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First, we need a functioning UN that plays an active role in resolving conflicts rather than merely managing them. In times when the Security Council, as the central decision making body, is paralyzed, this is more difficult than ever. We need to keep its reform high on our agenda. Germany stands up for peace and security. Today, more people than ever are affected by violent conflicts. At the same time, for every member state, resources are limited. Thus, we have to join forces to bring conflicts to an end. Today, Germany is the largest supporter of Ukraine in its defense against Russian aggression. This aggression has been condemned consistently by an overwhelming majority here in the General Assembly. Russia's war targets the lives of millions of innocent people, the existence of the Ukrainian state and culture, and the European peace order. It puts vital grain deliveries for millions of people at risk, particularly in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. It shows contempt for the Charter and for the common order on which we stand. This is why we will continue to urge Russia to finally come to the negotiation table. I call on every member state to join us in convincing Russia that the future is built at the negotiation table, not on dead bodies in cities and villages. The day when negotiations finally begin will be a good day for the United Nations. Germany is also taking on responsibility for peace and security beyond Europe, for example, in Haiti, where we have significantly increased our contribution to the international mission to combat gang crime. Also, we shall not forget Sudan. At the Sudan conference in Berlin in April, together with our partners, we mobilised more than $1.7 billion to alleviate the biggest humanitarian catastrophe of our time.
Germany, Japan and all NATO countries are voting against it. This comes as no surprise. We wish to underscore the outcome of the Second World War is the basis for the post-war world order. It's enshrined in the UN charter. The former axis powers ratified this document, and thus they recognized their responsibility for these countless atrocities, a result of Nazi ideology and practices. And today, when they turn a blind eye to Ukrainian Nazism, well, they are undermining the basis of the UN-centric world order, consigning to oblivion the responsibility of Nazi Germany, including responsibility for the genocide of the Soviet people. And in fact, in doing so, Germany is also Kiev's main sponsor. Thus, Chancellor Merz is stating that Germany must once again be a leading military power in Europe. Does Berlin understand what this could lead to?
Excellencies. Ladies and gentlemen, his Excellency Paul Biya, president of the Republic of Cameroon, has bestowed upon me the immense honor of representing him in this encounter for the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, and to deliver the following statement on his behalf, I quote, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, heads of State and Government. Ladies and gentlemen, heads of delegation. Mr. Secretary General, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. Allow me to begin by warmly congratulating you on behalf of Cameroon for your election to the presidency of this 81st session of the General Assembly. Your eminent skill as a diplomat, your knowledge and your wealth of experience when it comes to United Nations issues as well as your vision, the vision that you proposed for our organization are a good omen for the success of our work. The delegation of Cameroon, through my voice, would like to assure you that you have our total and full cooperation to ensure that your mandate is a resounding success. I would also like to welcome the work of your predecessor, Madam Annalena Baerbock of the Federal Republic of Germany, for the commitment and dynamic energy that she brought to her mission, and this is remarkable, in a particularly turbulent period for the international arena. Finally, I would like to avail myself of this occasion to reiterate to the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Cameroon's sincere esteem for his constant commitment to the ideals, purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations, as well as for his efforts and the remarkable results that have characterized his two consecutive mandates as Secretary General of our organization. We would like to welcome his courage and his tenacity in a context that oftentimes has been difficult. He is preparing to leave his important post in a few months, and at this time, Cameroon would like to thank him for his unswerving commitment to the United Nations, and we pay him a vibrant tribute for the magnitude of his legacy. Mr. president, you decided to select as a theme for this session Restoring Trust, managing Transformation for a United Nations that delivers for all. Cameroon appreciates the relevance of this theme and its pertinence for our current context. We are, in effect, facing together three needs that cannot be teased apart.
This applies particularly to permanent members of the UN Security Council. China has the power, influence, and responsibility to help prevent conflicts, de-escalate tensions, and contribute to ending wars. This includes using its influence to help bring Russia's aggression against Ukraine to an end. That aggression was launched and continues to be waged by another permanent member of the UN Security Council, Russia, in violation of the UN Charter and fundamental principles of international law. Russia's aggression continues to inflict enormous suffering on the Ukrainian people. Civilians and civilian infrastructure continue to be attacked indiscriminately. And the risks are growing day by day. Russia's aggressive posture poses a direct threat to European security as a whole. The immediacy of that threat was starkly illustrated by the recent attempted Russian drone attack on Leipzig/Halle Airport in Germany, only 150 kilometers from the borders of the Czech Republic. The consequences of aggression reach far beyond Europe. Russia's war has undermined global food security, disrupting agricultural production, exports, and supply chains. Its effects are felt in my country, but even more acutely in parts of Africa and elsewhere, particularly in countries that depend on stable and affordable food supplies. While we need to raise costs of war for Russia, we must give serious diplomatic efforts a genuine chance. Diplomacy matters most not between friends, but between adversaries. That is where the United Nations remains indispensable as a forum for dialogue, even when agreement seems very distant. The UN was founded on principles. These principles matter in Ukraine. They matter in the South China Sea and across the Taiwan Strait. And they also matter in the Middle East, in Sudan, or DRC. The current developments in Yemen and Saudi Arabia demonstrate what happens when rules give way to force and coercion, when might replaces right, and how a regional conflict can, in an instant, have consequences for the entire world.
