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The test of equality does not end with the institutions that govern peace. It extends to the institutions that shape prosperity. The same question confronts us there: Does the international financial system give every nation a fair opportunity to secure the well-being of its citizens? The charter did not conceive development as charity. It pledged social progress, better standards of life, and economic and social advancement for all people. Yet, for too many countries, the resources required to fulfill that promise are being consumed before they can reach their people. Global public debt reached a record $102 trillion in 2024. Developing countries accounted for less than a third of that debt, yet paid about a trillion dollars in interest on debt in that year alone. Put it differently: 46 developing countries now spend more on interest on debt than on classrooms and medicine. Behind these numbers lies a simple reality. The hospital competes with a creditor. The classroom competes with debt service.
Centuries of enslavement and colonial extraction transferred wealth from our societies, and denied the generations the means to build prosperity. Political independence did not erase those harms. Today, countries that contribute least to climate change must borrow at high cost and rebuild from disaster driven overwhelmingly by emissions that we did not have anything but that comes from afar. That is where climate debt meets historic debts. Antigua and Barbuda stands firm with CARICOM and Africa in demanding reparatory justice for people of African descent. Reparatory justice requires acknowledging responsibility, repairing continuing harm, and correcting structures that still reproduce inequality. Expressions of regret are not enough. Justice requires honest dialogue, followed by concrete measures and repair and restoration and development. Reparatory justice is not a favor. It is a claim grounded in responsibility, equality and human dignity. Madam president, development finds its true meaning in the lives and dignity of people.
Small nations are being asked to finance both development and survival. No nation should have to borrow its way out of a crisis it did so little to create. Excellencies. The world is facing a growing development financing crisis. The gap between commitments and delivery continues to widen, and too often we simply rebrand and recycle old ideas while failing to deliver tangible progress. Meanwhile, multilateralism is under siege and international financial commitments are being eroded. The current international financial architecture was designed for a different era. It struggles to adequately recognize vulnerability and fails to fully account for the realities faced by SIDS. A fairer financial system is not only in the interest of developing countries, it is in the interest of global stability and shared prosperity. The implementation of the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index MVI in financing decision making is essential if we are to genuinely address the financial challenges facing developing countries. We thank the Secretary General and UN DESA for their proactive efforts in moving this issue forward with international financial institutions IFIs, and we look forward to the pilot project to demonstrate the MVI can help developing countries in their financing challenges. On debt, we need to build a sustainable, equitable and fair debt regime, starting with a robust mechanism for debt restructuring. Debt forgiveness must be linked to measurable progress on resilience-building. And investment in resilience today will reduce the cost of disasters tomorrow. Samoa supports the incorporation of states contingent clauses in debt instruments, allowing for suspension during crisis. Excellencies. Energy is both a driver and accelerator for Samoa's sustainable development ambition.
However, national efforts alone cannot dismantle the structural barriers built into the global economic architecture. Developing nations require deliberate, scaled investment in industrialisation, sustainable infrastructure and regional value chains to transition from primary commodity exporters to diversified industrialised economies. In addition, we cannot achieve sustainable development while drowning in debt. Malawi, therefore, calls for immediate, comprehensive debt relief and restructuring. The current international financial architecture forces developing nations to choose between servicing predatory debts and investing in health, education and climate resilience. This is a moral failure. Mr. president, we also call for a massive scaling up of concessional development financing. We need targeted investment in our key productive sectors, namely agriculture, industrialisation and infrastructure development as follows agriculture, modernisation through mechanisation and commercialisation to guarantee food security. Secondly, building local industry so that we stop exporting raw materials and create decent jobs for our youth who make up nearly 40% of the Malawi population. And thirdly, developing robust transport, energy and digital infrastructure to connect Malawi to regional and global markets. We therefore call upon our international partners to align their support with national blueprint like the Malawi 2063, in order to generate meaningful job creation and shared prosperity.
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No. 5
South Africa09/24 · first at about 6 min5 mentions
If multilateralism works at regional level, then citizens have greater reasons to believe it can work globally. Our governments face a difficult choice whether to meet the needs of their citizens or satisfy the expectations of creditors. In the last year alone, African countries spent roughly the same amount on servicing debt as is needed to close our infrastructure financing gap. This grim reality inspired South Africa's G20 presidency to focus on debt sustainability. The Africa Expert Panel report calls for an end to incrementalism. It support multilateral efforts to establish a borrowers club to counterbalance the power of creditors, and calls for greater debt transparency and greater scrutiny of credit rating agencies. To us, Mr. President, unsustainable debt betrays the promise of development and destroys the prospects for democracy. With only 36% of the Sustainable Development Goals showing sufficient progress, we are running out of time. Africa and much of the global South need multilateral actions to free resources absorbed by debt services and redirect them towards development. We must close the financing gap for the 2030 agenda and meaningful advance implementation of the African Union Agenda 2063. In November 2025, South Africa classified gender based violence and femicide as a national disaster, recognizing that dealing with this scourge demands exceptional measures from our population, and we require international partners to continue to fight this through technology and other means that must support our measures to fight gender based violence in our country.
These pressures unfold alongside armed conflict, disrupted supply chains, declining official development assistance, and rising debt. Households face higher food and energy bills, governments face higher borrowing costs. Countries striving to finance the Sustainable Development Goals must absorb shocks they did not create and cannot fairly insure against. Artificial intelligence adds a further layer. Well governed, it can widen access to knowledge and improve public services.
