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I remember those words as if it was yesterday. We're going to win. We have no other choice. And when we did, nine years later, Palestinian terrorists hijacked a passenger airplane headed for Israel. They took it to Entebbe, Uganda. Like the Nazis, the terrorists selected the Jewish passengers men, women, children, babies. They threatened to kill them all if Israel did not release Palestinian terrorists. And then on July 4th, 1960. Sorry. On July 4th, 1976, the bicentennial of the United States in one of the most dramatic rescue missions in modern times, Yoni led his brave soldiers to the heart of Africa. Miraculously, they rescued 103 Jewish hostages and brought them all home. Every single one of them. My brother, the commander of the storming party, was the only soldier killed in this mission. I want to thank Uganda again for recently erecting a statue of Yoni in the place where he fell. My friends, Yoni's words are as true today as they were more than half a century ago. We're going to win. We have no other choice. At no time was this demonstrated more clearly than on October 7th, 2023, the darkest day in Israel's history. On that horrific day, thousands of Palestinians terrorists stormed into Israel from Gaza. Now, I want you to know there wasn't a single Israeli then in Gaza. Not a civilian, not a soldier, not one. But it didn't matter one bit. The Hamas terrorists committed the worst slaughter of Jews since the Holocaust. They went house to house, shooting Israeli civilians point blank. They did so with fiendish glee, with sadistic joy. They live streamed as they murdered. And who did they murder? The very Israelis, their neighbors. Who gave them jobs, who picked up Palestinian children at the Gaza border and drove them to Israeli hospitals for cancer treatment and then brought them back. Can you imagine such monstrosity? This these Hamas monsters, they slaughtered Holocaust survivors. They burned babies alive in front of their parents. They beheaded our men. They brutally raped our women, and then they murdered them. Altogether. They slaughtered 1200 Israelis that day. I want to give you an idea of what this means for a country of 10 million. Proportionately, this is equal to 40,000 innocent Americans slaughtered in less than 24 hours. That's 16 times nine, 11 16, nine, 11. That occurred not very far from here. On that darkest of days.
So while others have talked, I have acted. While others have spoken of peace, I have made peace. While others have ignored threats, I have confronted them. While others have talked of courage, America has shown it. While others have promised strength, I have used it to make America the most powerful country in the world. Working with many nations in this room, we are solving decades of intractable challenges, and we are settling years of unfinished business. And we're doing it well. There is no better example of a danger that was allowed to gather strength at the world's peril than the number one sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. For 51 years, the fanatical Iranian regime has ruled by bloodshed and mass murder, spreading death and carnage and chaos across the entire Middle East and beyond. They were the bully of the Middle East, but they are the bully no more. From the first day I entered the political arena, I've been unwavering. I will never allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Upon taking office last year, I immediately opened negotiations with Iran and offered them full economic cooperation in exchange for ending their nuclear program and support for terror. But they refused. They absolutely refused. That was a big mistake. Then in Operation Midnight Hammer, the U.S. military obliterated their nuclear program beneath mountains of rubble. And again, I urged Iran to make a deal. And again they refused. The regime continued building a vast missile and drone stockpile that threatened the security of every American service member in the region and everyone else in the region. They also made a missile that was capable of hitting Europe, and they were very proud of it. I hope the Europeans realize that Iran's goal was to complete their mad dash to a nuclear bomb from behind this conventional ballistic missile shield. If they had succeeded, that wicked regime would have been free to spread terror and death forever, knowing that any attempt to stop them would face an arsenal of nuclear annihilation. In America, we just marked the 25th anniversary of the worst terror attack in history, September 11th, which killed 3000 people just a few miles from here. It was an unbelievably terrible time. In two weeks, we will mark the third anniversary of the October 7th attack in Israel, where terrorists funded by Iran tortured, mutilated and killed 1200 very innocent civilians, including dozens of Americans and many babies, babies, little tiny, beautiful babies. Iran's supreme leader celebrated that massacre and called it a service to humanity. The same regime slaughtered over 72,000 of its citizens this year. Recently, 10,000 were killed for protesting. Just imagine such a vile regime were ever empowered to carry out large scale terror attacks from behind a nuclear shield. This was the reality we had to confront, a reality that far too many preferred to ignore. They all ignored it. Many presidents and many others just wanted to ignore it. They were unwilling to do anything about it, but they knew the problem. After giving Iran every chance for a deal, I took action to ensure that neither the United States nor any nation in this hall would ever have to face such a nightmare, such a catastrophic problem. As a result of Operation Epic Fury, all 159 ships of their navy are now lying at the bottom of the sea. Likewise, their air force is gone. Their radar is gone, their anti-aircraft equipment is gone. Their missiles and drone manufacturing capacity is almost gone. Their economy is gone. The only thing that isn't gone is inflation, which is destroying their country and is now well over 300%. Yet even after we agreed to a cease fire for nuclear discussions, Iran promptly violated it with brazen acts of terrorism against civilian ships from other countries. I want to thank the U.N. Security Council for voting overwhelmingly to pass a resolution condemning Iran's despicable terrorist attacks on commercial shipping. Thank you very much. That resolution, I'm pleased to say, received more co-sponsors from U.N. member nations than any Security Council resolution in history. That's something. Now, we must be equally united in maintaining pressure. The United States Navy has recently escorted more than 1 billion barrels of oil out of the Strait of Hormuz, and more oil is flowing than at any point since the start of the war. We're taking 22, 25, 30, 32 and 37 ships out, respectively, every single day, every single night. But I have a big decision to make. Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before? Maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East, or even the world. Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again? Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations? But I believe we'll make a deal right after the election, because it doesn't make sense for them not to. They're waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don't realize is that I'm not running. I did that already and won in a landslide. We won in a giant landslide, and I'll be here for two and a half years. The Republican Party is running and I'll be helping them, but I am not running. I gave absolutely no credence and will not give credence to the election. When it comes to Iran, it doesn't even enter my mind. The only thing that does is that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon. The cowards and traitors. Thank you. Thank you. The cowards and traitors would love to say the United States is low on munitions, but that's not true. We have more munitions than we could ever possibly even think of using, and we're building them at levels that we have never done before. We are adding to our stockpiles faster than we have ever been able to do before. Top of the line stuff. In addition, in the very near future, massive munition plants will be opening. There are 18 of them being built by the greatest defense companies in the world right now 18 under construction. Some of them very quickly will be completed. They're almost there. And that rapid construction will be leading to very rapid deployment of missiles of every type and ammunition of every type, and will be able to supply our allies at a much faster rate than we're doing right now. I call on all nations to join us in enforcing the complete economic isolation of Iran, until they stop their attacks on commercial shipping, relinquish their nuclear ambitions, and cease their support of terror. The terrorist regime is behaving badly, not because they are strong and confident, but because they are weak and desperate. If we stand united, we will soon see a world free of the last 51 year menace of Iranian terror. And oil prices will come plummeting down even lower than they were at the start of the conflict. And they were very low in the United States. They were really low. With courage and resolve, anything is possible. Big changes can happen and happen fast. One year ago, when I addressed the great leaders in this hall, the war in Gaza was still raging brutally. The hostages were still deep in Hamas tunnels and there was no end in sight. It was never going to be resolved. But here on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we took the first steps. That changed everything. A few weeks later, we ended the war in Gaza, saving untold thousands of lives. We also brought home all remaining hostages, both living and dead. Every single one of them. Thank you. Thank you. Everyone thought it was a miracle that we were able to do so. And people celebrated in the streets. I want to express my gratitude to the United Nations Security Council for their unanimous endorsement of our 20 point Gaza peace plan, and for officially approving the Board of Peace. Going to be a very significant group of people. Nearly 30 countries have joined the board, which I am honored to chair, and we're thankful to many of those member nations for contributing billions and billions of dollars to relief. And it goes right to the rebuilding and relief. Morocco, Bahrain, these are the countries that gave Qatar, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and many more. That money goes right to the source, right where they need it, and they desperately need it. And those countries are very have been very generous, and others also are stepping up at numbers that nobody would even believe because they want to see people live. They want to see the humanitarian thing happen properly. They've been fantastic. I also want to thank those who have committed troops police and training to help stabilize Gaza, including Indonesia, Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, Kazakhstan, Egypt, Jordan and more. Since I took office, it has been my great honor to settle eight wars and in so doing, become friendly with the leaders of many of those countries. It was a great honor to do it. Numerous of these wars have gone on for many years and even decades. The reason I was able to make these settlements was the use of my relationships. Very special relationships to this day, very, very special trade, the use of tariffs and the threat of tariffs and various other reasons depending on the country. Among them, terms of settlement, Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan. And of course, the war in Gaza, which, as I stated previously, includes the return of all hostages, both living and dead. Almost every one of these countries wrote me a letter of thank you. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, terrific man, said that Donald Trump was responsible for saving 30 million lives, and probably many more than that. The president of Azerbaijan said President Trump in six months, did a miracle. It was an absolute miracle that nobody thought could be done. The Prime Minister of Armenia said this breakthrough would simply not have been possible without President Trump's personal engagement and his resolute commitment to peace. A president of Cambodia stated President Trump's extraordinary statesmanship, marked by his commitment to resolving conflicts and preventing catastrophic wars through visionary, innovative diplomacy was most recently demonstrated in his decisive role in brokering an immediate and unconditional cease fire and peace. This timely intervention which averted a potentially devastating conflict, was vital in preventing a great loss of lives and paved the way towards the restoration of peace. The president of Rwanda said when President Trump saw the opportunity to contribute to peace, he immediately took it. This conflict has lasted for 32 years. Millions and millions of people have died. We got it settled. We've seen countless mediations and efforts, but none has succeeded in resolving the underlying issues. President Donald Trump issued a new and effective statement that really has brought great peace and space through really a breakthrough that we thought was impossible. We're working very closely with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, and we will get that one done. It's going to happen, I think, more quickly than people understand. They've had it. 25000 young people, mostly soldiers a month, are dying 25000 a month. And I look at those battlefield pictures and I really don't want to see them anymore. It's so horrible to see 25,000 a month. Both sides. In addition, the United States and Iran will definitely get it done. We will get it done one way or the other. It's going to be done. It's going to be done fast. A lot has happened since we last gathered here one year ago. In January, at my direction, the United States military conducted a massive military operation penetrating deep into the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, descended on a heavily defended and fortified military base, one that was supposed to be flawless against attack, and arrested the outlaw dictator, real criminal Nicolás Maduro.