Our distinct geographical landscape features incredibly remote communities. This reality is precisely why the UN80 reform initiatives matters so deeply to Micronesia. For countries defined by distance dispersion and vulnerability, reform cannot be an abstract exercise. It must strengthen the UN's ability to deliver where the needs are greatest. Our priority is to create a UN architecture that preserves what works, fixes what does not work, and ensure that no community, no matter how remote and how small, is left behind. Mr. president, in its reform programmes, Micronesia supports an expanded council that includes Brazil, Germany, India and Japan as permanent members alongside permanent representatives for Africa and a dedicated non-permanent seat for small island developing states, SIDS. This ensures that the most affected by global decisions are finally present at the table.
Thank you very much, Mr. President. I'm honored to again address this chamber. At this 81st session of the UN General Assembly on behalf of the government and people of Trinidad and Tobago, I extend my warmest congratulations to you on your election to the presidency. Permit me to extend also appreciation to your predecessor, Excellency Baerbock of Germany, for astute leadership and guiding our work in the previous session. Mr. President, this year the theme chosen is a very apt one that being restoring trust, managing transformation a United Nations that delivers for all speaks directly to the challenges confronting the community today and looking forward to restoring trust in the UN. We must understand we depend largely on the organization's ability to respond effectively to the needs of the entire global community, at a time when we should be strengthening partnerships through mutual respect and cooperation.
The balanced and balancing foreign policy adopted by Armenia stems from the logic of multipolarity, which is one of the key principles of the United Nations. In recent years we have established strategic relations with Georgia, France, China, the Netherlands, Kazakhstan, Germany, Luxembourg, the United Kingdom, Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, the United States of America, and the European Union. Today, by the way, the European Commission approved the decision to adopt autonomous trade measures for Armenia, which is yet another manifestation of the new quality of Armenia-EU relations. Our relations with Russia are in a transformation phase, and this is a natural process because throughout the entire preceding period, the largest factor influencing relations between Armenia and Russia was the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. Now that we have established peace with Azerbaijan, Armenia-Russia relations will naturally change and it is our desire that these relations develop on the basis of the principles of friendship and mutual respect. We will, of course, continue to develop our relations with partners located closer to or farther from Armenia. And in this regard, I would like to highlight the countries of Central Asia with which our relations are also highly dynamic. But I also cannot but emphasize that the normalization and deepening of relations with our neighbors are nevertheless of key importance for our foreign policy vision. I have already spoken about the dynamics of our relations with Azerbaijan. We have a high-level dialogue with Turkey, and I want to confirm the words expressed by President Erdogan from this podium the other day, that we are resolutely pushing forward the process of normalizing Armenia-Turkey relations. Our relations with our two other neighbors, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Georgia, remain of exceptional importance to us, and our good neighborliness continues to develop and deepen. The Republic of Armenia considers its contribution to the region's stability and development to be our key task in international peace, stability and development. Honorable President of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen. This October, Armenia will host the 17th conference of the parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity, the COP17.
Italy stands for rules, dialogue, and diplomacy. That is why we have condemned and continue to condemn Russia's aggression against Ukraine. We will continue to support Ukraine for as long as necessary, while working towards a just peace and towards a future in which Russia can once again be a partner in dialogue rather than a threat to Europe. Russia, as a permanent member of the Security Council, cannot evade its responsibilities. A ceasefire is not a concession to the other side. It is the first step towards a European security that protects everyone, including Russia. This is why we view with grave concern the growing hybrid threats posed by Russia against Europe, and why we have expressed our full solidarity with Germany following the attack on Leipzig Airport. Peace requires openness, but it also requires resolve. Dialogue without truth is weakness. Resolve without dialogue leads to a dead end. The same principle guides our approach to the Middle East. Peace can come only through a two-state solution, two peoples, two states. In Gaza, the truce has slowed the fighting, but it has not yet ended the suffering. There is not a minute to lose. The truce must be consolidated. Humanitarian aid must be allowed to enter without obstruction, and the disarmament of Hamas must become a reality.