I return to this issue of belonging at the end of my speech. But, Mr. President, last year, from this very podium, I made a solemn pledge on behalf of Africa and the global African diaspora to seek full international recognition of the transatlantic trafficking and racialized chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. Some cautioned that we were reopening old wounds, but we came not to provoke division or render empty judgment. We came to seek healing. And true healing requires truth, and truth requires acknowledgement, and acknowledgement must lead to meaningful repair. Mr. President, for centuries, this tragedy was rendered in the passive voice as though the millions of African men, women and children just vanished into the shadows of time. Mr. President, they did not vanish. They were hunted. They were captured. They were trafficked. They were bought, they were sold. They were exploited and exchanged for profit. They were ripped from their families and communities they belonged to. Their unpaid labor built the cities, industries, banking institutions, and empires of the modern Western world. Meanwhile, the African continent was left depopulated, split families, structural disruption and generational trauma. Mr. President, on 25th March this year, the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade, Ghana had the honor of tabling resolution 80/250 in this very August Assembly. Mr. President, 123 nations voted to affirm this fundamental truth that the transatlantic slave trade and chattel enslavement were the gravest crimes against humanity. I stand with respect at this podium to thank every nation that voted for justice, and am deeply grateful to our brothers and sisters in the African Union, the CARICOM, CELAC and our partners across the Global South. That resolution was not a mere gesture. It was adopted because the structural legacies of those historic crimes continue to fuel systematic racism, economic marginalization, and a global financial architecture that is weighted against Africa and people of African descent. Since the passage of the historic resolution, we welcome the positive overtures from many countries and institutions that have joined the dialogue on reparative justice. The Netherlands, Germany and France have all made positive moves to join the conversation on Reparatory justice. Mr. President, real repair demands structural transformation. It requires dismantling the persistent engines of exploitation, unfair global trade, predatory resource extraction, discriminatory credit ratings, unsustainable debt burdens of the global South, and the continued export of raw materials from Africa, while real value addition and job creation occur elsewhere. Mr. President, the injustices of the past remain embedded in today's power structures.
We aim to process and add value to our resources domestically, and this explains our interest in special economic zones because we think political sovereignty must go hand in hand with economic sovereignty. Our vision, I would like to point out, aligns with the Sustainable Development Goals, the SDGs and the 2063 African Union agenda, the Africa we want. But let's be lucid and pragmatic here. The ambitions of our development of the Republic of the Congo and many other African countries are impeded by the burden of debt inequalities in the international financial system and the consequences of climate change. Four years before the 2030 SDG deadline, we cannot afford another collective failure. The Republic of the Congo, therefore, calls for an ambitious international action on the issue of developing country debt, including through debt relief and, where appropriate, debt cancellation measures to free resources for SDG related investments. Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Africa is not the world's periphery. It is one of its centers of gravity and a source of multilateral renewal.
We wish them well as they complete their tenure at the end of this year. Mr. president, few institutions embody the principle of sovereign equality as visibly as this assembly. Within these walls, differences in power, wealth and influence may shape the realities our nations confront, but they do not confer a greater claim to membership or participation. And perhaps more than anywhere else, this assembly reminds us of a simple truth: Our differences are real but so is our interdependence. This is why this organization was created with the understanding that disputes must be resolved through dialogue, human dignity must be protected, and that nations must work together if development, peace and human rights are to be sustained. In other words, that our common future requires common institutions. Eight decades later, we must ask ourselves whether we have remained faithful to that insight. And perhaps more importantly, do we still trust one another enough to act on it? Because today, Mr. President, trust is being tested. Geopolitical divisions are widening. Wars have become more protracted, with devastating humanitarian consequences. Respect for the United Nations Charter and international law is under visible strain, with developing countries facing intensifying debt burden, climate vulnerabilities, huge gaps between commitments made and implementation, and feeling of marginalization and inadequate representation in the global system. Therefore, the task before us is building stronger, better equipped, representative responsive and effective multilateral system and global financial architecture that delivers for all nations and regions. Mr. president, The Gambia's own experience within this organization gives us grounds for optimism. We have seen within this very institution that multilateralism can still deliver. During the 80th session of the General Assembly The Gambia had the honor of chairing the second Committee at a time of profound disagreement over some of the most consequential economic and development issues before us. That experience reminded us that multilateralism does not require unanimity on every issue. It requires the willingness to remain at the table to listen, negotiate, and courage to make compromises. Our experience demonstrates that in this period of deep disagreement, progress remains possible when member states approach negotiations with political will, mutual respect, and a sense of responsibility.
But when commitments remain out of reach for those who need them most, confidence in the system weakens. Getting these fundamentals right is central to restoring trust, managing transformation, and building a United Nations that delivers for all. The global financial architecture must therefore evolve to reflect the economic realities of the 21st century, including financing demands created by climate change, technological transformation, and the imperative for sustainable development. Developing countries frequently face borrowing costs several times higher than those of wealthier nations because the system was not designed with the circumstances of the Global South in mind. Debt sustainability is a question of development and fairness. When nations spend more to service debt than invest in education, job creation, or provision of healthcare, trust in the system erodes. Botswana calls upon this assembly and the international financial institutions to pursue reform of global financial governance. This would give developing countries a meaningful voice and provide fair and predictable access to concessional finance. We call upon the United Nations and its financial partners to mobilize private capital through innovative and blended financing agreements that de-risk productive investment in developing economies. This is enlightened fairness and sound economics. Capital should help create opportunity where its impact can be felt. Mr. President, health is where the promise of international solidarity is tested most directly, and Botswana speaks from hard-earned experience.
We must not neglect the reform of the international financial architecture. This means we need to rebalance access to financing. Current aid and lending criteria often rely solely on GDP per capita, excluding many vulnerable countries. The United Nations should therefore take into account the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index so that access to concessional financing reflects climate shocks and external debt burdens. It would also be wise to support durable debt relief. This means advocating for a faster, more predictable, and more inclusive sovereign debt restructuring mechanism that would allow vulnerable countries to invest in the Sustainable Development Goals, rather than servicing unsustainable interest payments. The procedures for accessing UN funds should also be drastically simplified in order to reduce disbursement delays. For a vulnerable state facing crisis, administrative slowness undermines confidence in the effectiveness of multilateralism. Third, greater effectiveness in responding to climate and humanitarian emergencies.
