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We expect his successor to have the vision, courage, and leadership skills to restore trust, overcome divisions, and to act for change. Your Excellencies, peace and security are among the main responsibilities of the international community. In light of conflicts that have taken thousands of lives and caused immense destruction, we must step up our efforts to prevent and end hostilities. The main challenge remains the war against Ukraine, the consequences of which have spilled far beyond the immediate combat zone. Can we resolve this problem? Can we find a solution? Of course we can. I am convinced of this. Is it not time to rethink European security policy? Bulgaria, as a member state of the EU, calls for the holding of a debate on this topic and on the broader goal of the future of a post-war Europe, as well as the Europe before the war. And to begin this debate, it is high time to transfer this conflict from the military sphere to the political and diplomatic realm. This involves negotiations which require dialogue and a minimum level of trust, supported by the appropriate guarantees. Europe, however, cannot be a simple mere observer. It must be a real participant in negotiations on the post-war security architecture of the continent after the end of the war. Europe must be able to guarantee its own security. Military security must be complemented by the second pillar of security, that is to say, the contractual and legal pillar, which must guarantee that defensive capacity building provides more security rather than a new arms race. For the security of Europe, we must add robust diplomacy to military and economic security, because we cannot, dear colleagues, negotiate without the participation of two countries, Ukraine and Russia. It would be irresponsible if, after the end of the war in Ukraine, we were unable to offer anything better to European citizens than a new cold war, or worse. We need a vision for tomorrow, in line with the concept of a Europe of peace, thanks to dissuasive defense and shared security. From this lofty platform, we call for Europe to move toward this goal. Bulgaria believes that security and stability in the Black Sea region is an integral part of its national security in all of its aspects. But it is not only our national security that is at stake; it is global security. The war in Ukraine and other territories has expanded beyond the territories of the conflict parties and directly affects Bulgaria today.
Mr. president since last February, the state of Kuwait, the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been subjected to illegal Iranian aggression involving ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. All while we are not a party to the conflict in the region. These attacks are a flagrant violation of the international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. These brutal attacks have systematically and repeatedly targeted civilian objects and critical infrastructure, including Kuwait International Airport, power and water stations, oil facilities as well, revealing a hostile approach aimed at disrupting the foundations of life and critical infrastructure. These heinous attacks have claimed the lives of several martyrs and innocent civilians. They have also resulted in numerous injuries and have inflicted material and economic damage. And furthermore, to inflict harm on the economies of the region and the world, and to disrupt global trade and oil markets, Iran is obstructing maritime navigation and closing the Strait of Hormuz to use it as a bargaining chip in the war in violation of international law and the relevant Security Council resolutions. In this regard, the State of Kuwait expresses its deep appreciation to the brotherly and friendly nations who have stood by Kuwait and demonstrated solidarity. We also salute the countries that have sponsored Security Council Resolution 2817 and the other resolutions issued by the Human Rights Council and the International Maritime Organization, which have condemned the Iranian aggression as a threat to international peace and security, demanding its cessation and affirming the inherent rights of states to self-defence, as per article 51 of the UN charter. They have also stressed the importance of guaranteeing freedom of navigation without restrictions or conditions and based on Kuwait's belief that the security and stability of the Arabian Gulf region constitutes a fundamental pillar of regional and international security and stability, as demonstrated by the repercussions of the war and Iranian aggressions. We reiterate the support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at de-escalation and a peaceful resolution to the existing dispute, and we applaud the mediation efforts led by Qatar and Pakistan, while emphasizing the need to reach a sustainable regional understanding based on a firm commitment to the principles of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as refraining from the use or threat of use of force. In addition to ceasing support for proxies and militias and addressing the security concerns of all countries in the region, including the Iranian nuclear file, ballistic missiles and drones, while stressing the guarantee of freedom and safety of navigation and the right of passage through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el Mandeb, in accordance with the international law and the 1982 UN convention on the law of the sea. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait is committed in its foreign policy to the principles of the UN charter, in particular, respect for the principle of good neighbourliness, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. Accordingly, the State of Kuwait views the brotherly Republic of Iraq as a neighbour with whom we share close ties and our partners in security and stability. Since the fall of the former regime in 2003, Kuwait has supported and stood by Iraq in facing security, political and economic challenges in order to help Iraq restore its regional and international role and standing. Kuwait believes that a stable, secure and prosperous Iraq serves the shared interests of Kuwait and the entire region. In this context, the State of Kuwait commends the measures taken by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr. Ali al-Zaidi, to consolidate arms under state control and to strengthen Iraq's bilateral relations with neighbouring countries. We look forward to enhancing confidence building measures between the two countries and to elevate our bilateral relations to broader horizons, as well as to resolve all outstanding issues. Most important of these issues are the maritime border demarcation beyond marker 162, as per the rules of International law and the 1982 UN Convention on Law of the sea. We also emphasize the need to adhere to bilateral security and technical agreements and arrangements signed between the two countries. Very important among these agreements is the Abdullah Agreement and the 2008 Security Exchange Protocol. These agreements serve as vital legal and practical instruments for regulating navigation, protecting the environment, combating terrorism, as well as combating the illicit trafficking of arms and narcotics, and enhancing shared security. The State of Kuwait calls upon Iraq to cooperate with the high level representative of the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2792, in order to achieve the progress and desired outcomes regarding Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, as well as nationals of third countries and the recovery of Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its principled and firm position, condemning the ongoing violations by the Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Palestinian people. The Palestinian people continue to suffer under difficult living conditions caused by policies of displacement, arrests and settlement. We call for the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Plan and its subsequent phase adopted by Security Council Resolution 2803. This includes the complete withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, the assurance of humanitarian aid, access, and the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip. We affirm that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory. In this regard, we welcome the measures and decisions taken by the United Kingdom, France and several other nations to condemn settlement activities and to impose sanctions against settlers involved in acts of violence and terrorism against Palestinians, as well as banning the import of goods and products originating from the settlements. The State of Kuwait reiterates that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region remains contingent upon an end to the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories, as well as enabling the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights. It also rests upon the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4th, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Mr. president, the sisterly Republic of Yemen is witnessing a serious military escalation as a result of the attacks by Houthi militias against several governorates and areas along the West Coast aimed at threatening navigation in the Bab el Mandeb Strait. In this regard, the state of Kuwait reiterates its full support for UN led efforts aimed at a comprehensive, sustainable and Yemeni led settlement, in accordance with the three agreed references and the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2216. The State of Kuwait affirms that any political settlement must safeguard Yemen's unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. A settlement must end the suffering of the Yemeni people and must open prospects for security, stability and economic development. We also stress the need to preserve the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Red sea and the Bab el Mandeb Strait. We also condemn in the strongest terms the attacks by the Houthis against the sisterly kingdom of Saudi Arabia, targeting civilian and economic facilities in several cities. In this context, we affirm that the security of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the State of Kuwait and the security of the GCC states. Mr. president, the State of Kuwait reiterates its solidarity with the sisterly Syrian Arab Republic. We welcome the measures taken by the international community to lift the sanctions against Syria and to remove Syria's name from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. We also affirm our support for all efforts aimed at rebuilding state institutions and aimed at advancing a Syrian led, comprehensive, inclusive political process led by the Syrians, with the active participation of all segments of society in Syria and aimed at fulfilling their aspirations for security, stability and a life of dignity. In this context, we stress the need to respect Syria's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We condemn and reject the attacks and incursions by Israeli occupation forces into Syrian territory. These acts are a serious escalation and a violation of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement. They undermine security and stability in the region. With regards to the sisterly Lebanese Republic, the state of Kuwait affirms the importance of Lebanese state institutions and the need to extend their full authority over the entire territory of Lebanon, and to restrict the possession of arms exclusively to the state, thereby reinforcing Lebanon's sovereignty and preserving its security and stability. Here, we also emphasize the importance of maintaining an international presence along the blue line to ensure the full implementation of UN resolution 1701, and we reiterate our demand for Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Lebanese territories. And with regards to developments in the Republic of Sudan, the Federal Republic of Somalia and the state of Libya, we affirm the need to adhere to peaceful resolution and to engage in political dialogue to resolve disputes as per the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principles of international law, so as to protect the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of these sisterly nations. Mr. president, since Kuwait's independence, our foreign policy was based on firm principles, namely moderation and balance, and a firm commitment to the charter of the United Nations and International law, and on support for multilateralism and the belief that dialogue and the peaceful settlement of disputes are the best means to maintain international peace and security. The State of Kuwait also believes in a complementary relationship between security and development. There can be no security without development and no development without security.
