of sustainable development. The 2030 agenda is at risk. The financing gap is growing. The climate crisis is worsening. Geopolitical divisions are curbing progress. We need to continue to work to reform the global financial architecture. The European Union stands steadfastly committed to the Paris Agreement, the pact for the future and the Sustainable Development Goals, funded in line with the Sevilla Commitment, the EU and its member states together represent more than 40% of official development assistance at the global level and through our Global Gateway Initiative, we are investing in all fields in connectivity, health, education and eradication of poverty. But we mustn't lose any more time for this reason. The Sustainable Development Goals. By 2027 2027 should be a turning point to pick up the pace, to correct the mistakes and to commit to 2030 and beyond that. The European Union is clear about its choice cooperation over confrontation over power, partnership over isolation, action over paralysis. We are ready to work together with all those who share this conviction.
Mr. president. Our world continues to confront severe multi faceted tensions, geopolitical crisis and tension macroeconomic instability, supply chain disruption and accelerating climate emergencies. These headwinds place immense strain on the most vulnerable economies, where rising energy and food prices jeopardize the livelihood of millions of people in countries in special situations. The ongoing conflicts in the Middle East demonstrate how rapidly confrontation can destabilize global stability. Sustainable peace cannot be forged through force or unilateral action. It requires diplomacy, respect for sovereign equality and territorial integrity, and strict adherence to international law. The question of Palestine remains an enduring test of multilateral credibility. We remain deeply concerned by humanitarian catastrophe and immense reconstruction requirements in Gaza, as well as the mounting challenges in the West Bank. To prevent the two state solution from slipping beyond reach, the international community must secure a just, comprehensive and lasting peace, and one that fulfils the legitimate rights to the Palestinian people to self-determination through an independent state of Palestine with full membership in the United Nations.
As the United Nations enters its ninth decade of existence, we have a collective duty to demonstrate that multilateralism remains the best response to the challenges of our time. We must choose dialogue over confrontation, cooperation over isolation, and solidarity over indifference. We must restore trust among nations, ensure that the rule of law prevails over the use of force. Place human beings at the heart of our decisions and make our diversity a source of strength, rather than a cause for division. Only then will the United Nations continue to embody the hopes of peoples and fulfill the promises that led to its creation. Cote d'Ivoire, true to its values and firmly committed to peace, dialogue and multilateralism, will continue with humility but with determination to contribute to this collective endeavour, because we believe that the destiny of humanity remains profoundly shared. Finally, it is incumbent upon us to ensure that the United Nations remains for present and future generations, a true crucible of human dignity and the guarantor of a better world I thank you. On behalf of the General Assembly.
Such a partnership requires a United Nations that evolves with the aspirations of the present and future generations. Institutions that adapt preserve their relevance, those that resist change, imperialism Nigeria remains optimistic because history shows that countries acting with common purpose and determination can overcome obstacles once considered insurmountable. Our generation has the privilege of shaping the future and the responsibility to answer for it Those who follow us will judge our courage in reforming outdated institutions, building cooperation across divisions, protecting the planet, and directing technology responsibly. Mr. president, excellencies, distinguished delegates Nigeria pledges cooperation over confrontation, dialogue over division, hope over fear and partnership over isolation. These choices must shape institutions that respond to the legitimate aspirations of all nations. Restoring trust requires us to honor our obligations to one another and to manage the challenges before us with justice, wisdom and compassion. The world looks to this assembly for leadership, and our debates must lead to action worthy of that expectation. Nigeria believes that the humanity we share is stronger than the divisions we have met, and that cooperation remains wiser than conflict. A reform, inclusive and effective United Nations is indispensable to the peaceful, just and sustainable world that future generations deserve. Whatever our differences, I repeat, whatever our differences, we must remember that humanity is our oldest citizenship and peace is the inheritance we owe every child.
Ours is a concerning financial situation. It's affecting the UN's operational capacity, and that is prompting questions about how effective the UN really is. Indeed, these questions are being asked about peace operations, just as they are about the SDGs. The implementation of these is lagging behind and significantly so. In view of this reality, it is true that some might be tempted to view multilateralism as a relic and might be tempted to move outside of that of multilateralism to take action in isolation. Senegal does not espouse that view. On the contrary, it is precisely because the world is beset by a whole host of unprecedented crises that we need a UN that is stronger, more representative and more effective. We will not settle crises by allowing the multilateral system to become ever more piecemeal. We will not achieve peace. If we simply stage power struggles. We will not guarantee a just international order. If we ensure that if we see might being right being replaced by might, doing all of that would imperil the very raison d'etre of our organisation that is dialogue, conflict prevention, the peaceful resolution of disputes, cooperation and respect for international law. In this vein, and with this in mind, the UN 80 initiative provides us with a historic opportunity to usher in the structural and normative transformations that we need to see. However, reforming the United Nations must not stymie its ambitions. On the contrary, it must make it less bureaucratic in how it functions. It must remove red tape, make it more agile, and make it more effective in its expenditure. And there must be better synergies between headquarters and the field, so we can better serve the people we represent. Senegal supports that very dynamic. That was the rationale behind our contribution to efforts to strengthen the UN system. We've used our own resources to build a UN house some 30km away from Dakar. This is a cutting edge institution and the site will house all UN system entities in the region, and that will foster greater coherence and effectiveness in the UN's work. However, a stronger organization and ensuring it is stronger also involves member states upholding their financial contribution pledges and making good on their assessed contributions. President, the years are ticking by, but our efforts to reform governance have yet to produce a significant impact. The status quo when it comes to reforming the Security Council bears witness to that fact. We all agree that the composition of the Security Council is out of step with the realities of our time. We agree that the expansion of the Council should not lead to further inertia, but given the fact the Council is lacking legitimacy and that is indeed the hallmark of the Council's current structure, we cannot simply issue observations. We are in at a juncture where there is an urgent need for action. It's a matter of justice, credibility and balance across the international system, and this is indeed the rationale which underpins the SL weenie consensus, which outlines the African position in connection with the so necessary reform of the UN Security Council. In that vein, Senegal is presenting its candidacy to a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for two 2032 2033. However, beyond reform, the organisation also needs experienced leadership to steer its work in these times of crisis and uncertainty. The UN needs a secretary general able to speak to one and all, able to listen and to build bridges between member states. That is the vision embraced and espoused by Macky Sall, former president of the Republic of Senegal. Here I wish once again to express my support for his candidacy. I wish to reiterate Senegal's request that you, as Member states, support his candidacy. Ladies and gentlemen at a time when our organisation is seeking to rebuild trust, Senegal continues to believe in the vision of a world based on peace, justice, the dignity of each and every human being and human brotherhood. The world does not need unilateral posturing. It needs a fairer, more inclusive and more effective multilateralism. Addressing our challenges requires bridges and not walls, dialogue and not confrontation. Cooperation and not isolation and not might. That is the very spirit in which Sen Senegal will host the Youth Olympic Games in Dakar 2026.