We also advocate for mutual beneficial economic cooperation based on respect for sovereignty for each state, for the equality between the states, and the freedom of choice for the people during the electoral process. In the area of development, we are still far from fulfilling the promise of the 2030 Agenda. With less than four years until the deadline, millions of people remain deprived of basic opportunities: water, energy, infrastructure, and others. Thus, it is important to accelerate the implementation of the commitment made under the SDGs, which requires predictable, accessible, and sustainable financing. It also requires a fair international financial architecture, more fair, sustainable debt relief, greater transfer of technology, international trade that is more balanced, and investments that can transform potential into prosperity, as well as adherence to the principle of common responsibility but differentiated responsibilities. Similarly, in the field of human rights, it is also important to promote a balanced, impartial, and coherent approach based on the principles of universality and equal treatment between the states. Promoting these rights should prioritize constructive dialogue, cooperation, and the strengthening of our institutions. Mr. President, in Mozambique, we are committed to consolidating peace, strengthening democratic institutions, and conducting an inclusive national dialogue led by the Mozambican initiatives that are genuinely Mozambican to deepen reconciliation, national unity, peace, and the reforms that are necessary, with the support of our international partners, while respecting national ownership.
Mr. president, Your Excellencies, peace and development are inseparable, which compels us to consider strategies that can help accelerate the implementation of the 2030 agenda. The important decisions adopted under the Pact for the Future and the Seville Commitment can help advance development programmes in Africa. However, in order to achieve concrete results in these areas, it is essential to ensure affordable financing, debt relief, technology transfer, capacity building and a greater participation of international financial institutions. African countries spend far more resources on the exorbitant cost of debt servicing than they are able to invest in health, education, infrastructure development programmes. This situation obviously limits productive investment, deepens inequalities and economic disparities, and threatens economic and social stability. In view of this, it is imperative to correct these distortions and I therefore reiterate the call for the immediate reform of the international financial architecture in order to make it fairer, more equitable, democratic and geared towards the progress and wellbeing of humankind.
Too often the cycle is predictable. A disaster occurs, infrastructure is destroyed, and economic activity collapses. We then mobilise resources to rebuild what was lost, often through borrowing that substantially increases debt to rebuild what we could have made more resilient from the outset. This is not an efficient financial model. The best time to build resilience is before disaster. The best time to finance transformation is before crisis, and the value of resilience should be measured not only by what we build, but by what we prevent from being destroyed. Mr. president, Dominica does not come to the United Nations asking to be treated as a victim of vulnerability. We come asking to be recognised as a partner in transformation. We must finance potential, not merely manage vulnerability. And this is not only about Dominica, it is about whether the global financial system is capable of recognizing a different development model, a model in which resilience is an investment. Nature is an asset, connectivity is productive infrastructure. Clean energy is economic opportunity, and prevention is financially smarter than reconstruction. That is the proposition we placed before this assembly. It is time that the international financial architecture evolves. Dominica joins its voice with those countries that continue to advocate for the use of multidimensional vulnerability as a practical and fair basis in determining access to development finance. We call for greater and easier access to concessional financing and grants for adaptation. We call for stronger disaster clauses in sovereign debt instruments. We call for financing mechanisms that can be activated rapidly when disasters strike. And we call for a fundamental shift in the way the international community views investment in resilience. Every dollar spent preventing the destruction of a road, a hospital, a school, or a water system is an investment in future development. Dominica is prepared to serve as a demonstration country for this approach. We are prepared to work with international partners to show what happens when finance is designed around transformation, rather than vulnerability. Mr. president, Dominica has long spoken of becoming the world's first climate resilient nation. Today I wish to take that ambition further.
In confronting these threats and dangers, the Sudan has in Egypt a strong supporter of its people and the right to unity, to institutions capable of safeguarding their resources and to justice that upholds their dignity. Mr. president, justice and rules is not complete if the institutions that make decisions do not fairly represent the world they govern. More than eight decades have passed since the founding of the United Nations. Yet the structure of the international system's institutions, particularly the Security Council, still reflect historical balances that have become outdated. Institutions that were created for a different world cannot maintain full legitimacy and effectiveness if they do not reflect the world they are meant to serve today, and represent the concerns and interests of the majority of its population. In this context Egypt continues to advocate genuine and comprehensive reform of the Security Council in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, particularly to mend the historical injustice suffered by Africa. The imbalance in political representation is matched by another imbalance in the global economy. Developing countries are required to accelerate development, create jobs, finance green transitions and adapt to crises while simultaneously facing growing debt burdens, higher financing costs and a shrinking fiscal space. Therefore, reforming international financial architecture is no longer a luxury but a necessity. We need financial institutions that are more representative and responsive. We need expanded concessional financing, greater mobilisation and lending capacities for multilateral development banks and accelerated debt workout in a fair and effective manner. We need innovative financing tools and a fairer system for assessing countries needs and investment risks, thus enabling the mobilisation of private capital without shifting risks onto the most vulnerable countries. Countries should not be forced to choose between debt servicing and financing, education, health care, food security and essential infrastructure. Development is not charity. It is a right and a shared interest. Investing in development is an investment in global stability and in the ability of states to prevent crises before they become cross-border, humanitarian and security crises.