Mr. president, we in Sudan are a peace loving nation, but we also seek a just peace. Therefore, from this UN hall, we reaffirm that comprehensive, lasting and just peace in Sudan in a manner that ensures the non-recurrence of conflict cannot be achieved without ending persistent external interference, halting the flow of weapons, ammunition and mercenaries into Sudan, dismantling the terrorist militia, stopping its attacks against civilians, cities, civilian objects, infrastructure, dams, medical centers and hospitals. Disarming this militia and ensuring that arms remain exclusively in the hands of the state and its established legitimate national institutions. We also call for the support for the steady progress being made by the Sudanese government in the protection of civilians and the peace building process. Mr. president, peace and stability in Sudan cannot be discussed while the destructive war waged by terrorist militia against the Sudanese people continues. The international community's silence and its failure to take steps to deter the atrocities and violations committed by the rebel militia in Sudan, despite the availability of documented and credible evidence and its disregard for legitimate calls to designate it as a terrorist organization and its failure to take decisive measures to stem the flow of weapons, material and mercenaries supporting the terrorist militia across our borders are the factors that prolong the war and encourage the militias continued aggression. Silence regarding the atrocities committed by the terrorist militia in Sudan is not only shameful, unethical and complicit, it is a betrayal of the civilian victims of women and girls who have demonstrated unprecedented resilience in enduring suffering beyond description, and indeed, of an entire people. Mr. president, the call for a comprehensive, nationally owned Sudanese-Sudanese Dialogue to achieve peace represents one of the key pillars of peace and the optimal path for resolving the current crisis. However, a conducive environment must be established to ensure its success and the achievement of its intended outcomes. This should be through the following Parallel and measurable measures to protect civilians, reduce polarisation, de-escalate tensions and contain political estrangement among civilian, political and military forces. Constructive confidence building measures to provide the dialogue with credibility and legitimacy. The dialogue being conducted through a purely Sudanese will free from external interference and free from bargaining, intimidation and coercion practised by some parties, at least at present. The implementation of the provisions of the Jeddah Declaration regarding the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, including fundamental obligations under international humanitarian law, the facilitation of humanitarian action, meeting the needs of civilians and affected persons, and ensuring the safe and voluntary passage of civilians leaving areas of hostilities. Mr. president, past experiences and the wars imposed upon Sudan have taught us that peace is not achieved merely through the signing of peace agreements, without addressing the root causes of the crisis and eliminating its underlying drivers, thereby preventing its recurrence. Rather, peace is a process requiring patience, determination and commitment to addressing the root causes of conflict, removing sources of instability, disarming armed groups, restricting arms possession to the state, and building peace. The state has already begun preparations and creating a conducive environment for this dialogue, aimed at reaching common ground through free discussion and placing the country on the path towards the most appropriate and inclusive political transition that excludes no one except outlaws and traitors.
The world has become accustomed to crisis. Wars are escalating. Major power rivalry is sharpening. The international arms control architecture is under strain. New technologies are transforming societies faster than our institutions can adapt. But perhaps the greatest danger is not any one crisis. It is the growing belief that the international system cannot solve them. This is the trust deficit confronting the UN today, and Malaysia, Mr. president, believes that we must confront it openly and honestly. Trust can only be restored through concrete action when international law means what it says, and when the people of the world can look to this hall and believe that their voices still matter. Mr. president, we must remember that the UN is not merely here for the aftermath of war, but to prevent war from taking place. Yet too often we respond only after disaster has arrived. We count the dead. We deliver supplies. We rebuild what has been destroyed, and then we wait for the next crisis.
Ladies and gentlemen, renewing peacekeeping operations, without a shadow of a doubt, is our most urgent task. Today, transnational criminal networks control territories, they traffic arms and people, and they recruit children. Haiti, our neighbor, is the clearest example of this. Since 2021, the Dominican Republic has warned in each and every forum that this crisis is a threat to the peace and security of the region, and particularly for my country. A year ago, from this same rostrum, I called upon the council to act without delay. Six days later, the council adopted Resolution 2793 that authorized a Gang Suppression Force with a strong mandate and with the support of a United Nations support office. I thank the United States and Panama for their leadership, as well as Canada and other donors for their support, Kenya for their commitment, and the commitment of all of the countries who today have their men and women serving in Haiti. However, the reality does not allow us to wait. One month ago, in the Haitian community of Kenscoff, in just one night, gangs murdered no less than 47 people, including 5 children. Close to a million and a half of Haitians have been displaced from their homes. Half of them are children. This assembly cannot resign to seeing massacres become the norm for the long-suffering Haitian people. What the council approved now requires the means to implement it. First, the deployment of the force that today is only funded up to a fifth of and only has up to a fifth, rather, of the troops authorized. Second, fulfilling the arms embargo and sanctioning those who are financing and protecting gangs. And thirdly, strengthening the police, the armed forces, and the Haitian justice system so that the security can be sustained. The mandate of the force expires on the 30th of September. It's for the council now to renew it and for the international community to contribute troops and the resources that are required. Renewing it without completing it would be prolonging a promise that's not fulfilled. None of this requires a new decision. The Dominican Republic has played its role. We will not practice a diplomacy of mere declarations, but rather a diplomacy of solutions. We will contribute to building the consensus that made a resolution possible, and we are committing our financial contributions that's proportional for the trust fund of the force and facilitating from our country transit, logistics, and a UN support office. We are cooperating with the sanctions regime and supporting the personnel of the mission in our hospitals. We are doing this because this is, above all, a question of national security for our country, and we must repeat this as clearly as possible: there is no Dominican solution to the Haitian crisis, and no state or organization can impose on our country to do it in their place.
The war in Ukraine, the Middle East, Sudan, Haiti, Yemen and Africa, including the expansion of terrorism in the Sahel. All of these bear witness to the continued worsening and deep cracks in international peace and security. In Gaza and indeed throughout the OPT, human suffering is unconscionable. There are systemic violations of international law, and these are unacceptable. It is high time to act to halt the horror of mass murder and destruction. No peace, no security can be viable, nor can it last without the two state solution Palestine, with East Jerusalem as its capital, and Israel the two living side by side within safe and internationally recognized borders. In a situation of ongoing conflict which favors an arms race, which erodes disarmament mechanisms and fuels risk linked to new technologies, and that the fact that there is an arms race in outer space. In this context, we call for a collective stirring peaking of our conscience. Peace is not a simple aspiration. It is a collective responsibility. It is for this reason that as interim president of ECOWAS, I will spare no effort to work to bring about peace and security in the subregion. Of course, I will be doing this alongside the African Union and the United Nations, working closely with them.
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Unfortunately much of what we see runs counter to this. In the last two years, the world spent more on military budgets than on resourcing this important body tasked with maintaining global peace. We are reminded that meeting the SDGs by 2030, including ending hunger and expanding access to safe water and sanitation, will require not more than 5% of the 2.9 trillion USD spent on arms. The results of the choice we are making is an arms race, and a world as divided as it is dangerous. We see the consequences in Sudan, which is today the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. We see also the consequences in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, in Iran, Ukraine and elsewhere. Humanitarian workers are caught in the crossfire of today's conflict. When they are not being obstructed from reaching civilians in need, they are being killed in the line of duty. To restore respect for international law, we must protect those who deliver humanitarian assistance.
They are not two separate issues, but one and the same. Supporting the Yemeni government and strengthening its economic, security and military capacities is an investment in international peace and security. Protecting this strategic waterway is a shared regional and international responsibility which Yemen cannot shoulder alone. It is the responsibility of every economy that depends on secure supply chains, energy security, and freedom of navigation. In this regard, we commend the initiative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to establish a multinational maritime defense coalition. This initiative reflects a deep appreciation and understanding of collective responsibility to protect navigation, deter threats and combat smuggling. The path to a secure at sea requires a stable Yemen. There is no stability in Yemen without restoring the state, sustainable peace cannot be achieved while an armed militia remains above the law and outside state authority, restoring the Yemeni state is not just a national interest, it is a direct contribution to regional security and stability and to the protection of one of the world's most vital maritime corridors. Ladies and gentlemen our Yemeni people aspires to peace, but our people will not abandon their state. Our government is committed to peace, but it cannot accept that the armed coup becomes a fait accompli. There is no peace with arms outside state authority. Peace requires deeds, not words. 12 years of an incomplete peace have left millions of people enduring hunger, injuries, displacement. Every statistic in Yemen's tragedy carries a human story.
Mr. president, excellencies, nowadays we are witnessing a downgrading and violation of the rules governing international relations with the logic of force, intimidation and imposition of values stemming from unilateral vision by certain countries in defense of their exclusive interests. Instability being experienced in various regions of our continent is a direct consequence of that stance, as it can be seen in the conflicts currently unfolding in Europe, in the Middle East, in the Persian Gulf and in Africa, while tensions is mounting in the Asia-Pacific region. From what we have observed, we do not discern encouraging signs regarding the likelihood of reaching any peace agreement in the near future in the wars between Russia and Ukraine, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the Middle East, and in the Persian Gulf. We condemned the genocide against defenseless population, the elderly, women, children, bedridden patients, health professionals, journalists and workers of international humanitarian organizations who are often deprived of access to most basic human rights and to essential goods for life, such as water, food and medicines. The expulsion of Palestinians from their homes and lands through expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank must elicit the strongest international outrage and condemnation. Attempts to dominate entire countries and regions of the globe by force of arms, are leading the world towards a catastrophe. The food security and energy and humanitarian situation of countries and the world in general, has deteriorated considerably following the outbreak of wars against Ukraine and more recently against Iran. The toll of these wars is disastrous, judging by the consequences arising from the strangulation of freedom of maritime navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab, a situation that has created serious risk of disruption to logistic supply chains in general, and to food and energy supply chains in particular, with devastating effects on the most vulnerable countries.