Let us ensure that the UN is not only a forum for discussing crises, but also a driver for their prevention and peaceful resolution. Because the future does not necessarily belong to the strongest; it will belong to those who are able to build trust. There is no greater responsibility toward our peoples than that of delivering generations of the future, a world in which cooperation is stronger than confrontation, in which dialogue is stronger than hate speech, and in which peace is stronger than war. And Bulgaria is prepared to contribute to this world, not only as a user of security, but also as a creator thereof.
These are all different fronts of a single, profound transformation. The world order that emerged after World War II is coming apart. It was an imperfect order. It did not prevent wars and justice or suffering. But today, the world balance has been disrupted, and history, which someone has declared has reached its final chapter, is once again moving at a galloping pace. But every race needs a finish line. Our task cannot be to stand and watch passively the fragmentation of our world, but it must be to build a new framework of rules, responsibility, and cooperation capable of governing change. Change that can happen only through political will, through dialogue among nations, through the awareness of peoples, and through the ability of multinational, multilateral institutions to rediscover a mission equal to the challenges of our time. The United Nations cannot simply record the divisions of today. It must have the ambition to imagine the future and recognize its limitations, overcome its paralysis, and reform its instruments without abandoning its deepest raison d'être: to be the place where conflict gives way to dialogue, confrontation to diplomacy, and fear to the search for shared solutions. The United Nations remains the most universal place for pursuing this aspiration, not because it's perfect, but because no other institution can bring together, around the same table, such different interests, cultures, religions, and visions of the world. It is precisely when the world is divided that the value of dialogue grows rather than diminishes.
The theme of this session, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation. A United Nations that delivers for all, reflects the core of our responsibilities towards the common goal of this organization that was established after the horrors of the 20th century. They decided to rely on the strength of law and not that of the might. They decided to choose dialogue instead of confrontation. Our responsibility today is to maintain the scores, and we have to counter the selectivity in applying international law, especially when there is a systematic avoidance of collective commitments. Some countries do not want to uphold the same rules that they call on others to uphold. This leads to weakened collective cooperation mechanisms. We no longer can prevent conflicts or settle them. This danger extends to institutions that might falter and fail. Multilateralism is not limited to the interests and sovereignty of states. It is not a a an example of weakness. It. Instead, it is a necessity to ensure human dignity, bring peace, and confront challenges. Defending the United Nations is a defense of the right of all peoples to determine their future and participate in decision making. Those decisions that define their destiny. We want a more just United Nations. A United Nations capable of confronting the current challenges. Challenges. After more than eight decades since the establishment of the UN, the Security Council reform has become a necessity to ensure. A fair representation of Africa, including permanent and non-permanent. Membership. While reviewing the financial architecture, this will ensure a participant cooperation on equal footing and open greater opportunities for development. The reform of this organization cannot be complete without promoting its ability to meet the promises of development. As 2030 approaches, we call for accelerating the implementation of the SDGs, and we support the UN 80 initiative as well as the pact of the future.
Mr. President, confidence in the international system is increasingly declining; international organizations are grappling with reduced capacity; political and economic impunity is being entrenched. The UN Charter underscores resolving international disputes through peaceful means, and the obligation of states to pursue diplomatic solutions before resorting to escalation or the use of force. Notwithstanding, we continue to be intended with the image of suffering of innocent civilians, such as in Sudan and Eastern DRC, large-scale internal displacement, cross-border migration, and humanitarian crises across the world. Those conflicts continue to undermine international mechanisms and the structures established to maintain international peace and security. Hence, we commend you, Mr. President, for the timely and befitting theme of the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly, namely "Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation, a United Nation That Delivers for All." Namibia's independence was born out of international solidarity and is renowned as a UN success story. This is a testimony to the effectiveness of the UN. Therefore, we shall not be passive observers to the efforts aimed at dismantling or weakening the international system that had served us over 80 years, a bit with some shortcomings. In this regard, we shall continue to call for peace over conflict, dialogue over confrontation, and peaceful coexistence over tension. In restoring trust, we need to manage transformation of the United Nations Security Council based on equitable representation in its decision-making process to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. The common African position, as articulated in the Azulwina Consensus and the CERT Declaration, has also been reaffirmed in the Pact for the Future, which recognizes Africa as a special case. The time has come for us to recognize that we have been negotiating for too long, and that it is because of those problems that aroose trust in the United Nations.
In this context, I wish to state clearly and unequivocally that Egypt's water security is an existential issue that is not open to compromise. The Nile is not merely an economic resource it is the lifeline upon which the existence and development of Egyptian society have depended throughout history. Egypt believes that transboundary water resources should be a field for cooperation and integration, not conflict. We also believe that water security and development are not contradictory objectives, but complementary ones when political will exists, when intentions are sincere, and when international law is respected. We do not oppose the right of any people to development. Rather, we defend a clear and just principle that the development of one party must not be built upon causing harm to others. Shared resources cannot be managed through unilateral measures or fait accompli policies. They must be managed through cooperation, good neighborliness and the conclusion of binding agreements in accordance with international law that preserve the legitimate rights and interests of all parties. In this regard, Egypt reserves its legitimate and internationally recognized right under the charter of the United Nations and International Law to protect its water security and preserve the existential resources of its people. Amid the multiple threats facing our region, we recall the crisis of brotherly Sudan, a crisis whose consequences extend beyond military confrontations to affect the security and safety of civilians and threaten to dismantle the state institutions.
We choose the international law. We choose dialogue over coercion, human dignity over domination and cooperation over confrontation. Fiji calls for the peaceful settlement of conflicts wherever they occur. We urge all parties to protect civilians, respect international humanitarian law and return to the negotiating table. The charter does not apply differently according to who is involved or where. Fiji asks the same of every party in every theatre, energy, food security and supply chains are inseparable from peace. The freedoms of navigation guaranteed, guaranteed under the international law, including the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea, must be respected. Fiji will continue to serve in the United Nations peacekeeping operations. We ask only that they be properly mandated, properly financed and properly supported, and we support renewed investment in prevention, mediation and the quiet diplomacy that stops wars Before they begin, we carry a very simple conviction the life of a stranger is worth protecting. Dialogue is worth pursuing, and peace, however difficult, is always worth building. Mr. president, the Pacific knows the cost of militarization and nuclear testing. Our ocean carries the memory of decisions made elsewhere, but suffered by Pacific peoples. That memory strengthens our determination that the Blue Pacific remain a region of peace. The Ocean of Peace Declaration expresses a regional vision grounded in sovereignty, international law, and rejection of coercion. Our message to all partners is clear the Pacific world welcomes our friendship, investment and genuine cooperation. But our ocean must not become a theater in which others settle their rivalries.