Against this backdrop, it is very important to focus on water in 2026, particularly as climate change intensifies: drought, floods, desertification, and land degradation across Africa. As an arid country, Namibia continues to promote the prudent use and conservation of water, integrated water resource management, groundwater recharge, and greater investment in sustainable water infrastructure. We also underscore the importance of the implementation of the Namib Declaration, adopted at COP11 in Windhoek as part of our collective response to desertification and land degradation and drought. In this regard, we are pleased to inform that Namibia is a host to the Global Water Partnership Headquarters, first-time to be located in the Global South. In our capacity as co-chair with Senegal of the AU International High-Level Panel on the African Water Investment Program, on Monday we convened a high-level side event on water investment for Africa and the globe. We believe its outcome is a meaningful contribution to the 2026 UN Water Conference to be held later in the year, and advance strong global partnership, investment, and action for sustainable water security. Mr. President, the Pact for the Future, which was co-facilitated by Namibia and Germany, provides an ambitious framework for transforming global governance and addressing contemporary and emerging challenges. While the Pact gives due consideration for the interests and the needs of the future generation, its implementation has not been as effective as we had wished.
Mr. President. Excellencies. Distinguished delegates. It is an honor once again to address this august Assembly on behalf of the government and people of Tuvalu. I congratulate His Excellency Khalilur Rahman of Bangladesh on assuming the role of the president of the 81st session. President Rahman, you can count on the full support of Tuvalu. I also congratulate the outgoing president, Her Excellency Annalena Baerbock of Germany, for an exceptional and exemplary leadership. Mr. president, Tuvalu extends its deepest sympathy and condolences to all communities worldwide that are affected by ongoing armed conflicts and recent natural disasters, including the devastating floods in Nepal and Myanmar, the earthquake in Colombia and the tragic loss of lives at sea in Vanuatu. Tuvalu reiterates its hope for peace, stability and the unimpeded humanitarian relief, and reaffirms its solidarity with all those facing violence, insecurity and loss. Mr. president, in less than a week, Tuvalu will celebrate its 48th anniversary of independence, a significant milestone as Tuvalu approaches its Golden Jubilee of Independence.
I return to this issue of belonging at the end of my speech. But, Mr. President, last year, from this very podium, I made a solemn pledge on behalf of Africa and the global African diaspora to seek full international recognition of the transatlantic trafficking and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. Some cautioned that we were reopening old wounds, but we came not to provoke division or render empty judgment. We came to seek healing. And true healing requires truth, and truth requires acknowledgement, and acknowledgement must lead to meaningful repair. Mr. President, for centuries, this tragedy was rendered in the passive voice as though the millions of African men, women and children just vanished into the shadows of time. Mr. President, they did not vanish. They were hunted. They were captured. They were trafficked. They were bought, they were sold. They were exploited and exchanged for profit. They were ripped from their families and communities they belonged to. Their unpaid labor built the cities, industries, banking institutions, and empires of the modern Western world. Meanwhile, the African continent was left depopulated, split families, structural disruption and generational trauma. Mr. President, on 25th March this year, the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade, Ghana had the honor of tabling resolution 80/250 in this very August Assembly. Mr. President, 123 nations voted to affirm this fundamental truth that the transatlantic slave trade and chattel enslavement were the gravest crimes against humanity. I stand with respect at this podium to thank every nation that voted for justice, and am deeply grateful to our brothers and sisters in the African Union, the CARICOM, CELAC and our partners across the Global South. That resolution was not a mere gesture. It was adopted because the structural legacies of those historic crimes continue to fuel systematic racism, economic marginalization, and a global financial architecture that is weighted against Africa and people of African descent. Since the passage of the historic resolution, we welcome the positive overtures from many countries and institutions that have joined the dialogue on reparative justice. The Netherlands, Germany and France have all made positive moves to join the conversation on Reparatory justice. Mr. President, real repair demands structural transformation. It requires dismantling the persistent engines of exploitation, unfair global trade, predatory resource extraction, discriminatory credit ratings, unsustainable debt burdens of the global South, and the continued export of raw materials from Africa, while real value addition and job creation occur elsewhere. Mr. President, the injustices of the past remain embedded in today's power structures.