Yet putting this vision into practice is rarely simple at a time of tectonic geopolitical changes. In the Middle East, the Gaza peace plan agreed last year must be effectively implemented. It is of paramount concern to ensure that Hamas surrenders its arms. It can have no role, I repeat, no role in Gaza's future. At the same time, reconstruction needs to move forward, with Palestinians themselves taking ownership of Gaza's future. Greece will continue to advocate for a two state solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. However, developments in the West Bank remain a source of deep concern. Actions that are illegal under international law and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state cannot be allowed to continue. We strongly argue that this is also to the benefit of the long term security of Israel itself. Greece has established a durable and deep strategic partnership with Israel, while at the same time maintaining strong ties with the Arab world. It is precisely the strength of this partnership that allows us to engage in an open and candid dialogue. In Lebanon, there is now a real opportunity to lay the foundations for a lasting peace. The US facilitated negotiations with Israel are an important step forward and should be sustained. Greece strongly supports a sovereign, resilient and united Lebanon and the government's efforts to restore the state's monopoly over arms. Ultimately, a stronger Lebanese state will serve both domestic security and regional stability. Therefore, we will continue to deliver concrete assistance to the country, including to the Lebanese armed forces. With the UNIFIL's mandate ending, joint action is crucial to avoid a security vacuum and maintain an effective international and European presence. Syria is another key player in the region. Lasting stability in the Middle East requires a stable Syria, a Syria that is inclusive, a Syria that is free from foreign interference and regional rivalries. A Syria where every citizen can and should feel secure. The new Syrian authorities have taken steps in this direction. Yet further concrete progress must be demonstrated, particularly when it comes to protecting the rights and security of all religious and ethnic communities. And this, of course, includes the Orthodox Christian minority, which unfortunately continues to face the violence of Islamist extremists. The search for stability extends to Libya, a neighbour with whom we share many common interests. We praise all reunification efforts. A stable Libya free from foreign interference, would benefit not only the Libyan people, but our entire region. And Greece is ready to support Libyan institutions in border protection and migration management. And we remain fully committed to reaching an agreement on the delimitation of our maritime zones. Ladies and gentlemen, let me now turn to our relations with our neighbour, Turkey. Over the past three years, we have made a sustained effort to improve our relationship, rebuild trust and keep channels of communication open in order to prevent the escalation of tensions that could lead to unwanted crises. It is a delicate relationship. It's a relationship that carries the weight of history. And indeed, given broader and regional challenges, the situation urgently calls for a common understanding on how we move forward, an understanding grounded in full respect for international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. After all, as I've said repeatedly, we cannot change our geography. We are destined to live side by side. And I repeat that the UN convention on the law of the sea provides the only institutional framework to solve our only long lasting dispute concerning the delimitation of our continental shelf and our exclusive economic zones. Dialogue is essential for peace and prosperity, but meaningful dialogue cannot coexist with unilateral actions that challenge the international legal order. Nor can meaningful progress be made when faced with threats of war in response to the exercise of lawful rights, according to international law. Such actions do not resolve differences. They end up by only deepening them, and they risk undermining the stability of our wider region, a region which we should not forget, still bears an open wound: the unresolved Cyprus issue. 52 years have passed since Turkey illegally invaded Cyprus and continued to occupy it, a flagrant violation of international law whose consequences persist to this day. For the United Nations, Cyprus remains a litmus test of its credibility, of its ability to uphold its own resolutions and the principles of the charter, and Greece fully supports the recent efforts of Secretary-General Guterres to create the appropriate conditions for the resumption of substantive negotiations, and we sincerely hope that progress can be achieved during his remaining time in office. And we expect these efforts to continue under his successor with the same objective the reunification of Cyprus, free of occupation forces in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The principles at stake in Cyprus are being tested elsewhere too. Today, two other major conflicts continue to challenge our ability to defend the values upon which this organization was founded. The war in Ukraine is now in its fifth year, five years since Russia's full scale aggression brought back war to European soil. The Ukrainian people have shown extraordinary courage defending their freedom and Greece continuously stands with them. We strongly, strongly condemn attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Diplomacy must now deliver an immediate cease fire and a lasting peace anchored in the principles of the United Nations Charter. Ukraine must have a decisive say in its own future, and Europe cannot be absent from these negotiations. Against this backdrop, another devastating war demands our urgent attention. In Sudan, the nearly four year conflict has resulted in a staggering humanitarian catastrophe. Reports of atrocious war crimes continue to emerge, while the conflict is fuelling instability far beyond Sudan's borders. We should not permit this tragedy to endure. Foreign interference must also cease with no impunity for war crimes. Ultimately, the way forward lies in a credible, Sudanese led political process that reflects the aspirations of the citizens Sudan. The European Union ought to leverage its capacity to play a more active role in supporting that process and assisting in bringing this destructive conflict to an end. After all, it has real skin in the game. Should the devastating war continue, our continent will be the first to suffer from a possible massive new migratory wave. Ladies and gentlemen, Greece's confidence abroad rests on a profound transformation at home. At a time when the effectiveness of governments all over the world is being challenged by populists and extremists, and public trust is being eroded in the echo chambers of social media, Greece serves as an example that sound reform oriented policies can deliver real results for people and improve their lives.
We must anticipate the consequences of a world in which force is once again being presented ever more openly as the most reliable instrument of policy, in which military budgets are growing, conflicts are multiplying, arms control mechanisms are weakening, and channels of communication are disappearing precisely when they are needed most. We must, therefore, ask the essential question: Where is the United Nations in such a world? The Security Council is often blocked precisely in the crises in which it should be most active. Other parts of the UN system face financial pressures, overlapping mandates, bureaucratization, and the justified demand of member states to see more concrete results.
Today, I convey to you the facts, the achievements, to go through the breakthrough we have achieved. Last year, I mentioned that Syria came back. Today, I say that Syria is rising. Ladies and gentlemen, in our journey, in the struggle between good and evil, the bloodshed was stopped. Destruction was stopped. Syria started the journey of reconstruction, of recovery. The country was united. We controlled arms. We rebuilt military and civilian institutions. Sanctions were lifted. Projects for reconstruction have continued. We have combated drug trafficking, and we focused on transitional justice. We have ascertained the fate of the missing. We turned our vision into practical action. We have forged partnerships, and we focused mainly on the future and on the welfare of our people. We focused on reconstruction. We relied on the free will of our people and our independence. This national vision relied on diplomatic efforts. Since liberation, more than 100 states started communicating with us through 4,000 communications. Our capital has hosted more than 60 diplomatic missions. Syria has restored its status in the international community. It has been a transit for the world. We also built diplomatic bridges, and in parallel, we proved to the world that the security of the region has to start in Damascus. With seven states, we started a group, the Breath of Freedom, to destroy the chemical weapons file. We have been working with the OPCW, and we are working with the IAEA with transparency, as we believe that collective security is our duty. The strict implementation of our treaties spares our world the horrors of chemical weapons and nuclear weapons. We combated transnational crime. We have seized large amounts of Captagon, and we combated the smuggling in people and organized crime. Stability and security have been established. We are no longer isolated. The Caesar Act was repealed. Also, sanctions were lifted and culminated in cooperation with the European Union. Also, we are no longer part of the list of states sponsors of terrorism. We have started production. We have more than 5,000 production lines. We have seen an increase in agriculture production to ensure self-sufficiency. We also enhanced the service sector. The housing sector has been focused on. We recovered 3.5 million refugees and IDPs have returned in a safe and decent way. Syria turned from a crisis to an opportunity for many countries. We believe in human resources. Any development planning for the region that ignores Syria would be flawed, and the price would be heavy. Ladies and gentlemen, these initiatives focus on the recovery of citizens in Syria. This is why we focused on safe and dignified return. We launched the initiative Syria without refugee camps to end this era. We have reconstructed universities and schools to maintain educational services to all Syrian citizens. And we have consolidated our values. We have consolidated the rule of law.