And I do so at a moment of particular importance. As Greece reaches the end of our second year on the U.N. Security Council and is again preparing to assume its presidency next month. 12 months ago, as we marked the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, we spoke of the need to reinvigorate multilateralism And one year later, that need has only become much more urgent as we are living through extremely perilous times. Conflicts are multiplying, tensions are deepening, and perhaps most alarmingly, we're witnessing a further erosion of restraint and international affairs. The rules and understandings that have long provided a relative degree of stability in international relations between states are increasingly being tested. Secretary General Antonio Gutierrez has steered these United Nations through this exceptionally turbulent decade, with a steadfast commitment to its charter and the values it embodies, and the selection of the 10th Secretary general presents a historic opportunity for the reinvigoration of the organization when it is most needed. Ladies and gentlemen, the first step in restoring confidence in multilateralism is acknowledging where it has actually succeeded. And few examples are more powerful than the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea. With 172 parties, Unclose provides the binding legal framework within which disputes can be managed peacefully rather than through force, and from the Strait of Hormuz and the Red sea to the Indo-Pacific. Strategic maritime routes are increasingly becoming arenas of geopolitical confrontation. Commercial vessels are being targeted and vital trade routes are used as instruments of pressure, with grave consequences for supply chains, for energy markets and for future food security worldwide.
The issue concerns the unique high altitude Lake Issyk-Kul, which is part of the UNESCO Biosphere Reserve and is included among wetlands of international importance under the Ramsar Framework. Today, this invaluable natural water reservoir is under severe climatic stress. Over the past 170 years, the water level has fallen by almost 14m, while over the past five years the rate of decline has reached approximately seven centimeters per year. 101 rivers historically flowed into the lake, but today only 30 flow throughout the entire year. The main source of water for Lake Issyk-Kul is the glacier of the Tien Shan Mountains. Over the past 70 years, more than 30% of the region's mountain glaciers have melted. Nearly 20% of this reduction has occurred within the just past 7 to 10 years. This process poses a direct threat to the biodiversity of the region and economic stability of hundreds of thousands of people. As part of our efforts to preserve Lake Issyk-Kul, Kyrgyzstan is mobilizing all available domestic resources, in particular the state concept for the sustainable Development of the Issyk-Kul ecological and economic system until 2030 is being implemented. Strict environmental restrictions have been introduced and pilot projects have been launched to monitor the depths of the lake using the underwater robotic technologies. Large scale efforts to clean the lake bed and its waters are continuing on a regular basis. The scale and speed of climate change exceed the capacity of any individual mountain country and require consolidated international action. The loss of Lake Issyk-Kul would not be merely a local tragedy. It would become an irreversible environmental loss for the entire region. In order to understand the potential scale of this environmental challenge and the costs associated with preventing, it is important to look at the fate of the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, both of which have suffered severely over recent decades. Please take a look at. Not so long ago the Aral Sea and Lake Chad, just like Issyk-Kul today, were full and reservoir was full of water. Today they have largely dried up. For us, this example must serve as a clear warning. Taking this opportunity, I officially call upon the United Nations, international financial institutions and donor countries to support our initiative to establish under the auspice of the organization the Special Joint Trust Fund for the Preservation of Lake Issyk-Kul. In order to demonstrate our commitments through concrete actions, we are prepared to contribute 10 million USD from the state budget to this fund. In our culture, there is a concept known as Amanat. It means the duty to carefully preserve what our ancestors have entrusted to us and to pass it on to future generations. In this sense, it would be fair to state that Lake Issyk-Kul is our shared climate Amanat. We are not asking for help. We are proposing a joint global partnership to preserve this unique natural resource for the earth. Before it is too late, let us unite our efforts and resources within the framework of this Trust fund. Distinguished participants. Ladies and gentlemen, the challenges before us are shared. Therefore, our response to them must be also collective. We stand at the threshold of a new era of change. Safe, just and sustainable future can be built only through collective action. The destiny of our planet and future generations is the responsibility of each and every one of us. This year, Kyrgyzstan celebrates the 35th anniversary of its independence. Throughout this period, our country has faced many different challenges. Since then, we chose cooperation over confrontation, creation over destruction and embark upon the path of sustainable development. There is one thing we must all remember. Peace does not come about by itself. Therefore, let us turn our words into action, concrete steps that improve people's lives and protect nature.
There can be no lasting stability in Lebanon without lasting stability in our region. And there can be no stability in the region as long as this organisation remains unable to enable the Palestinian people to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. Like all other peoples of the world, no less and no more. This is despite the dozens of resolutions adopted by this Assembly and by the Security Council that lay clear foundations for that right. Not to mention the Arab Peace Initiative. As for the tragedy of wounded Gaza, it has put the conscience of the world and the important inability of its institutions to a test from which there can be no escape. I must stress here that cutting off funding to UNRWA or undermining its mandate does not end the rights of Palestinian refugees. Even if that's what some seek. On the contrary, it compounds their suffering, jeopardizes the prospects for a just and lasting solution to their cause and increases the burden on host countries, foremost among them Lebanon. With regard to the security situation of region, Lebanon wishes to renew its solidarity with the states of the Arab Gulf and with Jordan in the face of Iranian attacks that threaten regional security and the freedom and safety of maritime navigation. The effects of these attacks are not confined to theatres of confrontation. They extend to supply chains to the prices of goods, particularly food and energy, and to inflation rates.