Your excellencies, we see the cost of that neglect every day. In my region, from Lebanon to Yemen to Sudan, protracted conflict is deepening humanitarian suffering. And if anyone had any doubt that a crisis in our part of the world stays there, just look at the energy and grocery bills of ordinary families, from Mumbai to Madrid to Minnesota. The Iran war has shown how quickly instability can disrupt trade, investment and lives beyond the region. And then there is Gaza. For decades, I've stood before this assembly and warned of the dangers of leaving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict unresolved. But the international community chose to manage the conflict, not confront it. And every new Israeli violation was treated as temporary, diverting attention from the reality being created on the ground until temporary became permanent and permanent became policy. Of course, this is not the world's only injustice, but one of the world's longest running occupations forces a basic question if international law can be ignored for decades, then what exactly is that law worth and how can we enforce it if we won't even call out its violations? In Gaza, the evidence is overwhelming. In the first 300 days of the so-called cease fire, at least 300 Palestinian children were killed. Jordan's field hospitals have also been targeted. President Trump has pushed hard for peace and a path to end this war. But this Israeli government keeps moving the goalposts, continuing its attacks and destruction of civilian infrastructure, refusing to withdraw and squeezing Palestinians into barely a third of Gaza. This can no longer be dismissed as temporary military measures or a consequence of war. Accountability begins when we call things for what they are, an attempt to erase Palestinian life and impose a new territorial reality in Gaza. And while the world has been focused on Gaza, something extraordinarily dangerous is unfolding in the West Bank. Some may think we have seen this before settlements, violence, displacement, more of the same, but it is not. Nor is it simply an escalation. This is a fundamental shift. What was once a creeping process has exploded into something far more aggressive. Settler violence is rampant. Palestinians are being beaten, shot and terrorized, homes torched, property destroyed, families driven from their land and Israel is tightening its grip on more of the West Bank, seizing land, expanding settlements and pushing the Palestinians out. It is time to see what is happening for what it really is, because when the language is sanitized, the actions become normalized. Demolishing Palestinian homes to expand illegal settlements is not law enforcement. It is forcible transfer. Appropriating occupied land is not land registration. It is de facto annexation. A choking network of checkpoints and barriers is not security infrastructure. It is a system of subjugation. Systematic attacks on Palestinian communities are not settler unrest. The Israeli government criticizes the violence before the international audiences. They call those responsible a handful of rioters. They assure us that Israel is a country governed by law. Yet what's happening on the ground says otherwise. Israeli soldiers stand by as settlers attacked Palestinians, often protecting the attackers or joining them. They have blocked ambulances from reaching the injured. They have targeted international journalists who are trying to say the truth. And when soldiers watch, enable and sometimes even participate in violence against civilians, this is no longer about a handful of rioters. And the question is no longer whether a few extremists are breaking the law. The question is, is this the behavior of a democratic state governed by law? What is unfolding across the West Bank is not a series of isolated acts. It is elements of a single policy to compel an entire population to leave their land. And there is a name for that forced displacement, and that is a war crime. Your excellencies, if we are to resolve the Palestinian Israeli conflict, the world must abandon some illusions. The first is that Gaza and the West Bank are separate stories. They are not. They are two fronts of the same Israeli strategy. In both, Palestinians are being killed. In both, the reality on the ground is being remade. Gaza through destruction. The West Bank through de facto annexation. The objective is the same to make a viable Palestinian state impossible. Another illusion is that this Israeli leadership's rejection of Palestinian statehood is a position that might yet change. It is not. It is cemented on the ground. This government has been accelerating settlements and land seizures, but it began long before. Since Oslo, the map has changed piece by piece, settlement by settlement, and the most dangerous illusion that the Arab world never sought peace. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 offered Israel normalization with 57 Arab and Muslim states, including Iran and Iraq at the time, in exchange for peace and Palestinian statehood. For over 20 years, that offer has stood. The obstacle hasn't been the absence of a partner for peace, but the absence of an Israeli government willing to accept it. This Israeli government understands the power of attention, and lately it has not liked the attention it's been getting. When confronted with evidence of wrongdoing, rather than change the course, it opts for distraction, discrediting its critics. It has also tried to cast this conflict as a war of religions Islam on one side, Judaism and Christianity on the other. It is not. This is about whether Palestinians, Muslims and Christians are entitled to the same rights as everyone else. Distractions will not fly anymore. People across the world are paying attention. The question now is, will we act? Because the world's political inaction is not for lack of options. So let's call it for what it is a choice. We have tools, sanctions, asset freezes, embargoes, diplomatic isolation, and we have a record of using them elsewhere. Yet with Israel, resolutions end where they began on paper. The result is a state without restraint. This government's sense of impunity has reached terrifying levels. It no longer feels compelled to ask, can we get away with this? It already knows the answer, and that is precisely why no one in this assembly should assume its ambitions stop at Palestine. This Israeli government's expansionist appetite is now a regional threat. And today Syria is the warning the international community is choosing not to see. Repeated incursions, creeping territorial expansion, new facts imposed on the ground, including around vital water resources, step by calculated step, Israel is testing how far it can go, and every time the international community looks away, Israel learns that it can go even further across borderlines and legal limits. For Jordan, there is no ambiguity, any threat to our northern border or our water security is a threat to our national security. Jordan will not look away. We will protect our security, our water and the interests of our people. And the question here is, if Israel continues its antagonistic approach in southern Syria, will the international community stand by and let that happen?