We must equally reform the Secretariat to better support peacekeeping and the resolution of conflicts. We've been told that there are more conflicts today than at any time since the United Nations was established, and regrettably, these conflicts are in almost every corner of the planet. The Oslo Peace Institute reported that in 2025, last year, 245 000 individuals faced battle related deaths. That is almost Barbados's population. I'm told that this makes it the third most violent year in the post-Cold War era. My friends, the scale of human tragedy is mounting, and whether it is in Gaza or the West Bank or Lebanon, or Yemen or Sudan or Ukraine or elsewhere. Last year we feared that there was a risk of conflicts in the Middle East widening even further, and the conflicts continue. These fears, regrettably, have come to pass and with a global impact. Nevertheless. Indeed, conflicts are more protracted and more fragmented. And when coupled with hunger and unsustainable debt and a warming planet, it becomes a veritable hell for the citizens of those countries. Increases in energy and transport costs and in interest rates have spurred inflation. It means that no one, even on the other side of the world, can escape the hardships in meeting their daily needs. The truth is, until there is a two state solution that respects the rights and territories of both the Israelis and Palestinians, we will continue to live on the edge in this world. And you may well ask, how have we gotten here? We need to address with laser like focus each and every one of these conflicts. Legitimacy demands that of us. And let us let the UN deliberately and systematically deploy nimble mediation teams led by political leaders, current and retired. On behalf of the Secretary-General and enjoying the Secretary-General's confidence and authority and the respect of Member States. This, my friends, will help lift the heavy weight necessary to end these multiple conflicts and to bring peace and dignity to those affected populations. We know that many hands make light work and we can't ignore it. These conflicts need to be supported by a quicker and technology enhanced observer force, capable of rapid deployment to monitor and support ceasefires and peace agreements to be given the resources. These peacekeeping forces must be given realistic mandates, predictable financing and true partnership. Let us work my friends together with the parties to these conflicts, to build dialogue and to bring opportunities for investment and jobs to the affected populations so that they too, can live properly. And as for the wider international legal order, we know that countries of every size and capacity depend on a system in which rules are made collectively and applied consistently and fairly. But if we don't act early enough, we have trouble. And that is why we say that the UN must receive the resources and the resolve to act before the guns speak, and not after the guns start to fly. My friends, without an equitable rules based order, smaller states like mine will simply cease to exist in this world.
We live in an interdependent world marked by growing uncertainty and by challenges that transcend borders climate change, transnational organized crime, terrorism, structural inequalities, the burden of debt, and insufficient financing for development continue to undermine our efforts towards sustainable development. Devastating conflicts also persist in several regions of the world, as do security challenges, particularly in the Sahel. In this context, Guinea-Bissau considers it essential to strengthen the international community's support to the most affected countries in the region. Ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations remains an essential pillar of multilateralism and a privileged forum for dialogue, cooperation and the search for collective solutions to the challenges facing humanity.
Mr. president as we enter the home stretch of the 2030 agenda, developing nations that have been squeezed by unsustainable debt, shrinking financial space and mounting external shocks. At the core, this is a crisis of international financial system designed for a different era. Liberia calls for urgent structural reform of the international financial architecture. Developing nations need concessional financing, debt sustainability and predictable development capital, not escalating interest rates that threaten survival. At the heart of this reform must be a fairer voice and a vote for developing countries within the Bretton Woods institution, the world Bank and the International Monetary Fund, whose governance reflects the world of 1945 rather than the world of today. A financial system that decides the fate of billions cannot continue to be governed by the few. Reform of our international financial system is not a technical exercise. It is a precondition for delivering the Sustainable Development Goals and for restoring the very trust this Assembly is meeting to discuss.
Frameworks like the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS and the Sevilla Commitment must be backed by real capital. For small island states debt sustainability is a matter of national survival. We require affordable, accessible, long term financing, meaningful debt relief and the full implementation of the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index. Measuring a nation's development solely by GDP per capita ignores extreme exposure to climate shocks and geographic isolation. If international finance is to serve reality, it must first measure reality correctly. Looking ahead, we must also address the rapid rise of artificial intelligence and emerging technologies. Whilst these tools offer immense opportunities for development and ocean management, they also risk widening the global divide and enabling new forms of warfare and cybercrime. We must ensure technology serves human dignity. We call for global digital governance anchored in human rights, ethical standards and international law, with a United Nations playing a central role in steering this transformation. Mr. President, excellencies, across every crisis we face, one fundamental truth endures. Our ultimate duty is to the people we represent our families, our youth, our coastal communities, and future generations.
But, Mr. President, the task now is delivery. We need financing that reaches communities without adding debt, adaptation finance that is accessible to countries already bearing the cost of the problems they did not create, and full support of the loss and damage and the special circumstances of SIDS. This means grant-based and concessional finance, grid readiness and storage, productive energy use, and support that respects our circumstances while enabling delivery at scale. Those who contributed the least to this climate crisis yet confront the worst threats of rising sea levels must not be burdened with debt simply to purchase a life jacket for their survival. International financial institutions must look beyond income and account for vulnerabilities of SIDS. Climate exposure, remoteness, narrow economies, and limited access to affordable finance must be considered. The Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS provides a strong roadmap for resilience, but requires urgent, predictable, and scaled-up support. The Pacific Resilience Facility is one practical answer, the PRF. Endorsed by the Pacific leaders, the PRF is the first Pacific-led, owned, and managed regional financing facility dedicated to climate and disaster resilience, and the first international financial institution collectively owned by the Pacific focused on turning resources into real community-level resilience. The PRF reflects the kind of capital the world should support. Resilience is also about safeguarding public health. And I commend Palau's First Lady for advancing efforts to combat tobacco and nicotine use, with a focus on our youth.
We have heard that this also requires United Nations Security Council able and willing to discharge the responsibility entrusted to it. As I said at the opening of this debate, in the eyes of the world, when the Security Council works, the United Nations works. Excellencies. Development, another pillar of the United Nations, featured prominently throughout the debate, but the message was clear time is running out and promises remain unfulfilled. We heard that only a few of the Sustainable Development Goals are on track. We heard that progress has stalled, and we heard the question that should trouble us all. Should we have done much more? The answer must be a resounding yes. The burden is not shared equally. Those speaking most urgently about development were often the countries facing the heaviest debt burdens, the narrowest fiscal space, the greatest climate vulnerability, and the least voice in the institutions that shape the global economy. Debt was spoken of more forcefully by those who bear it not by those with the greatest ability to resolve it. We have heard that we must honor the Sevilla Commitment to reform the international financial architecture, provide affordable and accessible finance, expand fiscal space, strengthen productive capacities, and invest in people. And we must deliver on the promise of Paris. Climate disasters are erasing hard earned development gains and deepening inequality. For small island developing states, low lying coastal countries, least developed countries and climate vulnerable nations, adaptation and resilience are not optional expenditures.