We also recognize the work carried out by your predecessor, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock, in the service of this organization, whose contribution we greatly value. Mr. President, the topic chosen for this session—"Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nation That Benefits All"— invites us to return to the opening words of the United Nations Charter: simple words, yet perhaps amongst the most powerful ever inscribed in an international treaty. We, the people, together, have the most comprehensive expression of our collective responsibility toward humanity. Eighty-one years ago, in the face of devastation caused by war, humanity chose cooperation over confrontation; the law of force and hope over fear. That promise has shaped generations; it has protected millions of lives in the whole world, and it gave voice to those that, during many times, remained on the margin of international decisions. Today, however, the promise that we face is one of the toughest tests, as we live in a world marked by protected worlds, growing geopolitical rivalities, persistent humanitarian crises, severe weather events, and other highly complex challenges in the world. At the same time, Your Excellency, the digital revolution, the demographic changes, and the organization of the value chains are transforming our economies every day and society at an unprecedented pace. Never has the world been so interconnected and, at the same time, so fragmented like today. And it is precisely in this context that the theme of this session takes on important significance:" Restoring Trust" requires consistency between the principles we proclaim as leaders and the decisions we make. It requires the fair application of international law and concrete results that translate into improvement in the lives of the people in the whole world. In short," restoring trust" means renewing the promise made eighty-one years ago. I repeat: we, the people. Mr. President, Mozambique knows from its own experience the value of multilateralism and the value of the United Nations, this organization. This organization has stood by our people at decisive moments of its history, on the path to our national independence as a people, in the pursuit and building of peace in Mozambique, and in the national reconstruction, in the responding to natural disasters, and in the promotion of sustainable development. Today, in the process of the national dialogue, thank you so much, UN. The trust of Mozambique is a result of a living memory of the Mozambican people. It is in this period that Mozambique would like to commend the leadership of the Secretary-General, António Guterres, whose tenure coincided with a period marked by enormous global challenges, and in which the limits of multilateralism were put to the test. He leaves behind a robust organization that is prepared to better respond to the challenges of our time. His legacy is, in our point of view, unquestionably positive and marked by transformative achievements of this organization. Thus, the best tribute we can pay to his legacy is to continue the work of strengthening this organization, because no generation is going to inherit the United Nations as a finished legacy.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General and distinguished delegates when it comes to peace on the Korean Peninsula, the Republic of Korea knows firsthand the change that the United Nations has brought about. 35 years ago, the two Koreas were admitted to the UN as members on this very stage. It was a crucial turning point that laid the foundation for peaceful co-existence, freeing us from the relentless rivalry and confrontation that followed our division. One year ago, I stated from this stage that the Republic of Korea would begin a new journey toward peaceful coexistence and shared growth on the Korean Peninsula. Today, as we set out on this new journey, I would like to present to the international community the three blueprints for the road to peaceful coexistence on the Korean Peninsula. First is inclusive peaceful coexistence built on mutual respect. Based on the respect for each other's systems and acknowledgment of our differences, we will explore ways for shared growth through cooperation. We will continue to respect the North on the international stage and seek cooperation wherever possible. We hope that opportunities will emerge for us to work together in the international community in areas such as public health, disaster response and the climate crisis. Second is stable, peaceful coexistence that renders conflict unnecessary. We will work to institute mechanisms for preventing crisis and managing conflicts. Reestablishing basic channels of communication, and building trust will be the first step toward a stable, peaceful coexistence. Third is responsible peaceful coexistence contributing to world peace. We will go beyond building a Korean Peninsula free from war and nuclear weapons to promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia, while actively contributing to global efforts to build a world free from war and conflict. The most critical task is to bring an end to this decades old war on the Korean Peninsula and establish a lasting peace regime. For decades, the two Koreas, along with key countries such as the US and China, have recognized the need for a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula and discussed ways to achieve it. Fortunately, President Trump's resolve has recently created a hard won opportunity for change. I hope the long suspended dialogue between North Korea and the US can resume without delay. We will lay the groundwork for this to develop into a dialogue among the parties aimed at ending the war on the Korean Peninsula and transitioning to a peace regime. I am confident that the dialogue for establishing a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula can provide a valuable framework, not only for normalizing relations among the parties concerned, but also for fostering shared growth through multilateral cooperation and promoting stability and cooperation in Northeast Asia.
12 years. 12 years marked by war, displacement, poverty, recruitment of children, terrorizing of women, laying of mines, confiscation of rights, freedoms and public resources. Ladies and gentlemen, the government of Yemen has engaged responsibly in positively, with all international and regional initiatives and has made significant concessions in pursuit of peace and an end to the suffering of the Yemeni people. However, the terrorist Houthi militias have responded to those efforts with intransigence, using periods of humanitarian truces to advance their military arsenals at the expense of the livelihoods of ordinary citizens. The latest of these efforts was the initiative undertaken by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Sultanate of Oman to elaborate a road map toward peace. The Yemeni government accepted that initiative while the Houthi militias rejected it and instead escalated their actions in the Red Sea and Bab el Mandeb to serve an Iranian agenda that goes beyond the interests of Yemen and its people. Turning one of its of the world's most important waterways into a tool of pressure and bargaining. In Iran's confrontation with the world. Ladies and gentlemen, this coup could not have persisted for so many years, nor could its threat have expanded from Yemen to neighboring states and international waterways. Without the military support. Expertise and technology provided to the Houthi militias by the Iranian regime. The international.
12 people find themselves in a forest on an island. The guide who led them there is sitting among them, is dead, but they don't know it yet. They are waiting for him to return. They hear the wind, the sea, the voices around them. They know they are not alone, yet they can barely tell where the others are. At one point, one of the characters says, years and years we have been together and we have never seen each other. That line comes back to me when I look at our world. We too are together. We meet constantly. We exchange statements, messages and positions. At times we spend hours around the same tables and yet being in the same room doesn't mean that we understand one another. Do we still take the time to hear what others are telling us, to understand what they fear, what they need, and what the world looks like from where they stand? That, to me, is where diplomacy begins. Not when we agree, but when we no longer do. Diplomacy is not erasing disagreements, nor about abandoning our principles to secure consensus at any cost. It is about continuing to speak continuing to listen and finding ways to manage our differences without allowing them to lead to a breakdown in relations or to confrontation. In the play, one of the characters says something very simple let us try to draw a little closer. Maeterlinck wrote those words more than a century ago, yet they feel entirely relevant today. Drawing closer doesn't mean thinking alike. It means refusing to let distance turn into indifference, then mistrust, until eventually we stop speaking altogether. That risk is real today. It is one of the paradoxes of our time. We have never been more connected, yet we do not necessarily understand one another any better. Our economies, societies and technologies have become deeply interdependent, even as the temptation to turn inward returns with force. In other words, we depend on one another more than ever at the very moment when we are sometimes tempted to believe that we can do without one another. The more interdependent we become, the more we need common rules not to erase our differences, not to impose a single vision of the world, but to ensure that we can manage our disagreements without allowing the law of the strongest to become the only law that matters. In the play The Blind, the characters have lost the person who was meant to show them the way. We are not in the same position. No one will come and decide for us which direction to take, but that doesn't mean we can move forward without bearings. Faced with wars, humanitarian crisis, climate disruption, pandemics and technological upheaval, the question is ultimately quite simple do we still have a common compass? For Belgium, the answer is yes. That compass is the charter of the United Nations. It is international law, but the rule has value only if it continues to apply when respecting it becomes difficult. It is precisely when the law runs counter to a state's immediate interest that we discover whether it really matters. When a signature loses its value the moment it becomes binding, when a treaty holds only for as long as it suits the party that signed it, it is not merely a legal text that is weakened. It is trust in a promise made, and with it the security of all those who believed they could rely on that promise. That is why Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine concerns far more than two states.