Ladies and gentlemen, this morning on my way to New York, somewhere in the sky over the big and beautiful Atlantic Ocean, I read President Trump's post on Truth Social. The president wrote that Russia has lost control of its diesel oil industry due to its war with Ukraine, and it is hard to imagine a more humiliating loss for a country that has a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and takes so much pride in its oil exports. I quote," A large number of their diesel refineries have been blown up and are at least temporarily out of commission." End of quote. And this is true: Russia messed up. And the conclusion of the post is also right: this ridiculous and never-ending war with Ukraine must be ended. I do not know a single world leader who would say otherwise. I do not know anyone who is openly for this war, except one man. Ladies and gentlemen, for almost 5 years now, Russian generals have been trying to carry out Putin's crazy order to seize our eastern land, the Donetsk region. And just this year, from January through August, the Russian army lost 248,964 people on the battlefield in Ukraine. In 8 months, 248,000. Killed and badly wounded. Twenty-one countries in the world have smaller population than the number of Russian troops lost in just 8 months. We have video confirmation for every one of these losses. And these are not just statistics; it's about people. We have an archive of drone videos, videos showing thousands and thousands of Russians losing their lives in kill zones. It's madness. But they still keep going there to die, because that is what Putin wants. After losing so many people, Russia managed to capture just over 1,000 square kilometers of our land this year, and we have already liberated a significant part of it. Russia is a country that already has 17 million square kilometers of its own land, without any Ukrainian territory, by the way. So to add another 1,000 square kilometers, Putin is paying with 248 people for every kilometer. Does anyone still think that he is reasonable and moderate? His comrade, the leader of North Korea, sent his troops to Russia to support the weak points of the Russian army. The North Koreans also suffered losses. Heavy losses. You probably saw the broadcast from Pyongyang when they honored those who were killed. And this is madness too. Why should Koreans give their lives in a war against Ukraine? Kim Jong-un uses them like currency, and he gets something in return. And North Korea's neighbors and countries across Asia have probably already noticed its improved ballistic missiles and Pyongyang's much greater drone capabilities. So a war that was not prevented in time, was not stopped in time, and for which Russia was not punished in time, keeps spreading and spreads evil with it. Recently, we sent two North Korean prisoners of war to the Republic of Korea. These guys are not easy to capture alive. One of them, when he realized he was going to be taken prisoner, tried to kill himself, and he was shocked that fate didn't let him die. And this is how they raise people in the North. It's reality. They take away their freedom. They take away their right to choose. And they drill into them that they must die, no matter what. Do you really want to give such a force more time to learn how to wage war? This has already been going on for 5 years. And we know that Putin recently once again promised representatives from the American president that he would seize our Donetsk region, and he said he needs just a few more months. This is probably the 17th or 18th time in 5 years that he has made this promise. It's always the same:" just a few, a few more months." And then he moves the deadline, moves again. Putin will fail this time too. But after that, he will once again make it clear to the world that even our Donetsk region is not enough for him. He wants more of our cities: Odesa and Kharkiv, Dnipro and others. Someone in the Kremlin even put up a picture with the words "On to Kyiv." Russia has claims against our neighbor Moldova. It constantly threatens Poland and the Baltic States. Russia shows no respect for the statehood of the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia. And sadly, sadly, people in Syria and across Africa also know very well what Russian killers are. Something always seems to stop Putin from simply saying," That's it. Enough. Peace." Something always stops him from admitting that 17 million square kilometers of his own territory, internationally recognized by all of you, should be enough for this man. Putin is always looking for someone who can help him kill more people for every kilometer of land, take more territory, attack another country, instead of simply stopping and running his own country. After all of this, can you even imagine him without war? He is patient zero, the one from whom this idea of war keeps spreading further. And wherever it spreads, it brings only pain, instability, new risks, and of course new crisis. The more freedom Putin has to act, the more dangerous the world becomes for everyone else. That is why patient zero must be stopped. He must be denied the space to act and the space to spread this evil further. Ladies and gentlemen, last year, speaking here, I said that we are living in a time when weapons decide who survives. And I've said, if a nation wants peace, it must work on strong weapons. Ukraine is doing exactly that. And this is why, for the first time in Russia's history, we now hear that its pride, its oil industry, is running off fumes. But oil itself is not Ukraine's target, not our target. Not gasoline or diesel. Not factories or ports as such. Our target is Russia's ability to finance this war, to drag it out, to make it more brutal and more destructive. Russia's finances and Russia's production are what must be stopped if Putin is to be stopped. And our great soldiers and our weapons are working for this, only for this. The world's support for Ukraine helps us do it. And I am grateful to everyone, to every country that stands with us, stands with Ukraine, and helps our people.