Mr. President, one of the greatest obstacles to sustainable development is inadequate financing. Many developing countries devote substantial resources to debt servicing at the expense of education, healthcare and infrastructure. Nigeria, therefore, calls for reform of the international financial architecture, wider access to concessional financing and debt sustainability frameworks that recognize developmental needs. We also support innovative financing through private capital, blended finance, South-South cooperation and strategic partnerships for sustainable development, climate adaptation and resilient infrastructure. Nigeria further recognizes the African Continental Free Trade Area as one of the continent's most transformative opportunities. It can strengthen regional value chains, expand intra-African trade, promote industrialization, and attract investment.
But the international system can widen or narrow our choices. Technology transfer, resilient supply chains and accessible finance expand choice. Technological dependence, external shocks and unsustainable debt limits it. This is why reform of the international financial architecture matters. We must implement the Sevilla Commitment and deliver on its promises on finance, debt and reform. Earlier this year, the Maldives joined other developing countries in launching the Borrowers’ Platform. It must become a lasting mechanism that gives developing countries not just a place in the financial system, but a voice in shaping it. But for SIDS, greater agency also depends on progress at home. We must build our institutions, improve stability, and attract responsible investment and meaningful partnerships. And these partnerships must build national capacity and support national ambitions. Partnerships must serve national needs, strengthen what we have and leave us more capable than before. Our shared challenges can become shared opportunities. This is the spirit of President Dr Muizzu’s Maldives First policy.
As we forge ahead with the SDGs, reform of the United International Financial Architecture is critical to a more equitable and inclusive global economic order. Such reforms should create greater policy space and access to financing to enable countries to expand their economies through value addition to their natural resources, including critical minerals, for our people to have full benefit of our resources. This will accelerate sustainable development, address inequality, create jobs for our youth, and lift our population out of poverty. In this context, we welcome the creation of the African Credit Rating Agency to be launched in Mauritius in October this year. This development is a building block of Africa taking ownership of her development and prosperity agenda. It demonstrates progress in Africa's ambitions to drive impetus for the reform of the international financial architecture in order to ensure a level playing field. Middle-income countries continue to face high borrowing costs, limited fiscal space, debt vulnerabilities, climate-related shocks, and persistent inequality. Namibia reaffirms the Sevilla Commitments as an important step towards reforming the international financial architecture and strengthening the global partnership for sustainable development.
While we are a few years away from 2030, progress towards attainment of the SDGs is still unimpressive. Given this situation, we need to improve our execution and ensure that every cent invested delivers results. Tanzania remains committed and has made strides in implementing the 2030 Agenda. Tanzania Vision 2050, aim to build an inclusive and competitive economy that ensures quality of life for all. We are investing in our people, productive infrastructure, technology and innovation, while creating greater opportunities for women and young people. Our ambition is to transform economic growth into lasting improvements in people's lives. These ambitions may not be realized if the international financial architecture is not made to work for development. Currently, when developing countries are accelerating progress, they are restricted by high borrowing costs, rising debt burdens, and limited access to affordable longterm finance. Tanzania stresses that improvements must be made to ensure the expansion of concessional financing, mobilization of private investment, improved access to development and climate finance, and giving developing countries a stronger voice in global financial decisionmaking. It is without a doubt that political commitment is paramount in undertaking focused investment.
With less than four years to implement the 2030 Agenda, only 36% of the Sustainable Development Goals are on track or showing moderate progress, while developing countries face an annual financing gap exceeding US $4 trillion. The Sevilla Commitment must now be implemented through greater affordable, long term and concessional finance, timely development oriented debt treatment and a more effective channelling of special drawing rights. Development cannot flourish when its financing is prohibitively expensive. Reform must decisively address Africa's excessive risk premiums and borrowing costs. The need to strengthen the voice of developing countries in global financial institutions, curb illicit financial flows and tax abuse, as well as secure fair returns from natural resources cannot be over emphasized. Zimbabwe is continuously strengthening its capacity to mobilise domestic resources, enhance public financial management and foster a favourable environment for productive investment and our National Vision 2030. We are strengthening the important linkage between mining and agriculture, which is driving growth in Zimbabwe's manufacturing sector.
these crises are not abstract. They are lived realities. Climate change threatens our homes, livelihoods and very existence. Debt limits our ability to invest in people. Digital technologies are transforming our societies. Without safeguards, they can reproduce old patterns of domination in a new form. And in our own Caribbean neighborhood,
Our debt, which once stood at more than 140% of GDP, was brought down to 62% before Melissa, with unemployment then at a historic low of 3.4%. We built macroeconomic stability, strengthened investor confidence, and created the fiscal space that ultimately helped us respond to the greatest natural disaster in our modern history. We are proud and heartened that, notwithstanding Melissa, Jamaica's credit ratings have either been stabilized or upgraded, and unemployment still stands at a relative low of 3.7%. Those gains did not happen by accident. They required discipline, partnership, sacrifice, consistency and long term planning. Our experience has taught us that the strongest response to a crisis begins long before the crisis arrives, in the choices we make, the institutions we build, and the buffers we create. Jamaica will continue to take responsibility for the things within our control, but domestic responsibility must be matched by international solidarity and cooperation.
We cannot continue to walk up the down escalator pretending it is development. Mr. President, we renew our call for the full operationalisation of the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index so that access to concessional financing is not constrained by per capita income, but reflects the real climate risks small island states face and their limited capacity to respond to such large events. We also call for the swift implementation of reforms set out in the Antigua and Barbuda agenda for SIDS. Further, we support the continuing work of the Bridgetown Initiative to reform the international financial architecture, including automatic debt service suspension clauses when disaster strikes, expanded and rechanneled Special Drawing Rights and multilateral development banks that lend like development partners rather than like commercial creditors. Mr. President, we must also accept that affordable, patient concessional capital is not charity to small states. It is justice for states that contribute the least to the climate crisis, yet bear the highest costs.