When member states approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a sense of responsibility. Mr. president, the stakes are perhaps greatest in international peace and security. One of the foremost purposes for which this organization was created. If diplomacy can bring countries together to find common ground on difficult questions on global development, then surely we can summon the same political courage to prevent conflicts, resolve wars, and build lasting peace. The Gambia speaks on this not merely from principle, but from experience. In 2017, our country stood at a moment of acute constitutional uncertainty. The democratic choice of the Gambian people faced a grave challenge at that critical moment. The preventive diplomacy of the United Nations working in partnership with African Union and ECOWAS, helped uphold the will of the Gambian people and support a peaceful democratic transition. We have not forgotten that solidarity. It taught us that preventive diplomacy is not an abstract concept. It is a practical instrument for preventing confrontation, creating space for dialogue and protecting institutions. Sometimes it can change the course of a nation. That experience also gives us an obligation. If the international community could stand with The Gambia at a moment of fragility, then countries facing similar moments should be able to count on the same solidarity. Across the world, however, conflicts continue to destroy lives, displaced populations and reverse decades of development. Civilians bear the greatest costs, while humanitarian workers operate under increasingly dangerous conditions, and the resources available to respond to crisis remain far below what is required. The protection of civilians, respect for international humanitarian law and humanitarian access are not political conveniences. They are legal obligations and expressions of a shared humanity. We need stronger early warning systems that enable us to act before crises escalate. Timely mediation before positions become entrenched, and peace building that addresses the conditions that allow conflict to take root. The question before us must therefore not only be how to end the ongoing wars, but how to prevent the next war from beginning. Prevention should not have to wait for a crisis to become sufficiently destructive to attract international attention. It is infinitely less costly in human political and financial terms to prevent conflict than to manage its consequences after violence has begun. We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's continued good offices and in preventing diplomacy and call for these efforts to be matched with predictable and sustained resources. Mr. president, peace must be built and nurtured through institutions that command public confidence. Societies in which trust can be restored and justice pursued, and a future in which women and young people have a meaningful voice and economic opportunity is within reach. The government has experienced the value of peace building firsthand since our democratic transition. The Peace Building Commission and the Secretary-General's Peace Building Fund have been steadfast partners in our nationally led efforts to strengthen institutions, advanced transitional justice and consolidate peace. We therefore support a stronger and more responsive Peace Building Commission, adequately resourced to support countries emerging from conflict or navigating delicate political transitions. The implementation of the outcomes of the Building Architecture review must translate into stronger prevention, greater national ownership and closer coordination across the United Nations system. We also reaffirm our support for United Nations peace building operations, and pay tribute to the men and women who serve under the UN flag, including government, military and police personnel who have contributed with distinction, international peace and security. There are. Safety and security must remain a priority, alongside performance, accountability and strict adherence to international law. Partnerships between the United Nations and regional organisations, particularly the African Union, must also be deepened with sustained and predictable funding. Mr. president, the ongoing conflict in Sudan remains a matter of profound concern to The Gambia, together with continued instability across part of the Sahel. It reminds us that peace cannot be separated from development and governance. The suffering of civilians in the affected conflict zones globally demands sustained international attention and renewed diplomatic efforts towards the escalation, dialogue and a durable political settlement in the Sahel and other conflict zones. Our response must be comprehensive and holistic. Security measures are necessary but they must be accompanied by increased support for democratic governance, institution building, education job creation, development and climate resilience. Mr. president, for millions of people around the world, poverty, lack of human rights, democratic governance, etc. continue to pose greater insecurity.
This session of the General Assembly is convening on the eve of the 65th anniversary of Mongolia's full fledged membership in the United Nations. In 1961, Mongolia made history by raising its national flag with the Golden Soyombo at the United Nations and becoming the 101st member of the United Nations, the guarantor of global peace and security, and the beacon of hope and trust for the world's nations. Mongolia welcomes the convening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly under the theme Restoring Trust Managing Transformation a United Nations that Delivers for all, reaffirming its belief in the central role of the United Nations in fostering mutual trust, mutual respect and cooperation among the nations and peoples of the world. Mongols say if you do your best, fate will do the rest. The United Nations is an organization based on the trust and commitment of each member state, and the UN is strengthened by their dedication and sustained efforts. Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, Member States to uphold the mission of the United Nations with a sincere heart. Rather than simply expecting support and assistance, we must remain deeply conscious of our own responsibilities and duties and dedicate our wholehearted efforts to strengthening the United Nations. It is through trust and hope, dedication and commitment and engagement and participation of every Member State that we can strengthen the United Nations. A stronger United Nations, in turn, will deliver more efficiently towards global peace, security and sustainable development, thereby creating conditions for all Member States to benefit. As the conflicts and confrontations flash across the world, the walls of distrust rise higher and the chasm of misunderstanding grows deeper, it is becoming crucial to shape and develop international relations, not through a form of multipolarity that risks driving the world toward division, but through a multi-pillared principle that respects the pluralism inherent in each nation's history, culture, civilization, core national interests and chosen path of development. Eight centuries ago, our ancestors established the great Pax Mongolica, promoting, for the first time the idea to the world that nations could mutually recognize one another's values, and that peoples of diverse civilizations and faiths could coexist. This historic contribution of the Mongols to the advancement of humankind continues to be recognized by the international community. Let us strengthen multilateral cooperation through the multi-pillar principle, inspired by the ideas of Pax Mongolica, so that we may restore our trust and hope through shared responsibility, reform the United Nations with a common purpose and build a better, more peaceful world through the strength of our collective action. Mr. President, despite the remarkable heights of development and progress humanity has reached, our planet is currently confronted with more than 90 armed conflicts, around 30 of which are international, demonstrating that global peace and security remain unstable and that geopolitical and geostrategic competition continues to intensify. This results in the disruption of global economic supply chains, a rise in the prices of energy, fuel, raw materials and food, as well as economic strains on nations around the world. All of this is weakening the international order established since the Second World War, changing the universally recognized norms of international law and undermining the stability of multilateral relations and cooperation. Mongolia shares the view expressed by United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres in his annual report on the work of the organisation that in a world marked by turbulence, division and uncertainty, the United Nations is more necessary than ever. Hence, Mongolia underscores the tangible progress made under Secretary General's UN80 initiative to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations in response to the challenges of our time and reaffirms its active support for this initiative. The effectiveness of the United Nations, the decisiveness of its actions, and the ability of nations to unite their efforts will ultimately depend upon us, the Member States. Mongolia is confident that the soon to be appointed Secretary General will steadfastly uphold the principles and purposes of the United Nations and international law, ensure that the voices and positions of all Member States are equally heard and reflected, and provide strong leadership in restoring trust and managing transformation within the UN. Believing that reform of the Security Council should be at the core of broader United Nations reform, Mongolia maintains its principled position in support of expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members of the Security Council ensuring equitable representation of developing countries in the Council, and promoting greater openness and transparency in its work. Mongolia is one of the 58 countries that have never served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Mongolia aspires to actively participate in the work of the Security Council and contribute to finding collective solutions to the problems and challenges facing the international community. In manifestation of this aspiration, I officially announce from this rostrum today that Mongolia is presenting its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UN Security Council for the term 2048 2049. Mr. President, on behalf of the people of Mongolia, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the United Nations and its system organizations for their valuable contributions to our country's development and progress and their long standing, constructive cooperation over the 65 years since Mongolia's accession to the United Nations as a full fledged member. Mongolia has been contributing with honor to the efforts on strengthening international peace and security, advancing social and economic development and protecting human rights, the core pillars of the United Nations. For instance, more than three decades ago, in pursuit of its foreign policy to ensure national security through political and diplomatic means, Mongolia declared its territory nuclear weapon free. Since then Mongolia has consistently pursued policies and taken actions to verify the status legally. In this spirit, the United Nations General Assembly adopts on a biennial basis the resolution entitled Mongolia's International Security and Nuclear Weapon Free Status, initiated by Mongolia in 1998.
