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Furthermore, Mongolia has made tangible contributions to global efforts to maintain international peace and security through its active participation in the United Nations Peacekeeping operations and other international missions, having deployed more than 23,000 military and police personnel to hotspots around the world since 2002. Even today, our troops are serving in the Gang Suppression Force multinational police and military mission deployed to Haiti. Mongolia has been actively advancing the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 women, peace and security, and has become one of the few countries to have reached 15% women's participation and representation among its military personnel serving in UN PKOs. Since 2006, when Mongolia deployed its first female peacekeeper to the UN Mission in Western Sahara, Mongolian women have made valuable contributions to global peace over the past two decades through their courage, resilience and ingenuity. In this connection, Mongolia plans to host the second International Conference on Women's Participation in UN Peacekeeping Operations in Ulaanbaatar in 2027.
Too often, the United Nations has been more effective at responding to crises than anticipating them. This is true of pandemics, of climate shocks, of technological disruption, and it is nowhere more costly than in conflict. Eastern DRC is a clear example of that. For more than three decades, the FDLR has spread genocidal ideology, committed grave abuses in Eastern DRC, and directly threatened Rwanda's security, including through cross-border attacks. It now operates alongside Burundian troops and DRC-sponsored militias and mercenaries, in violation of the 1989 UN Convention and the 1977 OAU Convention against mercenaries. And this does not happen overnight. The roots of the conflict in Eastern DRC are political, and they lie in long-standing grievances, exclusion, and failures of governance. So the solution, too, must be political. Rwanda fully supports the diplomatic efforts underway to reach such a solution. We commend the Washington Accords between Rwanda and the DRC, and the Doha Process between the DRC and AFC M23, as steps in the right direction. We are grateful for the relentless efforts deployed by President Donald Trump, His Highness the Amir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, and the African Union mediator, President Fore Nyasimbe of Togo, in advancing these processes. And we remain committed to a region where all countries can coexist peacefully, where they can trade and develop together. Rwanda calls on all actors, including the Security Council, to support this same peace effort fairly and to encourage all parties to honor their commitments. There is no lasting peace without confronting the root causes of the conflict and addressing the legitimate concerns of all those affected. Excellencies, the value of prevention extends beyond conflict. It also means addressing the conditions that leave countries vulnerable to poverty, economic shocks, and exclusion from opportunity.
These are shared responsibilities and opportunities that require a collective effort that must unite us all. Mr. President. Excellencies. Despite everything, the United Nations is a political masterpiece of humanity. It will be constantly evolving and will reflect the decision of its members. The results in maintaining peace and security will, to a large extent, depend on the decision by the members of the Security Council and particularly its permanent members. For the UN to achieve the goals we have set, we must make it more agile and effective. To that end, we must at the outset honor our financial commitments. We must provide the UN with the appropriate resources so that peacekeeping missions in which Portugal is proud to participate can make a difference on the ground where they are deployed. We must strive to make the Security Council more representative, which requires permanent seats for Africa, Brazil and India, thereby reflecting the changing world.
And I thought it's a good idea to share with you my thoughts. Gunpowder changed the battlefield. Nuclear fission changed the meaning of human survival. Artificial intelligence is changing something even more intimate: who can enter the minds of a citizen, imitate a trusted voice, manufacture a reality calibrated to one person's fears, and do so millions and millions of times at once. Albania is not a developer of frontier models, but we are a nation that has already lived the future others are still debating, and I think a simple message is what we owe to all of you. The greatest immediate danger is not that artificial intelligence will stop obeying humanity. The greatest danger is that it will obey the wrong human beings perfectly. The challenge comes in three layers. What artificial intelligence does instead of us, what it does to us. And who gains the power to reach us? First, what it does instead of us. The public debate imagines machines that awaken, acquire ambitions and turn against their creators. But the systems confronting us today do not wake up with hatred in their hearts. They multiply ours. They have no ambition of their own. They serve the ambition of others. They carry no flag. But they can be deployed by a state. They tell no lie for their own benefit. But they can tell a billion lies on others behalf. The machine has no conscience. But it can borrow the reach of a government, the precision of a weapon and the intimacy of a friend. At the same time, the economic incentives surrounding artificial intelligence increasingly reward the replacement of human effort, rather than the enlargement of human capacity. Write the code so that I do not have to understand it. Draft the report so that I do not have to think through it. Make the judgment so that I do not have to assume responsibility for it. When success is measured only by how much work the machine removes from the human being, we may create more efficient institutions, but will have less capable people. A civilization that outsources effort may eventually outsource knowledge. A civilization that outsources knowledge may eventually outsource judgment, and the civilization that outsources judgment may discover that it also outsources responsibility. This is not inevitable. It is a choice. We can build artificial intelligence that teaches rather than merely answers, guides rather than commands, and strengthens the human being instead of making the human being dependent upon it. The question cannot be only how quickly did the machine complete the task? We must also ask, what did the human being learn? Who understood the decision? Who can challenge the decision and who answers for the decision when it is wrong? Albania became the first country to bring an artificial intelligence instrument into the architecture of government through Diella, our worldwide known artificial intelligence minister. We did not do this to transfer sovereignty from people to a machine. We did it to make public services more accessible, procedures more transparent, and the state more accountable. No machine possesses democratic legitimacy. No algorithm inherits constitutional responsibility. Behind every consequential public decision, there must remain a legal mandate, a human institution, and a name that can be called to give answers. The second layer is what artificial intelligence can do to us. Artificial intelligence inside an accountable state can reduce the distance between citizens and public services. Artificial intelligence outside accountability can eliminate the distance between a lie and the human mind. Albania experienced this directly. I am sure you must have followed or just known the so-called Flamingo Revolution, a fabricated narrative of an Israeli invasion of the Albanian coast, an invasion that never occurred, was manufactured, was personalized and delivered through voices, pages and channels citizens already trusted. One citizen received a story of national betrayal. Another received a story of religious provocation. Another received a conspiracy of foreign occupation. Different fabrications entered different emotional worlds, all serving the same strategic lie. The consequences were real. Citizens had their own reasons to protest. Don't take me wrong. But suddenly they started to protest also against a phantom enemy. Antisemitic tropes entered our public discourse for the first time ever. Don't forget, Albania is the only country in Europe that ended World War Two with more Jews than it started it. Fear became anger. Anger became mobilization and fabrication became political reality. And this is not and was not a laboratory experiment. I'm not talking to you about a science fiction movie. It was a Tuesday in Tirana, our capital city. The algorithm did not invent the objective. A human actor did.