However, these developments do not fully reflect the vulnerabilities of countries exposed to debt and external shocks. While we work with our global partners to consolidate this hard won stability, we remain conscious of the critical need to address the hardships faced by vulnerable communities. Cyclone Ditwah was one of the worst natural disasters in Sri Lanka's recent history and devastated several parts of our country. The calamity resulted in the loss of hundreds of lives and affected more than 2 million people. Livelihoods were disrupted and critical infrastructure was destroyed. Having experienced this tragedy we understand deeply the challenge posed by the Himalayan floods to the people of Nepal and China. We extend our deepest sympathies to the victims.
We must acknowledge that progress is uneven. The world cannot continue to adopt ambitious commitments while developing countries struggle to finance their implementation. For Zambia, the SDGs must translate into tangible improvements in the lives of our people. A child receiving quality education, a mother accessing safe healthcare, a farmer having reliable water and markets, a young person finding decent employment and a family having access to electricity. A community having accessible roads, access to clean water and sanitation. A small business gaining access to finance. That is what development means to us as Zambians. Mr. president, regarding sustainable development, finance and reform of the global financial architecture, it is widely accepted that sustainable development cannot be achieved without addressing persistent financing gaps facing developing countries. High borrowing costs, limited fiscal space and heavy debt servicing obligations continue to constrain our country's ability to invest in climate action, health, education, infrastructure and development priorities. Zambia, therefore, calls for greater access to affordable and long term development finance, increased climate finance, particularly for adaptation and resilience, and innovative finance mechanisms to mobilise private investment for sustainable development. Mr. president, I turn to multilateralism, geopolitics and peace and security.
Of course, significant challenges remain, but the progress Greece has made is impossible to overlook. Seven years ago, my country was still emerging from the most painful economic crisis in its modern history, having lost more than 25% of its GDP. Today the economy is growing much faster than the European average, while Greece is attracting significant foreign direct investment. Public finances are solid, and our fiscal performance has become a positive example in Europe. Our public debt is declining faster than any other OECD country. Structural reforms and digitalisation of the state, which has helped reduce bureaucracy, have transformed the public administration and restored trust among investors. A few days ago, two leading rating agencies upgraded their outlook of the Greek economy. And at a time of great turbulence in the global bond markets, this says a lot about the progress that Greece has made. Not many people would have bet a few years ago that today Greece's borrowing costs would be lower than that of four G7 countries. This transformation was not easy. It was made possible by the hard work, the resilience and the determination of the Greek people. Economic growth is vital because it expands a nation's strategic leverage. It enables a state to bolster its defence, a core commitment this government is proud to adhere to, to modernize its infrastructure, to invest in innovation, all while safeguarding social cohesion. Economic resilience is therefore inherently intertwined with robust institutions and credible deterrent capabilities.
This must change. Excellencies, The second test of power is inequality. Inequality is often framed as an economic problem. It is a power problem. Power over opportunity, resources, voice. Never has humanity possessed so much wealth, knowledge, and technological capability. Yet for billions, progress remains out of reach. They see prosperity around them, but not for themselves. They are told globalization expands horizons, but they experience exclusion. They are promised that technology will unlock new possibilities, yet many fear it will take away their livelihoods. Meanwhile, billions of people still live without the essentials embedded in the Sustainable Development Goals. Food. Clean water. Education. Decent work. Health care. Dignity. Excellencies, No country should be denied a sustainable future because it is on the wrong side of a deeply unequal financial system. Yet so many throughout the developing world are being crushed by unsustainable debt. Battered by disasters they did little to cause. And locked out of affordable finance. That is why we have pushed relentlessly: For reform of the international financial architecture – which is not a technical debate, but a question of representation, fairness and power. For debt relief that is timely, effective and just. For Multilateral Development Banks that are bigger, bolder and better equipped to provide affordable long-term finance at scale and massively leverage private finance. For Special Drawing Rights to benefit countries that need them most. Excellencies, No discussion of inequality can ignore its most universal form: The inequality between women and men. Everywhere, women and girls continue to face discrimination, violence, exclusion and abuse. Around the world: Their rights are being rolled back. Their voices silenced. Their bodies turned into battlegrounds. And their freedoms treated as bargaining chips. This is an outrage –and a profound waste for humanity. Peace is more durable when women are at the table. Economies are more dynamic when women have equal opportunity. Societies are more resilient when girls can learn, lead and live free from fear. And institutions are more effective when power is shared equally. Over the last decade, we achieved an enormous milestone. I am proud to report to you today that the United Nations achieved gender parity for the first time in history across all senior leadership…all headquarters … and all professional staff. It happened because we removed barriers, challenged assumptions, and refused to accept that power must look as it always has. At every step, we never compromised on quality and competence. Equality is not a dream. It is a decision. If the United Nations can change: So can Governments. So can Parliaments.
The absence of an effective international legal framework leaves the way open for all of these abuses to arise, posing a direct threat to the security of our state and the fundamental rights of our citizens. Having already suffered from these various pernicious effects, Gabon has had to introduce more appropriate and secure regulation of the digital and artificial intelligence sectors through temporary and proportionate measures, motivated solely by the imperative of protecting our citizens. Our aim remains to build an open and secure digital ecosystem that respects freedoms and is fully consistent with our international commitments. Mr. president, if the United Nations is to deliver results for all, it cannot ignore historical debts.