First, restoring trust among states. Second, ensuring there is reconciliation among peoples and nations with multilateral institutions. And third, working so that recent technological progress benefits all humanity. We are living in a time where the progress of science and technology have allowed for useful knowledge to flourish, such as the emergence of artificial intelligence in order to overcome the multiple challenges that humanity is facing. In recent decades, we have adopted agreements in different areas, and we continue to create the conditions for a world that is more just a world where we can all live in peace and security. Despite our efforts, nevertheless, wars and conflicts of all kinds persist. The arms race is intensifying. Humanitarian catastrophes, selfishness and intolerance are increasingly present, and with impotence, we watch the deterioration of international solidarity and multilateralism as we see the appearance and strengthening of different blocks that are in confrontation when certain challenges antagonize their specific interests. President, the time has come to return to the spirit and the very basics of the United Nations Charter.
At the same time, we must secure our future by ensuring responsible behavior in outer space, reducing space threats and preventing an arms race in outer space. We also urge a renewed and rigorous commitment to Non-Proliferation treaty, the cornerstone of the global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation architecture. Restoring trust in the NPT is imperative if we are to achieve our shared vision of a world free from existential threat of nuclear weapons. Closer to home the Philippines own journey toward lasting peace, exemplified by the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, has taught us an invaluable lesson.
Member states must remain at the heart of this work, but they cannot act alone. We must engage industries, scientists, researchers, civil society, academia, young people, the companies building this system and the people using them. Let us carry that ambition into the global dialogue on AI governance in 2027. Excellencies, the world leaders also spoke clearly about reforming the United Nations. Reform is not an exercise in rearranging structures or reducing budgets, or rearranging budget lines. Its measure is whether this organization delivers better, faster and more fairly for the people it serves. We will build on the UN80 initiative and the mandate implementation review. But administrative reform cannot substitute for deeper political reform truly led by Member States. In this regard, Africa's exclusion from permanent membership of Security Council is a continuing injustice. The common African position is clear no reform agenda, including UN80, is complete without addressing this long standing inequity in the Security Council. Excellencies, the appointment of the next Secretary-General also emerged as one of this Assembly's most consequential responsibilities, at a time when the organization is facing complex issues and challenges. The charter is clear about the selection process that the Security Council will recommend, and the General Assembly will appoint the next Secretary-General. Member states called for a process that is transparent, inclusive and merit based. The selection process must strengthen, not diminish, the legitimacy, independence and moral authority of the office. Excellencies, I chose restoring trust as the principal focus of my presidency. It resonated widely with the speakers during this high level week and the general debate. We heard of a crisis of institutional trust. We were reminded that trust cannot be taken for granted, and we heard a vigorous defense of multilateralism, but not as an end in itself. A delegation observed that the test of multilateralism is not how many resolution we adopt or how many meetings we hold. Its test is whether collective action changes realities on the ground. All this goes to the heart of the theme of our 81st session Restoring Trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all. Trust cannot be commanded. It must be earned through consistency between words and deeds, equal application of international law, fulfilment of commitments, genuine representation, transparency, accountability and results. Restoring trust, therefore, means making our institutions worthy of their trust. Meaningful and often painful reforms need to underpin efforts to rebuild trust. This hall, where grievances are aired, differences negotiated and agreements forged is one of the humanity's greatest achievements. Dialogue can be difficult, it can be frustrating, but it is always better than a world in which we stop talking and take up arms. So I thank you and your delegations for showing up, for articulating your positions, for listening to others, and for trying relentlessly to advance peace development and human rights.
These values have long underpinned our domestic and foreign policies. As Iran continues its occupation of the three Emirati islands Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa, which we reject, the United Arab Emirates has consistently called for a peaceful settlement of this conflict, whether through direct negotiations or by recourse to the International Court of Justice. Amid growing threats to navigation in our region and beyond, my country has continued to emphasize the principles of freedom of navigation and the right of transit passage. We stress the need to secure and protect the safe flow of supply chains, trade and energy in accordance with international law, including the law of the sea and the principle of state sovereignty, recognizing these as pillars of food security, development, and prosperity of nations. We have continued to support every sincere effort to achieve peace, particularly in Yemen, Libya, the Sahel, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Myanmar, Haiti and elsewhere. We have also supported efforts to reach a sustainable political solution to the question of the Moroccan Sahara, based on the Moroccan Autonomy Initiative, while affirming the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Morocco over the Sahara. Furthermore, we have advocated for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine in accordance with international law and the principles of the UN charter, including respect for sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. We have remained steadfast in our role as a trusted international mediator, successfully conducting 26 mediations that facilitated the exchange of nearly 8000 prisoners between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, ensuring their return to their homelands and families. The UAE has also stood ready to support nations undergoing positive transformations, such as Syria and Lebanon, as they move towards a secure and stable future. Regarding Sudan, my country has underscored the need to end the humanitarian catastrophe, securing a permanent and unconditional ceasefire that would bring an end to the civil war. This includes launching a comprehensive and credible political process led by civilians, which would culminate in the formation of a civil government independent of both parties to the conflict and from extremist groups. It is crucial to ensure that neither side of the conflict has a role in the new civilian government. The future of Sudan must be decided solely by the Sudanese people, and the international community must press the leaders of Port Sudan authorities and those of the Rapid Support Forces as parties to the conflict to engage seriously with international initiatives. As for Gaza, the UAE was among the first to support the framework established by the international community to end the horrific war. We have stressed the need to fully implement the comprehensive plan of President Trump to end the conflict in Gaza and the associated roadmap, including the withdrawal of Israel from the Gaza Strip, the disarmament of Hamas, and the advancement of a serious political horizon, leading to a just and lasting settlement of the Palestinian question based on the two state solution. This entails the establishment of an independent sovereign Palestinian state, living side by side with Israel in peace and security. We also underscore the importance of ensuring the unification of Gaza and the West Bank under a Palestinian Authority that, once reformed, will be capable to fulfill its responsibilities and ensure that arms remain solely under its control. We further underscore the urgent need to halt Israel's dangerous escalation in the West Bank and its settlement activities, accompanied by the rise of settler violence, terrorism and the siege of Palestinian village, as well as the ongoing violations in East Jerusalem and at the holy sites and the attempts to impose a new historical and legal status quo on the ground. My country strongly condemns all these actions.
Cote d'Ivoire hopes that this process will result in the appointment of a figure of the highest caliber, whose moral values independence of mind, diplomatic experience and commitment to dialogue will enable the United Nations to pursue, with ambition and effectiveness its mission in the service of peace, development and solidarity among nations. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Current international events remind us every day of the human, political and economic cost of protracted conflicts. Cote d'Ivoire remains deeply concerned about the resumption of hostilities in the Near and Middle East, the consequences of which weigh on peace and on food, energy and economic security throughout the world. The dire situation in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in the Sudan is equally alarming, with severe and endless humanitarian consequences. All these persistent conflicts are exacerbating the suffering of the affected populations and producing harmful effects that extend far beyond the borders of the states concerned. We therefore call for dialogue to prevail over arms. We also express our solidarity with the Haitian people. Cote d'Ivoire will continue to contribute to ongoing initiatives aimed at supporting the Haitian authorities and international partners in order to restore security in the sister nation so as to restore democratic legitimacy to its institutions. My country takes this opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with the United Nations Charter, and to lend its full support for the many mediation efforts undertaken by the United Nations, the African Union and relevant regional organizations. Ladies and gentlemen. Africa is bearing the brunt of the decline of multilateralism and the difficulties the United Nations has faced in recent years. Due to a lack of support from certain partners and from the United Nations, several African countries are struggling to find lasting solutions to conflicts and to bear the cost of various counterterrorism and peacekeeping operations. Meanwhile, violent extremism, transnational organized crime and illicit trafficking of all kinds continue to destabilize a number of regions on the continent and in particular, the Sahel. Our experience and the realities on the ground demonstrate that no state can, on its own, overcome such threats in a definitive and lasting manner. This requires greater regional cooperation and international solidarity in order to ensure appropriate responses. These threats also call for investment in conflict prevention and for addressing, at an early stage the vulnerabilities that fuel crises, including poverty, inequality, youth unemployment and all other forms of marginalization. In this regard we commend the efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, ECOWAS and all the partners working on security and stabilization efforts in our region.
Excellencies, this brings me to a larger question: what kind of international order do you want? The United Nations was born from humanity's experience of the horrific World War. Its promise was that sovereignty would matter, international law would matter, the dignity of every human being would matter, and the weak would not simply have to accept whatever the powerful decide. Today, that international system is under strain. Too often, military and economic power determine whose voice is heard. Nepal believes we need a much fairer global economic order. In 1994, UNDP's Human Development Report conceptualized the notion of human insecurity. It equated security with people rather than territories, and with development rather than arms.