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen, The faultlines in our world are widening. Cracks have become canyons. Over the last decade, wars erupted with devastating consequences and dragged on with despicable cruelty. Civilians were targeted. Human rights trampled. Hunger weaponized. Humanitarians killed. International law cast aside. Geopolitical divides have deepened. Inequalities have intensified. Trust has frayed. The climate crisis went from distant warning to daily reality. And artificial intelligence moved at a speed that has blindsided even those who created it. These are not separate crises. They are chapters of the same story. The story of power. Who has it. Who is denied it. How it is used. And how it is changing. Excellencies, Power is being reshaped in three fundamental ways. First, among States. New centres of economic, political and technological influence have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. Their reach now extends across politics, economies, information flows, technological development, and the civic space on which societies depend. And, third, humans are increasingly handing over power to machines – with Artificial Intelligence agents going rogue, and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of global governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone age. That is the defining challenge before us. At the very moment when humanity faces an unprecedented convergence of threats, our mechanisms for collective action are under growing strain. Excellencies, We are clearly moving towards a multipolar world. And that movement is irreversible. But there are different ways that multipolarity can take shape. One possibility is a world of fragmentation and transactionalism. A world of rising tensions and deepening mistrust. Of fractured markets and weakened institutions. Of shrinking cooperation and zero-sum calculations. In many respects, that is the trajectory we are on today. But there is another path. A path towards networked multipolarity. A world built on interdependence – and sustained by a dense web of economic, political, social and technological connections. A world in which multiple centres of influence coexist within a common framework of international law and shared rules. Such a world can help us avoid hegemonic tendencies and what I have called the Great Fracture: The division of the world into two rival blocs with separate economic, technological and security systems. A networked world recognizes that no power can solve today’s challenges alone. Of course, competition will remain a permanent feature of international relations. But competition does not have to mean confrontation. Healthy competition can drive innovation, strengthen resilience, and expand opportunity. But only when it operates within frameworks that preserve stability and enable cooperation where cooperation is indispensable. Building a networked future begins with a recognition, especially by superpowers: That their power isn’t so super. That their power has limits. The events of recent years have made that unmistakably clear. Military power alone cannot secure peace. Economic power alone cannot command stability. And technological power alone cannot guarantee security. A networked multipolar world can create the conditions for more balanced and representative global problem-solving. But it requires a multilateral system centred in the UN that is balanced and representative. Strong, effective institutions that reflect the realities and the progressively changing relative weight of countries and economies in today’s world – not the power arrangements of 80 years ago. Fortunately, we are not starting from scratch. We already have a binding foundation: The Charter of the United Nations. And the principles that give it life. The primacy of international law. Upholding human dignity. And the pursuit of justice in all its dimensions. These are the backbone for the effective, legitimate and responsible exercise of power in the 21st century. Excellencies, It comes down to this: Will we act to ensure that power is governed by law or by force? By cooperation or coercion? By responsibility to young people and future generations or indifference to their fate? Because the defining challenges of our age are not separate from the question of power. They are expressions of it. And they will determine whether we drift deeper into division and instability – or move toward cooperation, justice and collective security. Looking ahead, our future will be shaped by how we address four great tests of power: The power over war and peace. The power that concentrates wealth and drives inequality.
We witness geopolitical instability in Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere. It is made worse by growing nuclear ambitions in the Middle East and Asia, as well as the irresponsible transfer of military related goods, dual use items and sensitive technologies. In recent months, Iran has continued attacking neighboring countries, often through its proxies, while actively impairing the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. These actions constitute a serious threat to regional and international peace and security. We reaffirm our full solidarity with the Gulf Cooperation Council countries and Jordan. We call on Iran to halt its nuclear and missile programs, as well as its collaboration with armed groups across the Middle East. Lithuania commends all efforts to find a solution ensuring freedom of navigation. We will contribute with our demining capabilities to the international maritime missions in the Strait of Hormuz. As regards the situation in the Gaza Strip, my country supports international efforts to maintain and consolidate the cease fire. The Comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict, including the deployment of the Temporary International Stabilisation Force, provides the guidelines to follow. Lithuania reiterates the importance of full demilitarization of non-state armed groups. Humanitarian aid must also be allowed to reach those in need safely and without obstruction. To this day, the two state solution remains the only way towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. In this light, it is crucially important to abstain from any further actions incompatible with a credible political process. Ladies and gentlemen, the one conflict that poses the greatest threat to the world order is Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, supported by its proxies. In the 12 years since the illegal occupation of Crimea, Russia has escalated from clandestine operations and limited warfare in eastern Ukraine to massive military operations, mass killings and ultimately the largest drone attacks against civilian infrastructure the world has ever seen. The current stage of the war, which began with the full scale invasion in February 2022, has already lasted longer than the First World War. In the last 55 months, Russia has suffered 1.5 million military casualties. In the last year, it has gained 0.3% of Ukraine's territory, at the cost of over 400 000 soldiers killed and wounded. Yet all these enormous efforts, all that blood and tears, basically came to nothing. Ukraine is still standing proudly as an independent state. The Ukrainian language, culture and national identity are alive and thriving. In all but name, Russia has already lost the war. Yet its leadership does not allow itself to admit defeat, fearing international legal accountability and possible revenge from its own people. As inevitable approaches, the stakes get higher and the Kremlin regime increasingly finds itself cornered. How much more Ukrainian civilian lives will be sacrificed on Russia's war altar? How many people will be tortured, sexually assaulted thrown into dark dungeons, never to see the sunlight again? How many children will be illegally separated from their parents and sent to Russia to suffer indoctrination? We do not know the answers, yet we must all feel the deep pain brought by this brutal and pointless war. And we all should join our forces to draw Ukraine's victory closer, for it is only Ukraine's final victory safeguarding its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity that could ensure the global peace, security and credibility of the United Nations Charter. What we can not allow is the brute force prevailing over international law. We cannot tolerate any longer Moscow's colonial aspirations, which undermine global food security and driving up food prices. Russia's imperial ambitions reach far into Europe, Africa and Asia. No country should consider itself immune from this threat. Naturally, Lithuania witnesses many dangers up close. In recent months, Russia's war of aggression has led to numerous violations of our airspace by combat drones. Russia has also intensified hybrid attacks, disinformation and sabotage efforts. Where Russia advances, opening Pandora's box of new techniques for destabilisation, other hostile actors follow, learning new skills and ideas.