It has never brought war and it will not bring war against another country. It is determined to defend itself and to control its natural resources. It is very important for us to say this. We have chosen transformation that is based on national responsibility, making use of our resources, strengthening our institutions and tangibly improving the living conditions of our citizens. Since the 26th of July 2023, Niger has been continuing its inexorable march towards the total reconquest of its sovereignty under the leadership of the National Council for the safeguarding of the homeland, led by the president, His Excellency the General of the Army, Abdourahamane Tiani, president of the Republic Head of State. This change is a radical break with the policies imposed from outside, which were disconnected from the real needs of the population. It is rooted in the social values of the people of Niger, aware of the challenges that it faces, the government, which I coordinate, has chosen to mobilize the necessary resources to finance agriculture and basic social sectors through funds from voluntary contributions of Nigeriens themselves. In addition to revenues drawn from the exploitation of our mineral and oil resources revenue, which previously the state did not have control over. Mr. president, ladies and gentlemen a few days ago in the night, from the 28th to the 29th of August 2026, after two previous fruitless attempts to attack Diori Hamani International Airport in Niamey, a third attempt which General Tiani said a third attempt at destabilization, led by obscurantist and colonialist forces, targeted our institutions. As in the previous cases, it failed. It failed thanks to the loyalty of our forces, of our defence and security forces and the loyalty of our armed forces. It failed. Thanks to the solidarity of our allies and to the categorical refusal of the Nigerien people to go backwards. Niger emerges from this united and determined. Investigations are underway. The necessary investigations are underway in order to establish the circumstances, who is responsible and the internal and external support linked to this attempt. Following that procedure, Niger reserves the right, in accordance with the United Nations Charter and international law to turn to and have recourse to the competent mechanisms to defend its sovereignty. In this regard, we ask that any concern a Member State may have about their security be examined with haste and impartiality without differentiated treatment. The credibility of our organization Mr. President, also depends on its ability to ensure that the voices of all of its member states are heard. You have a lot of work to do, Mr. President. Niger is not pursuing confrontation with any country. It opens its arms to all partners that wish to build a new relationship based on equality, reciprocity and mutual interest, and shared interest. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, for more than half a century, uranium, this miraculous substance, Niger's uranium, has lit the cities of Europe, while our cities have remained in darkness. That injustice is now over. It is at an end. In June 2025, the state of Niger recovered control of SOMAÏR, the Société des mines de l'Aïr. Our resources will now be managed by us and for us and Niger intends to sell its uranium on the international market in full transparency and in strict compliance with its nuclear non-proliferation obligations. You will have heard at some point in the past, Air France say that Niger was intending to use this uranium. When they left our country, they sabotaged all of the material. And Niger has invested some 30 billion of our francs to continue that production. Totally making use of Nigerien workers and experts. Not a single foreigner was involved in that. The current stock belongs to our country. It does not belong to anyone and we will sell it to all those who wish to buy in total transparency, as I have just said. Similarly, in 2024, our country became an exporter of crude oil thanks to the oil pipeline linking Agadem to the Atlantic coast along the African continent, the longest one in the African continent, making Niger one of the continent's fastest growing economies in 2025. That revenue is going into our own security to agriculture, electrification, water and sanitation, education, health, the health of our fellow citizens. And the Solidarity Fund for the safeguarding of the homeland, which is made up of the voluntary contributions of millions of Nigeriens, tells you everything you need to know about a people that has understood that sovereignty has a price and that it is willing to pay it. Ladies and gentlemen, three years after breaking with the old order, progress on the ground is remarkable. Our economy has seen 7% growth in 2026. In 2025, excuse me. Driven above all by oil and agriculture. Inflation, which reached 9.1% in 2024, has fallen to -4.7% thanks to exceptional agricultural production and a targeted reduction of fuel and cement prices. All of the country's riches will be redistributed to benefit our population. The large scale irrigation program initiated by the president of the Republic, has 527 billion CFA francs and aims to ensure that around 22,000 hectares of new irrigated land can be established. The results achieved in this regard are very satisfactory because for the first time in decades, our country has not faced food shortages or had to call upon foreign assistance. Through this program, we intend to halve our grain imports by the end of 2027. Inshallah. On health. We have reduced by 50% the cost of services in public health facilities. Some services are free, for example, childbirth, care for children aged 0 to 5, and dialysis. The assisted birth rate went from 36% in 2022 to 42.5% in 2025, and the rate of prenatal consultations went from 32% to 38.2%. Education is free and mandatory for all children in public schools. What's more, a 20% reduction in school fees in private schools was decided upon in July 2025. These instructions that are contained in the programme for the Refoundation of the Republic 2025 to 2029 make up the reference framework for all of the state's actions in pursuit of the structural transformation of our economy. These results are very encouraging despite the scale of the challenges, because they are our results that we have achieved through our own means and resources. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Three years ago, some people predicted that Niger would collapse under the weight of sanctions and isolation. Today, Niger is standing tall. It is standing tall because its people has refused to bow down. It is standing tall because within the Confederation of Sahel states, it has found a family, solidarity and a family in the full African meaning of the term. It is standing tall because the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, a kindred and neighboring country, chose to support us with a substantial investment in the exploitation of our natural resources and through constant support for our defense system. With Algeria, we are also engaging in dynamic cooperation in the areas of health, education, energy, water and agriculture. On top of that, there are significant structural projects such as the tripartite gas pipeline and the trans-Saharan Road. Niger is above all standing tall because it has regained possession of its land, what lies beneath the land and of its voice. Mr. president, our country is also standing tall because it is speaking within our shared organisation, the UN and because among its members we count countries with which we have fruitful cooperation based on mutual respect. In this regard, allow me to say that Togo, Turkey, the Kingdom of Morocco, the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China are among our friends, true friends. On behalf of the president of the Republic, the Head of State I would like to express our gratitude to them. Mr. President. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Niger remains faithful to the values included in its motto fraternity, work and progress, and to the values in the motto of our Confederation one space, one people, one destiny. The security, development and dignity of our peoples cannot be envisaged separately.