Crises arise not so much from an absence of resources and opportunities, but rather from a lack of commitment to the principles agreed upon by the international community. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the countries of the region have been subjected to flagrant Iranian attacks, targeting their security resources and civilian and economic facilities. The Kingdom reiterates its full right to protect its security and sovereignty, its citizens and residents, and its national resources. We call upon the international community to shoulder its responsibilities in confronting all threats to international peace and security. The security of the Gulf region is part and parcel of the security of the region and the world at large. The stability of this vital region is directly linked to global energy security, the steadiness of international trade, and the resilience of global supply chains. Mr. President, safeguarding international navigation and the resilience of global supply chains is a shared responsibility that requires serious international cooperation to prevent risks that could affect the global economy. In this regard, the Kingdom stresses the importance of ensuring freedom of navigation in all international waterways, foremost among them the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. We must restore the situation in the Strait of Hormuz to its pre 28th of February status, without the imposition of any fees or restrictions. The Kingdom rejects the use by any party of these vital waterways as an instrument of pressure, threat or harm to the interests of states in accordance with international law and relevant UN resolutions. Mr. President, efforts to restore security and stability in the region and to build sustainable relations among its countries cannot be based on domination, influence or exploitation of crises. Rather, they must be founded on mutual respect, common interests, good neighbourliness respect for the sovereignty of states, and full compliance with international law and international humanitarian law. In this vein, the Kingdom supports efforts and initiatives that contribute to de-escalation, foremost among them the efforts of Qatar, Pakistan and other sisterly and friendly countries. This would contribute to restoring stability to the region and creating conditions conducive to dialogue and diplomacy. We stress the importance of ensuring that any arrangements on the regional security must be comprehensive, effective and sustainable. They must clearly address the root causes of threatened instability. We stress the need to ensure that the entire region is free of weapons of mass destruction, and that peaceful nuclear programs are subject to international oversight, verification and safeguards. As such, we would enhance confidence and safeguard regional and international security. The continued suffering of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and the targeting of civilians by Israeli occupation, the obstruction of humanitarian assistance, attempts at forced displacement and the continued expansion of illegal settlements all constitute serious violations of international law and international humanitarian law. The Kingdom rejects any attempts at forced displacement or changing the status quo of the Palestinian territories. We stress that a just and lasting peace can only be achieved through the implementation of the two state solution and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. The Kingdom stresses the need to support efforts aimed at reaching a comprehensive political solution that will ensure the stability of Yemen and alleviate the suffering of those brotherly people. We have provided humanitarian and development assistance to the Republic of Yemen, amounting to more than 29 billion USD. We were the first among humanitarian donors to the Republic of Yemen in 2025. The Kingdom in this regard welcomes the statement issued by the members of the Security Council including the condemnation of the missile and drone attacks carried out by the Houthi terrorist militia against the Kingdom and against commercial vessels. The Kingdom calls upon the international community to reject and condemn all the Houthi terrorist militia's aggressions and criminal acts that threaten the security of navigation in the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb Strait. With regard to Sudan, the Kingdom stresses the importance of Sudan's stability, territorial integrity and unity while maintaining its natural resources and institutions. The solution to the crisis must be an intra Sudanese political solution that respects the sovereignty and unity of Sudan. It must be based on supporting Sudanese state institutions, thus fulfilling the aspirations of the Sudanese people, alleviating their humanitarian suffering and enhancing their security and stability. The Kingdom supports all efforts aimed at strengthening Syria's security and stability and preserving its territorial integrity. The Kingdom welcomes the USA's announcement of removing Syria from the list of states sponsoring of terrorism, in view of its contribution to strengthening stability and reconstruction and development. And we have to condemn and reject any effort at undermining efforts to restore security and stability within Syria. In Lebanon, the Kingdom reiterated support for the Lebanese state and its legitimate institutions, the implementation of the Taif Agreement, the restriction of arms to the state and preservation of its sovereignty security and stability. We also attach importance to Iraq's role in promoting cooperation and stability in the region, and support all efforts to contribute to achieving security and stability and prosperity. And we have to ensure that weapons will only be restricted to the state to ensure security and stability in Iraq.
Our message is simple innovation must serve humanity. Technological transformation is only one dimension of a rapidly changing world. Old threats are also evolving, and new ones are crossing borders faster than ever. Mr. President, terrorism and extremism, cyber crime, illicit trafficking in arms and narcotic drugs, organized crime these threats know no borders. Our response must be equally united. Therefore, the Dushanbe Process on Countering Terrorism and Its Financing has become an important platform for international and regional cooperation. We will continue this engagement, including by convening the next high level counter-terrorism conference in Dushanbe in 2027. Mr. President for our region, lasting security and sustainable development are also closely linked to Afghanistan.
This is why we have profound gratitude to President Trump for his invitation to Trinidad and Tobago earlier this year to be part of the newly formed Shield of the Americas and Americas Counter Cartel Coalition. We remain confident that this partnership will continue to promote freedom, security and prosperity in our region. Trinidad and Tobago appreciates and recognizes the responsibility bestowed on the Security Council in this regard. We extend our deepest appreciation to the 181 member states that entrusted Trinidad and Tobago with responsibility of serving on the Security Council for 2027 2028. Can we say thank you to all 181 states? We regard that overwhelming expression of confidence not simply as an achievement, but we see it as a very solemn responsibility on the part of Trinidad and Tobago. We return to the council for only the second time in the history of our nation, and this is for the first time in more than four decades. We will carry to the council the commitment on which we sought your support. We did so, and we committed to building consensus for realization of sustainable peace and security. The Republic of Trinidad and Tobago intends to bring the perspective and experience of a small island developing state to the Council, whilst we remain guided by the UN Charter by international law and the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes. We will bring those principles to every matter before the Council, whether the crisis lies within our region or far beyond it. We will approach our tenure with an independent and practical outlook, working constructively with all members of the Council and seeking common ground wherever possible. We intend to place particular emphasis on the curbing of the illicit trafficking of small arms and light weapons, another pillar on which we had campaigned, and we intend to commit to is women and children, as well as peace and security.
Distinguished guests. Ladies and gentlemen, the world is undergoing a profound shift in the international order, with many risks and uncertainties. The tendency towards the threat or use of force, and the arms race, especially the modernization of nuclear weapons and the development of new technology weapons, are heightening the risk of confrontation, miscalculation, conflict, and even of large scale wars. At the same time, the global economy is becoming increasingly fragmented amid mounting barriers to trade, investment and technology, supply chain disruptions and economic instability, and narrowing development opportunities for many countries. Climate change, natural disasters, pandemics and emerging technological risk continue to pose direct threats to the lives of the people and their livelihoods, and to the development and stability of many nations. The shift in the balance of power and development inequalities are placing growing strains on international relations.
Our experience in southern Africa has taught us that dialogue is a shared fortitude and not a weakness. In the African tradition, the meeting place is not where courage is abandoned. It is where wisdom is summoned. Lessons can be drawn from the heritage based approaches to peace building and conflict resolution from communities across the world, including within Africa. Military action may alter the battlefield, but durable peace is built through inclusive political processes that restore confidence, address grievances and allow affected communities to shape their socioeconomic and political destinies. Mr. President, Zimbabwe's grateful for the confidence placed in us through our election to the Security Council for the 2027 to 2028 term. My country will assume this responsibility in January 2027 with humility, independency and a readiness to serve, guided by our foreign policy of being a friend to all and an enemy to none. Accordingly, my country will prioritize four priorities in the Council. Firstly, the promotion of preventive diplomacy, mediation, and peaceful dispute resolution while tackling the underlying causes of insecurity. Secondly, we shall advocate for the strengthening of cooperation between the United Nations and the regional organizations such as the African Union and its Peace and Security Council. In this respect, we call for the full implementation of resolution 2719 to ensure predictable, adequate and sustainable financing for authorized African Union led peace support operations. Thirdly, our nation believes that our rich heritage and natural resource endowments must advance industrialization, modernization and the green agenda for the prosperity of all and not to finance conflict. As such, Zimbabwe shall support Africa's Silencing the Guns agenda and strong action against terrorism, organized crime, illicit arms flows, and illegal resource trafficking. Finally, women and young people must shape peace. From the outset, the support of Zimbabwe will also be extended to the women and youth peace and security agendas. The current times demand peace keeping that is grounded in clear political strategies, realistic mandates and adequate resources. Those most affected by the decisions of the Security Council should not be the least heard. There is need not only give a voice, but consider the views of the countries and regions on the Security Council agenda towards our shared aspirations for enduring peace and sustainable development.