It is the clearest expression of the principle that the force of law must always prevail over the law of force. It is precisely for this reason that we continue to firmly defend the need to uphold the Charter of the UN and international law. We also support, more than ever, the efforts of the International Criminal Court to identify those responsible for the gravest crimes, and we condemn any act of aggression—once again, and unambiguously— that violates the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a state. In this sense, we continue to express our solidarity with the people of Ukraine in the face of the consequences of a war that has lasted for far too long already, and we reiterate our support for efforts aimed at achieving a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the UN and international law. We do so for the people of Ukraine, and also for all territories and populations where the threat of conflict continues to rage. Similarly, we reaffirm that a negotiated solution based upon the coexistence of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace, security, and mutual recognition, remains the most solid path toward achieving a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. On the other hand, we hope that a peaceful solution can be found in Lebanon that fully respects the sovereignty of all countries involved. We cannot resign ourselves to turning human suffering into a statistic: behind every victim is a life cut short, behind every child killed, a future that disappears, behind every school or hospital destroyed, a part of our shared humanity that has failed. For this reason, we are particularly concerned by the increase in attacks against civilians, humanitarian personnel, and United Nations staff who are carrying out their mission, often under extreme conditions and at extraordinary personal risk. The conclusions of the last SG's report on children in armed conflict and conflict-related sexual violence, are especially alarming: the figures presented are not only dramatic, they are morally unacceptable. For the first time, the primary perpetrators of these violations are states themselves, which should be the ultimate guarantors of the protection of their citizens. Given this reality, Andorra will continue to act.
And for small states, this is existential, not simply of a matter of principle. Not at all. Russia's brutal war against Ukraine is a clear example. Russia invaded a sovereign neighbour, seeking to change borders by force and deny another nation the freedom to determine its future. Ukrainians have paid an unimaginable price. Behind every destroyed home is a family. Behind every casualty is someone who was loved. Iceland's position remains clear. Very clear. Ukraine has the right to defend itself to sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to a just and lasting peace on the basis of international law. Our support for Ukraine defends a principle on which all our countries' security depends that no nation gets to decide the future of another. This principle must apply everywhere including in the Middle East. In Gaza, we continue to witness repeated violations of the cease fire and continued suffering among civilians, despite the adoption of the 20 point Comprehensive Peace Plan and Security Council Resolution 2803. The suffering of Palestinian civilians cannot become a background noise. Children are still being killed. Families are still losing their homes, and parents are still trying to keep their children alive. Again and again and again. We cannot accept Gaza being repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt while the underlying cause remains unresolved. And in the West Bank, illegal settlement activity continues to expand. Palestinian civilians face settler violence too often enabled by impunity, inflammatory rhetoric and permissive policies. Earlier this month, Iceland joined 11 other states in addressing restrictions on trade in goods from settlements that are illegal under international law. Our objective remains clear a viable Palestinian state alongside Israel, with both peoples able to live in security, dignity and peace. We have heard the words moral cowards from this podium. To me, moral cowards are those leaders of the world who refuse to sit down and negotiate a just and lasting peace. Those leaders who deny access to humanitarian aid for people in desperate need and moral cowards, are those leaders of the world who repeatedly go against and disrespect international law. Madam president, we must not allow the horrors in Ukraine and the Middle East to make other crises invisible. In Sudan, years of civil war have brought atrocities, mass displacement, and grave violations of international humanitarian law. As humanitarian leaders have reminded us, Sudan does not suffer from a lack of analysis. It suffers from a lack of action. Acts that may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity cannot be met with indifference. We created the International Criminal Court to ensure accountability for the most serious crimes. So thus accountability matters. We have to bear that in mind, and so does adherence to international law beyond the battlefield. To be clear, Iceland stands with the ICC. Obstruction of lawful international transit through the Straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb threatens not only countries in the region, but global energy markets and food security. Disruption falls hardest on the most vulnerable. The freedoms codified in the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea are not optional, not at all.