The Paraguay that, after the military catastrophe, became a true open-air graveyard, is today a very different country. Paraguay has risen up. And it is ready to take its place in the world. We rose up through hard work, through openness to the world, and through the stubborn determination of a people that did not choose its democracy but did choose their own destiny. Today, Paraguay is experiencing one of the finest economic periods in its history. And it has become an example to other countries of macroeconomic stability, sustained growth, and poverty reduction. As a result of this, in December 2025, Standard & Poor's awarded us our second investment-grade rating, making Paraguay the first country in more than a decade to achieve that distinction. In the final quarter of that year, unemployment fell to 3.6%. This is the lowest level on our records. Growth only matters if it is felt at home. Decent employment is one of the best social policies a state can provide. And that's not all. Paraguay has reduced poverty to levels never seen before. In less than 20 years, we have brought the poverty rate down from 58% to 16%, faster than any other country in the region. Because people matter to us. Moreover, the future is bright, not only because our electricity supply is abundant, stable, and 100% renewable, but also because our region possesses land, energy, critical minerals, and, most importantly, its extraordinary people. Mr. President, as I come to the end of my statement, I wish to return to the idea with which I began. People no longer want slogans alone. They want solutions to their problems. And above all, they want peace. They want freedom, security, democracy, prosperity, and opportunities for their children. And those of us who are entrusted with the responsibility of leading our countries must rise to those expectations. Paraguay knows that the road ahead is difficult. But we also know that it is not impossible. We believe it is possible to build a world in which cooperation delivers results, a world where democracy is not an empty promise, a world where technology serves humanity, a world in which development reaches those who need it most. And we believe that Paraguay has much to contribute to that future. We are a country that did not choose its geography. But we are a country that chose our destiny, a country that has confronted adversity and chose to rise again, a country with energy, resources, talent, and, above all, an unbreakable determination to progress. We are a country that has stopped asking what we lack and has begun asking," How far can we go?" This is the Paraguay, the Paraguay of great ambitions, a Paraguay that is engaged with the world, that opens its door to opportunity, that defends its sovereignty, that embraces peace, freedom, and democracy, a Paraguay that seeks to grow without leaving anyone behind. And that Paraguay has a message for the world today. We have come to show what we are capable of. Today, once again, we choose dialogue over confrontation, cooperation over isolation, democracy over authoritarianism, peace over war, and development over resignation. The United Nations will not restore trust simply because we declare it so in this hall. We must be firm and unequivocal in our defense of multilateralism, democracy, peace, and, above all, human dignity. And before this assembly, I wish to say this with absolute clarity. Paraguay is ready to play its part. Because our history has taught us to resist. And our future calls on us to build. Beyond words lie actions.
True leadership requires both. Prudence, in this case, means not only knowing what we want; it also is about, um, pursue of goal while calling aggression by its name, and also condemning those who disrupt the world order without turning a blind eye when they violate the rules. Ladies and gentlemen, for many years, representatives of my country have been trying, in this chamber and in the Security Council, to point out that a situation in which a permanent member of the council, Russia, attempts unsuccessfully, but with ruthless persistence, to conquer a neighboring state and destabilize the entire region is a violation of the principles we all uphold as signatories to the Charter of the United Nations. Russia is destabilizing the situation in Europe through open aggression, hybrid operations, acts of subversion and sabotage, and by ignoring successive resolutions of this Assembly. It displays the same imperial arrogance that, in the past, led to unimaginable suffering and the tragedies of two world wars. Contempt for international law must not become the norm. It is not too late to restore the primacy of international law and strengthen the foundations of a system in which principles matter, and in which the international community, acting jointly and in solidarity, opposes aggression, which is prohibited by the Charter of the United Nations. Ladies and gentlemen, the Russian Federation, guided by an imperial and neo-colonial vision of the world, is attempting to impose its will on others. In doing so, it is effectively challenging the right of every nation to determine its own destiny. Neo-imperial and neo-colonial policies are, in essence, an attempt to return to a world in which the borders, security, and future of states and nations would be decided not by the states and nations themselves, but by other states that consider themselves stronger and predestined to dominate. And there might would replace law. It is an attempt to return to the concert of powers. This cannot be accepted. It is the force of law that should decide, not the law of force. Poland is particularly aware of the consequences of Russian colonialism and imperialism. History has taught us that freedom and sovereignty cannot defend themselves. That is why we are determined to counter the threats that the Kremlin's aggressive policies are posing to us, with increasing audacity. As a representative of a country neighboring Russia, I want to make it clear: we are not the ones seeking confrontation. We are strengthening our alliances, developing our military, and modernizing its equipment, not to wage war, but to prevent it. Our goal is deterrence and defense, the defense of two values that also form the foundation of the United Nations Charter: freedom and sovereignty. We continue to view the North Atlantic Alliance as the guarantor of European security. NATO remains united in the overarching goal of defending our community on both sides of the Atlantic, in Europe and America, on its eastern flank and along its northern border. We therefore welcome with satisfaction the strengthening of security in the Arctic region, which is now becoming a reality thanks to the agreement signed yesterday between our allies. Ladies and gentlemen, we must, however, make it clear: modern security threats are not limited to classical military actions. Russia is carrying out actions aimed at undermining the foundations of international stability, striking at global food security through attacks on ports and ships transporting grain, as well as by deliberately provoking crises that affect millions of people outside of Europe. At the same time, a large-scale hybrid war is being waged, involving sabotage, cyber attacks, and destabilization operations on an unprecedented scale, including an artificially induced migration crisis. These are planned, coordinated, and consistently executed actions. Their goal is to weaken states, undermine public trust, and shatter the unity of the international community. We are not dealing with isolated incidents, but with a sustained, well-thought-out strategy. And that is precisely why the response to these actions cannot be ad hoc or half-hearted. It must be firm, consistent, and it must also be united. For if aggression, whether military or hybrid in nature, is not met with an adequate response, it becomes an invitation to repeat it. Ladies and gentlemen, even if today we have reservations about the effectiveness of the Security Council, we respect the achievements of the United Nations in maintaining and building peace in many parts of the world. The role of UN peacekeeping operations in preventing the resurgence of conflicts is undeniable. Poland advocates for stable funding of peacekeeping missions and for granting them more transparent mandates that also take into account tasks related to the protection of the population and support for the reconstruction of state institutions. Poland also fulfills its commitments to global security through its participation in UN peacekeeping operations as well. Polish blue-helmet soldiers are currently serving in Lebanon, carrying out their duties with dignity despite the difficult security situation throughout the region. We will support efforts to de-escalate conflicts, protect civilians, and uphold international humanitarian law, and work toward the implementation of a two-state solution, ensuring the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, this is precisely why the response to contemporary threats cannot be limited solely to reacting to crises. It must be based on clear principles and reliable partnerships.