A lesson that fair advocacy and earnest desire for compliance with the law and order alone can hardly defend anything. Like in other parts of the world, a serious landscape of confrontation between justice and injustice, and between hegemonic forces and independent forces is being witnessed in Northeast Asia this year. The Korean Peninsula and its vicinity in particular, are faced with extreme instability and further aggravated tension on a level different from that of last year due to the persistent hostility towards the DPRK and ever increasing military confrontation of the U.S. and its followers. The US Japan ROK military alliance, unmistakably aimed at DPRK, is being evolved by the United States into a more offensive and aggressive military bloc with nuclear element. The US is conspiring with its allies to systematically amend and update the anti-DPRK nuclear war scenarios, and to steadily cultivate and master their performance capability through provocative war rehearsals of all hues and military buildup. This year alone, the US staged a series of bilateral and multilateral military exercises including Freedom Shield and Freedom Edge, simulating a real war scenario. It didn't even bother to cover up its dangerous attempt at military confrontation against the DPRK. The USA has approved and encouraging Seoul's ambition to possess nuclear powered submarines while relocating and deploying different military hardware, including the latest missiles and drones on the Korean Peninsula and its vicinity. The current military inclination is further aggravating the already vulnerable security landscape in the region. On the other hand, Japan, an A-Class war criminal that inflicted untold sufferings and disasters upon mankind in the last century, is taking advantage of the present international turbulence. It accelerates its attempts at rearmament with an unprecedented commitment, including the revision of the peace constitution, abandonment of exclusive defense, reformation of the military structure and arms buildup. Such actions are casting war clouds over the entire region. Under the signboard of a counterattack capability, Japan has buckled down to the development and possession of a long range attack, weapons that put neighboring countries within striking range. Its ambition runs counter to its obligations as a defeated nation. They are in shameless disregard of the UN charter and pose a grave challenge to global peace. The global military and political context is worsening day by day, and the unlimited abuse of power has become a commonplace. Under such circumstances, the risky military threat of the U.S., Japan and the ROK go beyond precedent and continue to break the worst records in their scale, intensity, nature and dangers, creating security instability on the Korean Peninsula on a level different from previous years. Nevertheless, no physical conflict has occurred on and around the Korean Peninsula, a hot spot of the world, and the security index is being maintained at a higher level than any other part of the globe. We owe it to the fact that the DPRK has a war deterrent in place, powerful enough to break anyone's will to start a war of aggression against the DPRK, and that we are thoroughly containing and managing the hostile forces intention to use force. Thus, the regional balance of power maintained by the DPRK's self-defensive capabilities effectively curbs the risk of an armed conflict. No one can deny such an obvious fact. It further highlighted the immutable truth that just power means national sovereignty and prestige, and fundamental guarantee of peace and stability.
Criminal networks do not recognize borders. They are linked through drug trafficking trafficking in persons, illicit arms trafficking, smuggling, extortion, money laundering, environmental crime and other illicit economies. They exploit institutional weaknesses, inequality, and a lack of opportunities. Wherever the state is weakened, these structures seek to replace it, intimidate it, or bend it to serve private interests.
The control of these powerful tools must not remain in the hands of a select few. They must serve humanity, not the other way around. In particular, the development of lethal autonomous weapon system raises profound moral questions. In this critical domain, Pope Leo provides clear criteria for discernment. The first concerns personal responsibility. The second pertains to the moral time frame for making judgments. The third is the protection of civilians. These criteria give rise to certain non-negotiable requirements. First of all, systems used in war setting must guarantee the possibility of retracing and reconstructing decision making processes so that accountability and blame are not collapsed into the machine. Second, the decision to use lethal force cannot be delegated to opaque or automated processes, but must remain under effective, self-aware, and responsible human control. Finally, it is imperative to establish a shared framework also at the international level in order to curb the technological arms race and ensure robust protection for civilians and the infrastructures necessary for their survival. For some years now, the world has spiraled into violence that has progressively spread and intensified, continually opening up new theatres of war. The Holy See strongly emphasized the urgent need for an immediate and total cessation of hostility as a prerequisite for any serious engagement in restoring and building the future.
Mr. president, development also requires peace and security. For Jamaica and our wider Caribbean region, transnational organized crime remains a serious threat. Last year, from this very podium, Prime Minister Andrew Holness called for a global war on gangs, a coordinated international effort capable of matching the reach, financing and sophistication of transnational criminal networks. Jamaica reiterates that call today. Illicit firearms do not manufacture themselves in our communities. They cross borders. Criminal money crosses borders, criminal networks exploit technology and operate across borders. Our response must therefore also cross borders. We call for stronger cooperation in firearms tracing and interdiction, intelligence and information sharing, financial investigations, and law enforcement capacity building. We also urge major arms-exporting states to strengthen export controls and post delivery verification. At home, Jamaica has invested heavily in our security forces, strengthened legislation, enhanced intelligence gathering oversight and transformed policing. The results are remarkable by any standard. In 2025, Jamaica recorded its lowest number of homicides in more than three decades. And in 2026, with even further reductions, the Global Peace Index ranked Jamaica the most peaceful country in the Caribbean. We recognize that there remains work to be done, but the direction is clear and our objective is not merely fewer crimes. It is a durable ecosystem of peace in which every Jamaican can feel safe, raise a family, do business, and fulfill his or her potential, and retire in Paradise. Mr. president, nowhere in our region is the challenge of criminal gangs more devastating than in our CARICOM sister nation of Haiti. Jamaica stands firmly with the Haitian people.
Ladies and gentlemen, Your excellencies. In our Arab region, we reaffirm that comprehensive development and the establishment of state institutions are two fundamental pillars for realising the aspirations of peoples and achieving security and stability in the region. The vestiges of civil conflicts in some countries, and the presence of armed forces operating outside the control of the state must be eliminated. The state's monopoly over legitimate arms is among the most important foundations of the state, and it is what guarantees the ability to legislate and enforce the rule of law. Concerning brotherly Syria, we stand with its people during the phase of recovery and reconstruction. We support its state institutions, sovereignty independence and national and territorial integrity to fulfil the aspirations of the Syrian people to stability, development and dignity based on equal citizenship. In brotherly Sudan, we call for an inclusive dialogue that leads to sustainable peace and that maintains the unity and sovereignty of the state. In brotherly Libya, we support the political process, reconciliation efforts and the unification of state institutions. In brotherly Somalia, we reiterate our firm support for its sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. In brotherly Lebanon, we support its state institutions and its sovereignty over its entire territory. We condemn the Israeli attacks against Lebanon, and we stress the need to uphold the cease fire and to uphold Security Council Resolution 1701. In brotherly Yemen, we support United Nations efforts aimed at reaching a comprehensive political settlement based on the outcomes of the national dialogue facilitated by the United Nations in a manner that preserves Yemen's unity and sovereignty and achieve security and stability. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the State of Qatar goes beyond serving as a mediator and facilitating dialogue among parties in conflict, in pursuit of peaceful solutions.
The tendency to divert development budgets towards military expenditure in different parts of the world reverses the direction of our journey towards global peace. As a peace loving nation, Bangladesh remains committed to the goals of complete and general disarmament, preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons and arms control. I reiterate Bangladesh's support for any initiative at the United Nations dedicated to establishing world peace and serving humanity. The people of Bangladesh who believe in democracy remain deeply concerned about the plight of the freedom seeking Palestinian people.
And even more alarming sign is the collapse of the system of strategic stability. For the first time since the 1970s, there are no longer any legally binding limits on strategic arms between the major nuclear powers. There are no treaties, no verification mechanisms, and no predictability. Humanity is once again teetering on the brink of existence.
This inherent flaw in the U.N. charter granted the great powers the luxury of being insensible. To this original sin a profound leadership crisis is now added. The year of 2025 recorded the highest number of armed conflicts since the World War Two. Trillions of dollars are funding a new arms race. Geopolitical tensions threaten to transform regional conflicts into a conflagration of global proportions. Those at the helm of crucial decisions must act with responsibility and with a sense of urgency. The leaders of the countries members of the Security Council must meet. I'm no stranger to the realities of power. But concessions to the law of the stronger have surpassed all limits. This is not idealism, but pure realism. War is not the continuation of politics by other means. It's the complete breakdown of politics.
Climate action must go hand in hand with development, poverty reduction and job creation. Adaptation, water security and food security must receive the priority they deserve, especially in Africa and the countries most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Drawing on Egypt's experience and hosting the climate conference in Sharm el-Sheikh and the decision it adopted, we can affirm that the gap no longer lies in diagnosing the problem, but in implementation, especially in translating commitments into financing flows, projects and technologies that reach the countries and communities most in need. In a world where geopolitical and technological transformations are accelerating, this must not lead us into more dangerous arms races.
I would like to use this opportunity to pay tribute to all victims of the cowardly barbarism of terrorism who have sacrificed their lives. I also would like to pay tribute to our defense and security forces for their courage, their professionalism and their unwavering dedication in defending sovereignty, territorial integrity of our countries and protecting our people. I pay special tribute to the memory of the General Sadio Camara, Minister of Defense and Veterans Affairs, whose legacy of patriotism, courage and sacrifice will continue to inspire future generations of Malians and people in the Sahel. Mr. president, to reinforce security and ensure the sustainable return of peace, the government is implementing a comprehensive and integrated strategy for stability and prosperity of our country, and for this, the state continues to extend a hand to all those willing to lay down their arms and return to the Republic, in line with the conclusions of Inter Malian dialogue and the National Charter for Peace and Reconciliation.