The General Assembly has adopted a resolution after resolution, while the Security Council and Human Rights Council have repeatedly addressed the situation. Let me be clear the search for peace and security in the Middle East is of profound importance, and the suffering of Palestinian and also Israeli civilians deserves serious and sustained consideration. Every civilian life matters. But are we applying the same standard of urgency when victims are elsewhere? Last year alone, over 4800 Christians were killed because of their religion. Millions of Christians around the world suffered discrimination and persecution. In Iran, the criminal theocratic regime has brutally murdered tens of thousands of its own citizens this year alone. After 1948, more than 1 million Jews fled or were expelled from Arab countries, many amid persecution and violence. Or consider Nigeria. For more than a decade, Nigerian communities have faced mass killings, kidnappings, the destruction of villages and places of worship, and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people. In return, this body produced a single Security Council resolution not 70, not 17. So we must ask if every civilian life matters, why does our urgency seem so different from one crisis to another? This does not mean caring less about one crisis, but caring more consistently about all of them. We must also be willing to ask difficult questions about how Palestine is discussed and used politically. The majority position does not by itself determine what is right. The right of a democratic state and its people to defend themselves against terrorism must be recognized and upheld, not only in the words. Civilian suffering is tragic and must be addressed but it can never justify terrorism or the pursuit of political objectives through violence.
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No. 10
South Africa09/24 · first at about 10 min1 mention
Unfortunately much of what we see runs counter to this. In the last two years, the world spent more on military budgets than on resourcing this important body tasked with maintaining global peace. We are reminded that meeting the SDGs by 2030, including ending hunger and expanding access to safe water and sanitation, will require not more than 5% of the 2.9 trillion USD spent on arms. The results of the choice we are making is an arms race, and a world as divided as it is dangerous. We see the consequences in Sudan, which is today the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. We see also the consequences in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, in Iran, Ukraine and elsewhere. Humanitarian workers are caught in the crossfire of today's conflict. When they are not being obstructed from reaching civilians in need, they are being killed in the line of duty. To restore respect for international law, we must protect those who deliver humanitarian assistance.
Five years is too long for half of our population to be denied its right. Afghan women and girls continue to face systematic restrictions on education, employment movement, public participation and access to justice. Girls remain excluded from secondary and higher education. Women are increasingly excluded from public life. This cannot become normal. San Marino called for the full restoration of the rights of Afghan women and girls. Education is a right. Work is a right. Participation in public life is a right. Dignity is a right. This right do not disappear because a government chose to deny them. The international community must continue to stand with Afghan women and girls. Humanitarian access must also remain unhindered. Afghanistan must not be forgotten. Mr. president, children everywhere deserve protection. Children are being killed, maimed, abducted and recruited. They are losing their home, their school, and their future. San Marino remain firmly committed to the Children and Armed Conflict agenda and support the work of the UN Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict. School must remain safe place. We have endorsed the Safe School Declaration, the Paris Principle and the Vancouver Principle. We call on all states to strengthen the protection of children in armed conflict and ratify the Optional Protocol of the convention of the rights of the child.
And nowhere is this crisis of credibility more painful than in the ongoing persecution of the Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank. Mr. speaker, Mr. President, sorry, I was an MP before. Mr. President, the time has come for us to stop using diplomatic euphemisms to veil the human carnage that is taking place in Gaza. How many more lives must be lost before the world acts with decisive moral authority? The blood of five year old Hind Rajab and the more than 20,000 children that have been killed in this brutal conflict, cries out to the conscience of the world. Collective punishment and forced starvation and mass displacement are flagrant violations of international law. Ghana remains unwavering in its recognition of the sovereign state of Palestine and its steadfast support for a viable two state solution, where Israel and Palestine will live side by side in peace, security with guaranteed borders. At the same time, we condemn all acts of terrorism by Hamas that triggered this conflict, and we insist that all parties unconditionally respect international humanitarian law. Our moral standards cannot be selective. In that same spirit of international legality and human solidarity, Ghana reiterates its call for the immediate lifting of the decades long economic, commercial and financial embargo that has been imposed on Cuba. The world must support Cuba's new economic and social program. Measures that inflict collective economic hardship on ordinary citizens, run counter to our shared commitment to human dignity and international law. We must likewise elevate our global response to the catastrophic conflict in Sudan, which is reported to be the world's worst humanitarian crisis. We must also exercise solidarity with nations that are facing the terrorist scourge, especially our neighbors in the Alliance of Sahel states. The current Middle East crisis is having a deleterious effect on the world economy. We call for a return to the negotiating table. And let me add that no human civilization deserves to be annihilated, and certainly not a member of the United Nations. I believe that dialogue can resolve even the most intractable of global problems. Across every conflict, whether in Europe, the Middle East, Africa, the standard must remain uniform respect for sovereign integrity, protect civilians and ensure unhindered humanitarian access and hold perpetrators of war crimes accountable.
Thirteen reached the scale of war. Nearly a quarter of a million people were killed in organized violence. Interstate conflicts doubled for the second consecutive year. Their number quadrupled from two to eight. One-sided violence against civilians reached levels not witnessed since 1994, the year of genocide in Rwanda. From Europe to the Middle East, from Sahel to the Horn of Africa, civilians are paying the ultimate price. Cities are destroyed. Families are displaced. Hunger deepens. Supply chains are disrupted, driving up the cost of food, fuel, and essential goods far beyond the battlefield. Children inherit wars they did not begin and cannot understand. Too many disputes are no longer being settled; they are being frozen, deferred, or decided by force. This is precisely what the charter was created to prevent. It did not ask the United Nations merely to describe war, or count victims, or organize relief after diplomacy has failed. It gave this organization, the United Nations, a duty to prevent conflict, defend peace, and make collective security real.