Thank you so much for your hard work for the United Nations Organization and for the Republic of Poland. Distinguished Excellencies, distinguished guests, the 81st Session of the UN General Assembly begins at one of the most difficult, in my view, moments since the organization's founding. Poland was, in fact, a founding member of the United Nations. From the very beginning of the UN's existence, we have been faced with a question about the foundations of the international order that we are shaping within our organization. Despite many achievements, we must not forget that at the very root of its creation lies a fundamental flaw, an original flaw, that continues to undermine the system's credibility to this day. The UN was established in response to the greatest tragedy in human history, World War II, but it was not founded on a simple and fundamental principle: that every wrongdoing must be met with accountability, and sometimes with just punishment. For Poland, this is not an abstract issue. At the very moment the foundations of the UN were being laid, my nation, a victim of two totalitarian regimes, was under the domination of one of them, Soviet Russia, and, after several years of devastating occupation, of the other, Germany. Thousands of Polish heroes who fought for the freedom of Europe and the entire world were, at that time, imprisoned, tortured, and sentenced to death. The UN already existed at that time. At the same time, the state responsible for those crimes had a say in shaping the postwar order, as a permanent member of the Security Council. Poland has never received redress for that period and those wrongs. The failure to hold anyone accountable for these crimes was not merely historical oversight; it sent a signal that violations of international law, aggression, and imperialist policies could go unpunished in reality. It is precisely this lack of justice, this sort of original sin of the postwar order, that creates space for the return of old aggressive ambitions and methods of operation. The aggressive policies of certain states today are, therefore, not a phenomenon detached from history. These policies are a direct consequence of it. A state that has not been held accountable for its actions is more likely to resort to the same tools again. That is why it is so important that today, as the international community, we restore the full meaning of the principle of accountability. Without it, there will not be a lasting peace, and international law will remain nothing more than a declaration devoid of real power. Ladies and gentlemen, today we must show courage while remembering that sometimes courage alone is not enough, that without prudence, courage can lead to disaster.
Russia's bet on cruise missiles and Shaheds didn't work the way Putin planned. They still caused damage, but they didn't break us. We built our defense. What is truly difficult for us now is Russian ballistic missiles and their new jet-powered Shaheds, Iranian technologies. Just imagine this: since the beginning of this year, Russia has already used more than 2,100 missiles of different types against us, against Ukraine, our people, and our children. More than 950 of them were ballistic missiles. In 8 months of this year, Russia used 63,000 attack drones of different types against Ukraine, our people. And more than 7,700 of them were jet-powered Shaheds. Truly destructive and very dangerous weapons. Just think about it. The Russians launch jet-powered Shaheds every hour, every hour, against our cities, our economy, our infrastructure. Our combat aircraft are fighting them 24/7. And this is part of Russia's strategy: to create an air threat every hour, to make life harder for the economy, and to disrupt people's lives, and to stop children from being able to study, just to study at school. Would your country survive if, God forbid, you had to face something like this? Ukraine has. Our soldiers have already successfully tested four new jet-powered interceptor drones against Russian jet-powered Shaheds. So we are scaling up production, and we will build, of course we will build, protection against these threats too. We have also launched an anti-ballistic program, FREYJA, together with our partners. Ten countries are already part of it: Ukraine, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom, Spain, and the Netherlands. Last week, I invited Poland to join. And we are also in consultations with a couple of other allied governments who want to join FREYJA. And we remain open to every country that can contribute to building protection against ballistic missiles. Our FREYJA program does not replace proven and effective systems, like, for example, Patriot systems or upgraded anti-ballistic SAMP/T systems. We want to build a system that can be produced on a much larger scale and at a lower cost, a system that can become an integrated part of Ukraine's defense and Europe's defense. One that can help any freedom-loving nation. The global waiting list for anti-ballistic systems is very long. There are more and more ballistic threats, and the industrial capacity of those who choose war is very large. So we need to produce enough protection so that every person sitting in this hall can say," My people are truly protected." That is our approach to security. Today, even the richest countries in the world can't find enough missile interceptors. Current production is simply not enough. And even those who spend years building up interceptor stocks have already used a large part of them. Unfortunately, this is the reality, even in the Gulf, where countries really worked to build strong anti-ballistic system, anti-ballistic defense. So we need a new program. We need FREYJA. Join these common efforts. And yes, sometimes it may seem that Ukraine is focused only on war, because we speak about weapons, we speak about defense and sanctions against the aggressor. But Ukrainians did not choose this war. We choose not to die, not to lose our country, our families, not to lose our independence, our freedom. And we are defending ourselves. And this matters not only for us, I'm sure. Most of you here are like Ukraine was before this war. You are peaceful