All those who provide them with support, financing or arms must be held accountable. Mr. president, there can be no way to sustain peace and development without effectively addressing the challenge of climate change, which is no longer a future threat. It is already affecting water and food security, as well as the stability of territories, economies and the living conditions of populations. Despite its limited contribution to greenhouse gas emissions, Morocco remains among the countries most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Accordingly, in line with the vision of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, the Kingdom has adopted a proactive policy based on the continued construction of dams, the interconnection of water basins, seawater desalination, the reuse of treated wastewater and the rationalization of water resource management, particularly in the agricultural sector. This national effort forms part of an international commitment to climate action. On that basis, the Kingdom has set for the period 2026 2035, a target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by up to 53% by 2035, while placing adaptation and the strengthening of territorial resilience at the top of its priorities. This effort has extended to the African continent, which suffers from the devastating effects of climate change. The Royal Initiative to establish three African climate commissions for the Congo Basin the Sahel region and the African island states, has generated promising momentum to strengthen African climate action and coordination among the states of the continent in addressing these challenges. However, addressing climate change cannot rely on national efforts alone. It requires the provision of affordable and accessible financing, technology transfer and genuine international solidarity, enabling developing countries to fulfill their responsibilities towards present and future generations alike. Mr. president, Madam President, the Palestinian question remains a constant priority in the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Morocco, based on its belief in the justice of this, that this is a just cause and it is central to achieving peace and stability in the Middle East region.
AI can be a powerful accelerator of human progress; therefore, we must not close the door to innovation. At the same time, we must address AI’s potential harms, including job losses and widening of the digital divide. We cannot also rule out the possibility that AI, particularly artificial general intelligence, or AGI, could affect human survival. That demands prudent and reliable guardrails, based on scientific evidence, to safeguard the global public interest, while allowing innovation to go forward. Governments must remain at the heart of this endeavour. But governments do not have a monopoly on expertise, capital, technology, innovation or influence. Much of that experience and capacity already lies with businesses, innovators, civil society and others. We need to unlock the doors of the United Nations to those developing and using AI. Not someday. Now. We are falling further behind each day. AI differs from earlier proliferation challenges in one critical respect: it is already embedded in nearly every facet of our lives, in our water systems, electricity grids, health records, economies and militaries. We cannot allow an arms race for control of AI to carry us over the precipice. There is clear precedent for United Nations engagement with world-changing developments. We did so on nuclear non-proliferation; through the Montreal Protocol to protect the ozone layer; and with the United Nations Declaration on Human Cloning in 2005. We need experts, innovators, industry leaders, scientists, civil society, and academia all working together on the issues of our times. (PAUSE) Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, We have an opportunity in this session to show that we have learned from what works; that we are prepared to confront what does not; and that we can build a United Nations capable not simply of surviving change, but of shaping it. To seize that opportunity, we must be realistic enough to confront hard truths, bold enough to reform, and inclusive enough to bring the right people to the table.
Within our hemisphere, other unresolved challenges require immediate, principled engagement. Haiti remains our urgent concern. Nearly four decades ago, the Trinidadian calypsonian David Rudder sang a lament to Haiti. His words are still relevant today. I quote when there is anguish in Port-au-Prince, it's still Africa crying. We are putting out fires in faraway places when our neighbours are burning. I refuse to believe that we good people will forever turn our hearts and our eyes away. Haiti I am sorry. And the song goes on. The insecurity of the Haitian people, plagued by gang violence and political uncertainty is a pain felt across our region. We support the efforts of CARICOM and this organization to help fund and provide security, to build up critical institutions and create a viable path to general elections. We must confront the reality of arms trafficking, including assault weapons that are terrorizing Haitian communities and indeed communities across the Caribbean.
The government bears the primary responsibility for protecting its citizens, maintaining public order and safeguarding the electoral process. South Sudan, therefore, continues to call for constructive engagements with the Security Council concerning restrictive measures, including the arms embargo. South Sudan objective is not militarisation. The objective is to develop professional, unified discipline and accountable security forces operating under the civilian authority and the rule of law. South Sudan believes that accountability and national capacity should reinforce themselves. We therefore call for the lifting of all restrictive measures. Sanctions must be instruments for achieving clear defined objectives. They should not become permanent substitute for political engagements and institution buildings. Mr. President, South Sudan remains grateful for the contribution of the United Nations mission in South Sudan. We recognise the men and women who served under the United Nations flag, particularly those who have lost their lives in the service of peace. As South Sudan advanced its transition, international engagement must also evolve. President Kiir's vision is not for South Sudan to remain indefinitely dependent upon international peacekeeping. The objective must be a South Sudan capable of sustaining its own peacekeeping. South Sudan, therefore, calls for a greater emphasis on peace building, institutional development, continuous capacity building, and we are also keen to establishing partnership invest in South Sudan police and judiciary, invest in public administration, invest in education and healthcare, invest in infrastructure, invest in women and young people. Invest in institutions that will sustain peace long after peacekeepers have departed. The ultimate measure of a successful peacekeeping should be the establishment of a condition under which peacekeeping is no longer required. South Sudan, therefore, seeks a responsible transition from managing crisis towards building a lasting national capacity. Mr. President, peace cannot be sustained without development. And at independence, South Sudan inherited extremely limited infrastructure and institutional capacity. Nation building, state building and service delivery have therefore have to proceed simultaneously. President Kiir has placed particular emphasis on agriculture, infrastructure, education, healthcare and economic diversification.
Over the last 8 years, my country has opposed all wars of aggression wherever they have started, whether it's in Ukraine, in Lebanon, or in Iran. We have refused to increase our military spending to 5% of GDP, and we've done everything possible to avoid aggressions that run counter to the UN Charter, placing sanctions on the Russian aggressors, imposing an arms embargo on the Netanyahu government in Israel, and prohibiting the use of our territory to deploy an aggression that was against international law, and unequivocally condemning the genocide that Netanyahu is still perpetrating in Gaza. We have also mobilized resources to do more. And in the face of the chainsaws that have cut close to a third of world development aid in just 2 years, Spain has doubled its investment in cooperation and has increased its contribution to the multilateral system by 60%.
Mr. president, esteemed Member States. I speak to you today as the Palestinian people faces one of the most dangerous times of its history. This is following long decades of historic injustice, uprooting asylum seeking occupation and the deprivation of its basic right to self-determination, freedom and independence. In the Gaza Strip, our people are being subjected at the hands of the Israeli occupation forces to killing, destruction, starvation and attempts at displacement, as well as a genocidal war that has created an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. It has destroyed neighborhoods, cities, camps, institutions, schools, universities, hospitals, mosques and churches. And it has targeted all the basic necessities of life and the future of entire generations. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, settler expansion is accelerating, the West Bank is being fragmented and Jerusalem is being isolated and judaized. Settler terrorism is escalating under the protection of the occupying forces. While the crimes of land theft, home demolition checkpoints and raids continue under a system of laws, measures and practices, all built on racial discrimination, ethnic cleansing and state terrorism. Ladies and gentlemen. We have long warned the international community, through the United Nations General Assembly and through the Security Council, that these Israeli policies, in violation of international law, would destroy the two state solution, and that this is what is happening now. Today, we warn of an even greater danger ahead, one that requires international action to address it. The danger is no longer limited to undermining the two state solution and preventing the realization of the Palestinian state. It has now come to threaten the very life and existence of the Palestinian people on their homeland. What is taking place in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are not isolated incidents, but rather a malicious colonial scheme aimed at making the lives of Palestinians more difficult in their homeland and forcing them to leave it. We warn you today do not allow another Nakba to occur. Do not allow further massacres like those that occurred in 1948. Do not allow terrorist gangs protected by the Israeli occupation forces to burn Palestinian homes while their occupants are sleeping inside them. Do not allow our children to live afraid and threatened. Once again, I ask before this assembly. How much longer will some states continue to remain silent on Israel, or supply it with the weapons that it uses against our people? The world has witnessed the tremendous cost in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. So what is the international community waiting for in order to protect the Palestinian people, ensure their continued presence on their land and end the Israeli occupation, and implement the two state solution on the basis of international legitimacy. This solution guarantees peace for all, instead of the threat emanating from Israeli extremism, which seeks to expand its colonial project towards establishing the so-called Greater Israel and completely erasing Palestinian presence. Mr. president, esteemed member states. We welcomed President Donald Trump's 20 point plan. We also welcomed Security Council Resolution 2803 and the roadmap for implementing the second phase. This was to halt the aggression against our people and their humanitarian suffering, and secure the withdrawal of the occupation forces from the Gaza Strip and begin rebuilding the Gaza Strip. However, regretfully, we have not seen any of this materialize on the ground. The Israeli killing and aggression continue to claim the lives of men, women and children in Gaza. Nearly a year has passed since the adoption of resolution 2803 and the establishment of the Board of Peace. And only one year remains of the designated transitional period before the end of 2027. Therefore, we call for accelerating the implementation of the second phase rather than wasting any more time. The transitional period must not be allowed to become a permanent or open ended situation without any clear time bound political horizon. Rather, it must lead to the reunification of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, under the authority of the State of Palestine and its legitimate institutions, in accordance with the principle of one state one government, one law, and one legitimate entity authorized to bear arms. Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed Member States. The threats and attacks carried out by extremists against Islamic and Christian holy sites, particularly Al-Aqsa mosque and the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron constitute a violation of their historic and legal status and of freedom of worship.