Everyone is being harmed, from Asia to Europe, from Africa to the Americas. No country is immune. They have serious economic and social impact and are already having undesirable consequences for all of us and also for the parties involved. This is a senseless crisis because it's harmful to everyone. We must put an end to this collective masochism, and we must do it quickly to close this chapter, which is a chapter of widespread harm. We all have a duty to learn from the lessons of the crisis of the 1970s and avoid repeating what happened then. We will be judged by how we handle this challenge. On the one hand, it is urgent to put an end to the protracted conflicts and on the other hand, starting now, we must discuss and decide on complementary ways to mitigate the impact of this energy crisis and prevent it from being prolonged. It is my belief that it would also be beneficial to discuss the mechanism by which international oil prices are determined. I do not have a concrete solution which is very complex and difficult, but I wonder if it makes sense for all of us to be so dependent on speculation and the volatility of financial and futures markets, which affect the entire production sector, even when the instability originates only from a portion or a limited period of that production. Excellencies, we also bear the intergenerational responsibility to accelerate the energy transition in order to reduce dependencies and mitigate the effects of climate change. I will share with you that in Portugal, we feel the devastating impacts of climate change firsthand in the increase in forest fires, coastal erosion, and the degradation of marine ecosystems, and also and more frequently in extreme weather events, new such as storms, high winds and flash floods. That is why we take a strategic approach to the energy transition. More than 70% of our energy production comes from renewable sources. We have anticipated our carbon neutrality target to 2045. We maintain close collaboration and continued support for countries that are particularly vulnerable to climate change, and we are investing in innovative solutions, such as agreements to convert debt into green investment. Climate change and freedom of navigation share a common priority of our policy: the sea and ocean. Protecting the marine environment and its biodiversity, combating ocean warming, addressing the threat of sea level rise and ensuring universal freedom of navigation are essential priorities on the ocean agenda, which is an agenda we all have to pay attention to.
However, these reform processes must not dilute agreed UN mandates, commitments, and programs, nor should they impede the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. Mr. President, when we adopted the 2030 Agenda for SDGs, the 17 SDGs, in 2015, we committed to leaving no one behind. Yet progress remains elusive, with only 36 percent of the 139 targets currently on track. Numerous obstacles hinder our efforts to accelerate progress, key among being limited fiscal space. Many developing countries lack sufficient financial resources to fund their development needs, with a disproportionate share of revenues directed toward debt servicing rather than critical public infrastructure and social services. This challenge requires urgent reform of international financial architecture to afford developing nations a stronger voice in decision-making, alongside the full implementation of the Sevilla Commitment of the Pact for the Future. Furthermore, equitable taxation is essential for mobilizing domestic resources. An inclusive international tax system is critical for strengthening global cooperation, curbing illicit financial flows, and addressing profit shifting by multinational corporations.
With the 2030 agenda less than four years away, only 36% of assessable SDG targets are on track. Achieving these goals requires renewed political will, stronger partnerships with the private sector, reform of the international financial architecture, and a United Nations development system responsive to the evolving needs and priorities of developing countries. Consistent with the Compromiso de Sevilla, we call for stronger international cooperation to mobilize development financing, facilitate technology transfer and strengthen capacity building. As a country that has newly attained upper middle income status, the Philippines knows that income classification is not the end of the journey. Our metrics must evolve to capture the structural vulnerabilities, debt burdens, and inequalities that continue to affect middle income countries. Put a face to the digital revolution and to the rise of artificial intelligence.
Reparations are not simply reopening a feud of the past. They are a demand for justice for the future, recognition of the wrongs committed, restitution of cultural goods and archives, equitable cooperation, debt relief. There are many possible paths. The African Union has prioritized this, and the CAR fully supports these efforts.
Developing countries continue to face high financing costs, external vulnerabilities and limited fiscal space. Access to climate finance and reform of the international financial architecture therefore remain essential. In this regard, the Sevilla Commitment represents an important step forward whose commitments must now be translated into tangible results, including through improved access to concessional financing, enhanced debt sustainability and increased mobilisation of public and private capital for development. We must also strengthen South-South and triangular cooperation in order to share technologies, knowledge and solutions tailored to the realities of our countries. Africa must not be viewed solely as a region vulnerable to climate change.
It will be held this year. Ladies and gentlemen. A lasting peace cannot be decoupled from development. 40 years after the adoption of the declaration on the Right to Development, we know what we need to do to achieve that goal. There needs to be a wholesale reform of international financial architecture. There needs to be sustainable debt. There needs to be equitable taxation and better access to concessional financing. There also needs to be the implementation of the Seville Commitment as well as of the pact for the future.
International commitments must be translated into action and bring people lives of peace, security, dignity and happiness. It is for this reason that the Pact for the Future and the 2030 agenda, our promises to present and future generations must be implemented earnestly and in full. Commitments on financing for development, including. The severe commitment must be translated into concrete measures, expanding access to long term financing at affordable cost, supporting countries burdened by debt, and amplifying the voice of developing countries in international financial and monetary institutions. The multilateral trading system must be strengthened in an open equitable and transparent manner, ensuring development opportunities for all countries. Climate action must be accorded its rightful place in development cooperation, particularly via the adaptation finance, technology transfer and a just energy transition. Development must be people centred and leave no one behind. Growth must go hand in hand with social progress and equity environmental protection and the safeguarding of people's livelihoods, especially for vulnerable countries and communities.
At the same time, Azerbaijan maintains one of the lowest levels of public external debt globally. Our commitment also extends to advancing sustainable development through effective and accountable institutions. At Azerbaijan's initiative on 30th March 2026, the UN Human Rights Council, adopted by consensus for the third time the resolution, entitled Promoting Human Rights and the Sustainable Development Goals through transparent, accountable and Efficient Public Service Delivery. Co-Sponsored by more than 100 member states, the resolution underscores the essential role of citizen centered, transparent and efficient public institutions in advancing human rights and accelerating progress towards the SDGs. Azerbaijan's innovative ASAN and DOST models of transparent, accessible and citizen centred public service delivery have gained international recognition and are increasingly being adopted by dozens of partner countries. Sustainable urbanisation is another important pillar of our approach to the 2030 agenda. Resilient cities are essential to improving quality of life, strengthening communities, and promoting inclusive economic and social development. In this context, Azerbaijan's successful hosting of the 13th session of the World Urban Forum marked an important contribution to the global urban agenda.
It is carefully designed electoral reform that protects every citizens while ensuring that a basic principle of legitimate political representation of the constituent peoples is restored. Croatia will not tire of explaining why this reform is crucial for the entire country to reach its full potential, and we will not tire of opposing those political forces whose short sighted pursuit of political gains jeopardizes equality of constituent peoples and the long term prosperity. Our own history confirms that transformation succeeds when it is rooted in inclusion, responsibility and reform. Over the past decade, Croatia has doubled the size of its economy in nominal terms, while reducing its public debt to GDP ratio by 30 percentage points from its pandemic peak. Six consecutive sovereign credit rating upgrades have brought us into the A category. We have tripled our defense budget, with approximately one third of that spending allocated to military modernization. In a changed security environment, we are strengthening our security and ensuring we are better equipped to support international stabilisation missions abroad. Reforms we are pursuing domestically are increasing our overall resilience and giving us increased capacity to engage in a world which is rapidly changing. Ladies and gentlemen, the international system stutters when the distance between declaration and delivery becomes too wide.