nations. And you do not think about war every second. But that does not mean you are weak. And those who may wish you harm should not make that mistake. Most of you do not have nuclear weapons. You do not have a habit of attacking your neighbors. And you may not have the money to finance years of war. But that does not mean you have no chance to stay safe, to deter those who may threaten you, to make anyone who may threaten you think twice, and to protect your life and, of course, protect your people. Ukraine has proven that even against a much bigger enemy, you can stand and survive. And we also have the drone deal format. This is not simply about selling drones. Not, of course. It is cooperation with other countries to build a modern, integrated defense system against drone threats in the air, at sea, and on land. And this is not only about protecting the sky. Drones help us control our borders, it's important, mountain areas and, of course, roads, and without them, this would simply be impossible. And it is also about protecting infrastructure, critical infrastructure, about resilience, about organizing resources and defense forces so that critical infrastructure and transport can keep working even in the most difficult conditions, this is also part of the deals we offer. These are ready-made security formats that we adapt to each specific country and each specific region. We are already working with partners in the Gulf, the South Caucasus, and across Europe through drone deals. Today, I signed a drone deal, serious drone deal, with Finland, and this is significant. Also, today, I signed a security agreement with Australia, and drones are part of it too. And we are preparing drone deals with Canada and with other countries as well. When Russia started this war, it could never have imagined that Ukrainian long-range drones would one day reach its factories, its military factories, somewhere in Siberia and on the Yamal Peninsula, thousands of kilometers from our borders. Thousands. No Russian admiral expected that we would be able to sink Russia's pride cruisers that were supposed to dominate the sea but could not survive our naval drones. And along with different types of drones, we also produce a wide range of conventional weapons quickly, at lower cost than in many other countries, and tested in modern war. Ukraine is building its security so that we reinforce our role of a real provider of security and help others get the protection that has already worked for us and that can truly reduce the space for starting and spreading wars in the world. Peace through protection. Ladies and gentlemen, just think about it. No Russian official ever imagined that Army General Winter, which had fought on Russia's side for centuries, would one day switch sides and support those defending themselves from Russia. We will make that happen this winter if Russia continues to target our energy system and our heating. Ukrainians understand that this winter could be very harsh for us. But in response, we will have no choice but to make it painful for Russia too. And that's exactly why we say that de-escalation steps are important, are needed before winter, now. We need diplomacy, and we need strength. And step by step, we are closing the gaps in both. Yesterday, we met with the President of the United States, and this is exactly what we discussed. Unfortunately, we have not had a chance to speak directly with the leader of China, who is in America today, but not here. And he is someone who can influence Russia too, more than many, many others can. And we would like him to want peace as much as we do in Ukraine. We believe the world has the power to make this happen. We are sure the world needs this. This is about energy, about critical infrastructure. This is about food security.
We are duty bound to act, and France stands ready, working in concert with all those who wish to act in defense of the principles enshrined in the charter. All those who do not wish to remain powerless. The coalition of the willing on Ukraine, together with the UK and Germany, a coalition which brings together everyone who stands ready to guarantee peace and stability in the very heart of Europe, the very place where two world wars began, something no one can ignore and many in the room today know better than anyone what a return of war to Europe could mean. We will not yield an inch. The coalition of the willing will continue fighting. We also have an independent multinational coalition aimed at restoring the freedom of navigation in the Hormuz Strait. This should not be used for blackmail. It's a cardinal principle of international law, and it is in the interests of all of us for vessels to be able to transit through the strait securely and for the energy interests of all of our countries to be secured. The reopening of the Hormuz Strait is a priority. Respect for international law is also a priority. It is in everyone's interests and France is committed to it. Moving on to Africa, we shoulder a collective responsibility for the crises which are piling up without any answers, without any responses. Peace operations must be more effective and to this end they must be enabled, endowed with adequate funding and better coordinated with the United Nations as well as host nations. Back in 2018, I already mentioned the role played by regional organizations and better coordination between these regional bodies and the UN. At the Africa Forward meeting in Nairobi with over 30 African heads of state, and in Addis Ababa, the headquarters of the African Union, together with the UN, we stated clearly that the African Union and regional organizations should be fully equipped to play their role as regards peace and security on the African continent. In Paris in November we will hold a meeting aimed at replenishing the African Union Peace Fund. This will be on the sidelines of the Paris Peace Forum. I call on all potential funders to make robust and concrete pledges. We will not yield in the face of war. We must recommit and seek solutions that are in keeping with the spirit of the charter. Second, we must not give in to the permanent temptation to espouse double standards.