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
But institutions do not have hearts. People do. Charters do not keep the peace. The men and women who honour them do. Beyond every declaration and commitment, each of us carries a profound responsibility to be agents of peace, champions of goodwill and keepers of the fragile bonds of friendship among nations. The world has never needed that spirit more than it does today. Mr. president, permit me a word from the Christian faith that has shaped my people. Our Constitution was established under the guiding hand of God by a people conscious of our common destiny. We believe that is true not only of Solomon Islands, but of this whole family of nations. We live in a time when division has become the calling card of the day. Nations are sorted into camps. Neighbours are asked to choose sides. Small states are too often treated as prizes to be won rather than partners to be heard. But the destiny of nations does not finally rest in this General Assembly, nor in any capital, however powerful. King Solomon, among the wisest rulers of antiquity, wrote, there are many devices in a man's heart. Nevertheless, the counsel of the Lord shall stand. That truth does not make us passive. It makes us humble and it makes us accountable. So I call on my fellow leaders to do three things. First, let us ask for wisdom before we ask for advantage. When Solomon was offered anything he wished, he did not ask for riches or long life or the defeat of his enemies. He asked for an understanding heart so that he might judge his people well. I can think of no better prayer for every leader in this room. Second, let us stay at the table. The same king taught that in the multitude of counsellors there is safety. That is the oldest case I know for what this organization is meant to be. Many nations, large and small, sitting together because none of us sees far enough alone. Third, let us measure greatness rightly. Righteousness exalts a nation, not its arsenal, not its alliances, but its justice: how it treats the poor, the displaced and the small. Powers rise and powers fall. The purposes of God endure. Let us choose cooperation over division, dialogue over confrontation, peace over hostility and action over inaction. And let us lead as people who know we will answer for it one day. Our national motto teaches us that to lead is to serve.
That's what I want to talk to you about this evening, how the world can come through the turbulence of today to reach towards something better in the decade ahead. Overcoming the forces of division and instability starts with national security. So we will keep investing in our defence, meeting our NATO commitments and strengthening European capabilities. We will be relentless in building up our hard power and deterrence. But we will not play Russia's game of trading escalatory rhetoric. Unlike Russia, we do not seek confrontation. Instead, we will be prepared, but not panicked, clear eyed but cool headed and unflinching in defending our people and our allies. True resilience depends on this military strength. But the last ten years tells us that it is also about something deeper as well. It is about the strength of the social fabric that binds us together. There is no national security without a strong, cohesive society underneath it. That's the starting point for everything we hold dear and everything we want to achieve.
Mr. president, as I turn to my region in the Caribbean, I'd like to highlight a series of crises that continue to threaten our peace, stability and development. Let me say at the outset that when I speak about letting many hands make light work, when it comes to conflict resolution, that this is one of the areas in which the political leaders of the Caribbean can play a pivotal role in its own region. Firstly Haiti, the security crisis continues to retard political renewal and economic recovery, and still the preparations for a return to constitutional government, yes, are moving forward even with great difficulty. But those efforts cannot succeed unless security improves, particularly in the areas containing more than half of Haiti's electorate in the capital and surrounding areas. Barbados, therefore supports the full deployment that has been 2 to 2 long promised, and the renewal of the mandate of the gang suppression force. Let me remind you that it was in 2022 that this recent, more heightened state of insecurity began with the fuel riots just before the General Assembly met in 2022, and in 2026. We have not kept faith with providing the level of security that would minimize the loss of life At the same time, we have to give thanks where thanks is due and there are member states who have contributed in whatever way to help in Haiti find its path. This includes, of course, the Caribbean community's Eminent Persons group, which has been helping to build consensus and maintain engagement with key international partners in the last few years. In addition, Mr. President, we are deeply concerned by the worsening humanitarian pressures facing the people of Cuba. Too many people are suffering. Too many people. Restrictions on trade, finance and access to fuel are intensifying hardship not only for Cuban citizens, but for all others who study and live there Barbados has each year opposed the use of the embargo and other unilateral coercive measures against Cuba. And as always, we call for constructive engagement, constructive engagement grounded in dialogue, sovereign equality and respect for international law. That is why we are here as individual states. We will also extend our continued solidarity to the people of Venezuela, who, regrettably, are recovering from the devastating double earthquakes in June. The horror was mind blowing. Barbados was proud to stand with our neighbour in the immediate aftermath, dispatching our field hospital and personnel to Venezuela. We remain committed to supporting them in their longer term recovery. A stable, sovereign, peaceful and democratic Venezuela is vital to the security and prosperity of not just Latin America, but the wider Caribbean. In this regard, however, I must take this opportunity to reiterate Barbados steadfast support to its sister of Caricom, its sister Caricom country Guyana, as it seeks to bring a peaceful resolution through the International Court of Justice for the long, outstanding territorial controversy with Venezuela. This is in the interests of the people of Guyana, the people of Venezuela and the wider people of the Caribbean and Latin America. The Caribbean, my friends, must remain a zone of peace. We cannot accept our region becoming a theatre. We cannot accept our region becoming a theatre for confrontation, or for the unilateral and unjustified use of force.