In that regard, I want to talk about three issues today. First, what this body should have done and failed to do. Second, what it should not have done but did anyway. And third, its position in the face of the advent of artificial intelligence. Seventy-eight years ago, this House declared that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights— noble words whose spirit I fully share. To that end, it undertook to uphold international law, defend the sovereignty of nations, and provide a forum in which conflicts could be resolved through cooperation rather than immediately through the force of arms. That was the original purpose, the contract that we all signed. But today, regrettably, it is time to acknowledge that, in practice, that sacred covenant has been broken. That's to say, it's become a useless organization whose only purpose is to sustain a caste of fatally arrogant parasites, masquerading as well-intentioned bureaucrats. I would remind them of what Mises said: good people do not think about controlling the lives of their fellow human beings. Those who were supposed to guarantee collective security and human rights failed in their task. Instead, they allowed chaos, violence, and international terrorism to flourish. The alleged defenders of human rights have sheltered bloodthirsty dictatorships and regimes that stone women in the streets. They have systematically voted against Israel while remaining silent in the face of Islamic terrorism and the genocide of Christians in Africa. And as if that were not enough, an organization established to defend the territorial sovereignty of its members decided to look the other way with regard to the situation of the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia Islands, South Sandwich Islands, and the surrounding maritime areas. For us, the Malvinas are a national cause.
Niger is not pursuing confrontation with any country. It opens its arms to all partners that wish to build a new relationship based on equality, reciprocity and mutual interest, and shared interest. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, for more than half a century, uranium, this miraculous substance, Niger's uranium, has lit the cities of Europe, while our cities have remained in darkness. That injustice is now over. It is at an end. In June 2025, the state of Niger recovered control of SOMAÏR, the Société des mines de l'Aïr. Our resources will now be managed by us and for us and Niger intends to sell its uranium on the international market in full transparency and in strict compliance with its nuclear non-proliferation obligations. You will have heard at some point in the past, Air France say that Niger was intending to use this uranium. When they left our country, they sabotaged all of the material. And Niger has invested some 30 billion of our francs to continue that production. Totally making use of Nigerien workers and experts. Not a single foreigner was involved in that. The current stock belongs to our country. It does not belong to anyone and we will sell it to all those who wish to buy in total transparency, as I have just said. Similarly, in 2024, our country became an exporter of crude oil thanks to the oil pipeline linking Agadem to the Atlantic coast along the African continent, the longest one in the African continent, making Niger one of the continent's fastest growing economies in 2025. That revenue is going into our own security to agriculture, electrification, water and sanitation, education, health, the health of our fellow citizens. And the Solidarity Fund for the safeguarding of the homeland, which is made up of the voluntary contributions of millions of Nigeriens, tells you everything you need to know about a people that has understood that sovereignty has a price and that it is willing to pay it. Ladies and gentlemen, three years after breaking with the old order, progress on the ground is remarkable. Our economy has seen 7% growth in 2026. In 2025, excuse me. Driven above all by oil and agriculture. Inflation, which reached 9.1% in 2024, has fallen to -4.7% thanks to exceptional agricultural production and a targeted reduction of fuel and cement prices. All of the country's riches will be redistributed to benefit our population.
South-South cooperation remains an important complement to ODA. Partnerships among developing countries have enabled us to share expertise, technology, innovation and practical solutions suited to our circumstances. The support of Papua New Guinea, Indonesia, India and our Pacific family embodies the true spirit of South-South solidarity and we value it deeply. We also acknowledge the partnership of multilateral organisations, NGOs and the private sector in supporting development work in Solomon Islands. At home, my government is working hand in hand with churches to build stronger, more inclusive communities. Cooperation and partnership at every level and across borders are critical to nation building, and my government remains fully committed to them. Mr. president, as a small island developing state, our vulnerability remains a fundamental reality. A single natural disaster can erase years of investment and progress and push the nation backwards. The Multidimensional Vulnerability Index captures the special circumstances of SIDS in a way that income measures alone does not. We call on international financial institutions to integrate the MVI into their financing decisions for SIDS without further delay. Mr. president, last year, the world spent more than $3 trillion on its militaries. That is more than 16 times all ODA. In less than 18 days, the world spends more on arms than developed countries provide in a full year of climate finance. In the same year that military spending reached its highest share of global output since 2009, development aid had its steepest fall on record. Bilateral aid to the least developed countries fell by a quarter. This imbalance must be corrected. Redirecting even a small share of this spending would fully capitalize the Pacific Resilience Facility and the Loss and Damage Fund, secure the Green Climate Fund's third replenishment and meet ODA targets.
There is no need to look too far. It's just enough to look at the picture that has unfolded over the last one year period. Consider this the past 12 months have gone down in history as one of the bloodiest periods of the last 30 years, marked by more than 60 conflicts and wars. From Gaza to Ukraine and Russia, from Myanmar to Darfur, from Iran to Lebanon, 250 000 people have lost their lives, and far more number of people have endured indescribable suffering. Hundreds of thousands of people have been forced to leave the lands where they were born and raised. In Gaza alone, over the past three years, we have lost 74000 of our brothers and sisters, most of them women and children. Mind you, we lost them to what we regard as acts of state terror by Israel. The people of Gaza are still searching for their loved ones beneath the rubble. They are recovering the bodies of their spouses, their children or parents. Innocent children who have lost their arms and legs in Israeli attacks are trying to return to school. They are trying to hold on to life with prosthetic legs made of wood. In Gaza's hospitals, more than 70% of power generators are currently out of service due to fuel shortages. Personally, as a father and as a grandfather who cherishes his children and grandchildren, I have to say the following from this podium with a heavy heart. Today, Gaza is not only the world's largest graveyard for children, it is also the place with the highest rate of child amputations in the world. Gaza has become the most inhumane and shameful concentration camp of our time. In fact, a cease fire was reached thanks to President Trump's efforts and with contributions of countries including my country, Turkey. But even after the cease fire, the number of Gazans killed exceeded 1500. Although the Palestinian Resistance movement has agreed to move to the second stage of the peace plan, the Israeli government refuses to stop the occupation. Meanwhile, the West Bank is witnessing the most severe period of what we regard as settler violence and terror. In Jerusalem, Muslims and Christians are being denied access to holy sites. There is an attempt to destroy UNRWA, which is our collective initiative. Now esteemed friends, today, once again I will speak from the heart with complete sincerity and without reservation. And I'll state straight some facts plainly. Please don't be offended or upset. I'm sorry, but this is not Tayyip Erdogan's personal matter. This is a humanitarian issue. It is a matter of conscience for all of us. We are faced with a genocidal mindset that can never get enough of killing. We are faced with an extremely serious situation. No one with a sense of humanity, mercy or compassion, no one guided by justice and conscience, can possibly remain indifferent to this picture.
We look forward to your stewardship of this assembly, and we move to restore trust and indeed to carry reforms from proposals to implementation. But reform cannot be selective. We cannot move swiftly to reorganise offices and reporting lines while allowing the most consequential questions of power and representation to remain unresolved. Transformation and development. Peacekeeping and humanitarian aid cannot succeed if member states are unwilling to fund it. Let's be very clear no organizational chart can overcome the refusal of states to respect decisions that they find inconvenient. We cannot continue to ask international organisations to do more, while failing to provide them with the resources necessary to fulfil the mandates that we ourselves have agreed. And if member states believe in the institutions that they have created, then we must also be prepared to sustain them. Barbados has consistently met that responsibility, and I give this body the assurance that we will continue to do so. Our commitment to multilateralism, to an international rules based order, must be measured not only by what we ask of these institutions, but by our willingness to support them. So yes, let us improve the machinery, but let us also reform the exercise of power. The Security Council still has 15 members, five of them permanent and armed with that veto. Africa, with 54 states has no permanent seat. And you've heard speaker after speaker after speaker come to this platform to say that this must change. Small island developing states equally confront threats that now reach squarely into the council's mandate from climate insecurity and illicit arms flows to organised crime and displacement. And yet, despite constituting one quarter of the world's states, we have no assured representation within the councils. This, to my friends, must change. And the world we know has already changed. The council has not changed with it. But reform is not only about who sits at the table, it is about how power is exercised. Barbados is therefore joining 123 other member states in supporting the Franco-Mexican initiative on the use of the veto in the cases of mass atrocities. Its principle is fundamental where populations face genocide, crimes against humanity, or large scale war crimes, the veto should not be allowed to paralyse the Security Council when action is most urgently needed. This is why people are losing trust in the United Nations and its council. Mr. President, it's not fair to the majority of member states who still believe in the promise of this body, even as we call for greater equity with the reform of the Security Council.