Mr. President, the current erosion of international peace and security carries an uncomfortable echo of the League of Nations final years. The League did not collapse for want of noble principles, but because member states abandoned those principles the moment they became inconvenient or constrained their power. I therefore cannot speak candidly about multilateralism while looking away from where it is tested most severely. I begin close to home. Haiti's crisis is our crisis. Haiti is the Caribbean. While there are grounds for hope in elections now scheduled for December, there is also grave concern over a spike in violence threatening that process. Belize echoes the call of the CARICOM Eminent Persons Group. The Gang Suppression Force must be urgently and fully deployed. A Haitian-led, Haitian-owned political transition deserves a security environment in which it can actually succeed. Belize stands with the people of Haiti and with CARICOM in asking for nothing less. Belize also stands with Cuba.
47 days ago, a new government took office in Colombia. Three days later, at 7:34 a.m., the earth shook. A 7.4 magnitude earthquake struck my country in a matter of seconds. Homes, hospitals, schools, roads and bridges had been totally destroyed or severely damaged. The Colombian Geological Service confirmed that this was the strongest magnitude earthquake recorded in Colombia so far this century. Hundreds of Colombians lost their lives. 4500 were injured and more than 452,000 people were affected. 36,000 homes were totally destroyed. They represented the life savings assets of these people. The government that had barely started its work was forced to confront one of the greatest natural disasters in our recent history. There was no time to ask whether we were ready. We had to act, and we did so. From the very outset, I gave one unequivocal instruction we had to save human lives. There was time for everything else. Appointments to posts could wait, meetings could wait. But my fellow Colombians trapped underneath the rubble could not. The government deployed to the affected areas alongside the security forces, emergency services, volunteers and rescue workers. And from the very beginning, we started receiving the generous assistance from friendly countries and international organizations such as all of you. And today, from this rostrum, I wish to express the profound and sincere gratitude of the Colombian people to all of you. The earthquake claimed the lives of many of our fellow Colombians and destroyed thousands of homes and buildings and much infrastructure. But it also reminded us once again of something that Colombians are very familiar with. We might fall, we might suffer, and we might weep. But what we cannot and what we do not know how to do is give up. But I'm not only going to talk to you about this tragedy.
And that is also what we wish to see reflected in the world. We need a world where our capacity to uphold humanity grows faster than our capacity to destroy it. That is the transformation we should seek. It is for these reasons that we are pained by the developments in Gaza and the occupied Palestinian territories. Mr. President, the global security environment has deteriorated significantly in recent years. It is difficult to accept that in a world with so much wealth and knowledge, vast resources continue to be spent on weapons while children face starvation and are deprived of medicine and education. Sri Lanka remains deeply concerned by the conflicts in West Asia, and by the heavy cost being borne far beyond the region. International law, including international humanitarian law, must be adhered to and respected by all parties. We reaffirm our position that dialogue is the only viable way forward. Sri Lanka continues to support the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their rights to self-determination. We are among the countries that first recognise Palestine as a distinct state in the 1980s. We stand in solidarity with the international community in calling for an independent and sovereign state of Palestine, existing side by side with Israel in peace within the pre-1967 borders. We welcome the resolution of the Security Council on a ceasefire in Gaza and urge all parties to uphold it. Humanitarian assistance must reach civilians without obstruction. The recovery and reconstruction of Gaza must be an urgent priority. Mr. President, Sri Lanka is proud of its long standing contribution to United Nations peacekeeping in pursuit of global peace and security, having deployed more than 21,000 personnel on numerous missions since 1957. Our Blue Helmets, through their dedication and service over many years, have earned the trust of local communities and the commendation of UN Field Mission. Today, they continue to serve with distinction in some of the most challenging environments under the UN flag, protecting vulnerable civilians deterring violence and helping war-torn communities transition from conflict to stability. Sri Lanka has also long championed multilateral disarmament, from our early call for an Indian Ocean Zone of Peace to our leadership at the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference.