At the heart of human rights is a simple truth. Every human being has inherent dignity and is entitled to fundamental freedoms. From a Christian perspective, these freedoms are not gifts bestowed upon humanity by governments or institutions or powerful nations. They are God given rights inherent in every human life. And because this right belongs equally to every person we have a responsibility to respect and protect the rights of others, including those who may not look like us or speak like us, or worship like us, or believe what we believe. The strength of a nation, a government or an economy or a technology, or a religion should never be used to suppress the fundamental human rights of another human being. The might of military power must not suppress the weak. The might of economic power must not suppress the poor. The might of technology must not be used to diminish human dignity or freedom, and the might of a religious majority must never be used to suppress those who belong to religious minority. Human rights have the greatest meaning when they protect those with less power: minorities, the vulnerable communities, and individuals whose beliefs may differ from those of the majority. We must therefore learn to live together with mutual respect. We do not have to agree on everything. We do not have to share the same religion, same culture, same political system or worldview. But we must respect humanity and the fundamental freedoms of one another. Mr. president, this principle is especially important when we speak about religion. Papua New Guinea, for instance, is a Christian nation believing that Jesus Christ is our Lord, Savior and soon coming King. Christian principles profoundly have influenced our country, our communities, and our institutions. But let me make one point clear: our Christianity must and will never be an excuse to deny another human being the freedom of conscience. And we have embedded this the fathers of my Constitution, the fathers of my country's constitution. In 1975 in fact, are right from the foundation of our Constitution. Section 45 of our Constitution guarantees every person freedom of conscience, thought, and religion. And that practice or he that person can practice his or her beliefs and religion according to his own conscience or his own conscience. Our Constitution also protects people against being compelled to participate in religious observance, and against attempts to force religion or irreligion upon another person. Mr. president, faith that is forced is no longer faith. I believe freedom is a choice, a God given right, implanted in the conscience of every human beings. Our moral conscience comes from God. God does not compel worship. He calls worship through love, allowing every person to exercise the freedom of choice he has given them. True faith, therefore, cannot be imposed by force, fear, law, or persecution. A person must be free to believe. A person must be free to worship. A person must be free to change his or her belief. A person must be also free not to profess religion if he or her chooses. So. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognizes this principle in article 18 the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. Mr. president, history teaches us what happens when government or institutions or majority use religion to suppress those who believe differently. Human beings have been persecuted, expelled, imprisoned, or killed because of their faith. Humanity must learn from this history. A Christian majority nation must protect people of other religions. A Muslim majority nation must protect people of other religions. A Hindu majority nation must protect people of other religions. A Buddhist majority nation must protect people of other religions. And every society must respect the rights of those who choose not to profess a religion. The size of a majority does not diminish the rights of a minority. The United States, for instance, this country where we stand on, where the Assembly meets, expressed the principle more than two centuries ago through its First Amendment, which prohibits laws respecting the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. Government should neither impose faith upon its people nor prevent people from practicing their faith. Papua New Guinea supports this principle. We are proudly Christian, but the strength of our Christianity should not be demonstrated by suppressing other persons' beliefs. It should be demonstrated by having confidence in every human to allow their own exercise of free choice or free conscience. Humanity can be diverse in culture, religion, and thought.
There is no need to look too far. It's just enough to look at the picture that has unfolded over the last one year period. Consider this the past 12 months have gone down in history as one of the bloodiest periods of the last 30 years, marked by more than 60 conflicts and wars. From Gaza to Ukraine and Russia, from Myanmar to Darfur, from Iran to Lebanon, 250 000 people have lost their lives, and far more number of people have endured indescribable suffering. Hundreds of thousands of people have been forced to leave the lands where they were born and raised. In Gaza alone, over the past three years, we have lost 74000 of our brothers and sisters, most of them women and children. Mind you, we lost them to what we regard as acts of state terror by Israel. The people of Gaza are still searching for their loved ones beneath the rubble. They are recovering the bodies of their spouses, their children or parents. Innocent children who have lost their arms and legs in Israeli attacks are trying to return to school. They are trying to hold on to life with prosthetic legs made of wood. In Gaza's hospitals, more than 70% of power generators are currently out of service due to fuel shortages. Personally, as a father and as a grandfather who cherishes his children and grandchildren, I have to say the following from this podium with a heavy heart. Today, Gaza is not only the world's largest graveyard for children, it is also the place with the highest rate of child amputations in the world. Gaza has become the most inhumane and shameful concentration camp of our time. In fact, a cease fire was reached thanks to President Trump's efforts and with contributions of countries including my country, Turkey. But even after the cease fire, the number of Gazans killed exceeded 1500. Although the Palestinian Resistance movement has agreed to move to the second stage of the peace plan, the Israeli government refuses to stop the occupation. Meanwhile, the West Bank is witnessing the most severe period of what we regard as settler violence and terror. In Jerusalem, Muslims and Christians are being denied access to holy sites. There is an attempt to destroy UNRWA, which is our collective initiative. Now esteemed friends, today, once again I will speak from the heart with complete sincerity and without reservation. And I'll state straight some facts plainly. Please don't be offended or upset. I'm sorry, but this is not Tayyip Erdogan's personal matter. This is a humanitarian issue. It is a matter of conscience for all of us. We are faced with a genocidal mindset that can never get enough of killing. We are faced with an extremely serious situation. No one with a sense of humanity, mercy or compassion, no one guided by justice and conscience, can possibly remain indifferent to this picture.