The United Nations was born in 1945 from humanity's determination that the tragedies of war should never again define our common destiny. Eight decades later, the world continues to look to this organization as a sanctuary where nations can assemble, where differences can be resolved through dialogue, and where hope can be transformed into tangible action. Yet, at a time when conflicts persist, inequalities deepen, climate-related disasters intensify, and countless communities continue to struggle against poverty and insecurity, the international community must renew its commitment to global cooperation. To ordinary people across the globe, this Assembly must not be perceived merely as a forum where the world discusses its problems, but as an organization that actively solves them. The true test of international cooperation is whether a child in a conflict-affected community can live without fear, a young person can find decent employment, a family can afford food, and a developing nation can access the finance required to build its future. Trust among nations has eroded on multiple fronts. Multilateral commitments have too often gone unmet, financing pledges have not yet been fulfilled, and developing countries face trillions of dollars in annual investment gaps to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, billions of people reside in countries where governments are forced to spend more on debt servicing than on healthcare or education. Restoring trust cannot be achieved through declarations alone. It requires that promises already made be honored, and that our institutions demonstrate the capacity and will to respond to changing global realities. Since the Ezulwini Consensus was adopted in 2005, sadly, Africa still has no permanent seat on the UN Security Council and yet the continent remains a global strategic partner in the world stage. The question is: how many more years should African leaders travel to New York and stand before this Assembly to call for a fair representation in the UN Security Council? Mr. President, we are being deprived of the opportunity to contribute to global security issues. We meet at a time when multiple wars and armed conflicts continue to claim lives, destroy infrastructure, and displace communities across various regions of the world.
Therefore, Mr. President, religious hatred must have no place in this world at all. Mr. president, Pakistan's economic revival remains a defining responsibility of my government and a mission that is very close to my heart. Through difficult, long overdue structural reforms and stringent fiscal discipline, we have restored macroeconomic stability and begun the journey towards sustainable and inclusive growth. We are modernising agriculture and industry, developing mineral resources, digitizing our economy, and equipping our youth with modern AI and IT skills. We are opening new pathways with China through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, as well as with the Gulf, Central Asia and beyond. Here I pay tribute to the visionary leadership of President Xi Jinping for spearheading the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Governance Initiative. On these pillars, we can surely build a shared future for mankind. Mr. president, developing countries are in dire need of timely debt relief, affordable long term financing, and a stronger voice in global financial institutions.
The imbalance within the Security Council is also present in international financial institutions, whose structures still bear the imprint of an earlier age. Developing countries need fairer voting power, stronger representation and increased capital within these institutions, together with affordable finance, concessional resources and fairer debt treatment. They must also participate equally in shaping the rules of international taxation. Sierra Leone therefore supports a UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation.
But this ambition does not apply only to the fate of our nation. It will also determine the way in which we view the world. The world which today stands at a crossroads. We are seeing wars dragging on terrorist threats, making inroads, persistent geopolitical tensions, worsening inequality, debt levels which are reducing the room for manoeuvre available to many states, as well as climate upheaval, which is hitting the most vulnerable the hardest. At the same time, we're witnessing technological transformation on a vast scale. It's accelerating. AI is already transforming knowledge work, our economies, education and information. Never has humanity had so many different means to shape its fate.
Access to our minerals will be contingent upon mandatory value generation in our territory, technology transfer and the supply of strategic national sectors. Mr. president, we are living through unprecedented technological revolution with great risks and opportunities. It would be an unforgivable historical omission not to address the challenge of regulating the big techs and artificial intelligence. A handful of techno-oligarchs want to resurrect a version of digital ultra liberalism without rules or transparency. They are promoting a race with no ethical boundaries, bypassing the United Nations and the Scientific panel on Artificial Intelligence. As Pope Leo warned, decisions about technology should, quote, should never be separated from awareness and responsibility. End of quote. Companies that are aware of the risks of their products are transferring the impossible task of confronting algorithms to the families. The billion dollar betting industry turns addiction into profit. Its exponential dissemination is increasing debt levels and destroying homes. Brazil will not tolerate this business model. We passed one of the most advanced pieces of legislation in the world to protect children, adolescents and women in the digital environment. We will ensure fair compensation for artists, musicians and audiovisual content creators. We will not give in to pressure from multinationals that want to privatize our PIX, a free public payment infrastructure that has made financial inclusion a reality for millions of Brazilians. Ladies and gentlemen, the Sustainable Development Goals are currently under attack from reactionary forces that wish to normalize injustices.
Excellencies, with regard to socioeconomic development, achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and those of Agenda 2063 requires financial means that are commensurate with our ambitions. Yet many developing countries face considerable budgetary constraints, high financing costs, and a heavy debt burden. We, therefore, call for a reform of the international financial architecture to make it more equitable, more inclusive, and better adapted to the realities of developing countries. Such a reform must, in particular, provide access to predictable, affordable, sustainable financing, which is essential for accelerating the implementation of the SDGs and Agenda 2063.
What has changed is the world around it. What has changed, first and foremost is Chile. For the vast swathes of the 90s and until the beginning of the 2000, Chile was a success story and a model for many regions and nations. Our country implemented economic policies that prioritized economic stability, openness to trade, and private investment in the Latin American context in which many nations were facing inflation crises and external debt. Chile distinguished itself because it continued to show fiscal responsibility, display high rates of growth and poverty reduction. What happened then? Chile ground to a halt. Things stagnated. It took bad decisions. Public policies were implemented that increased taxation, regulation and obstacles to entrepreneurship. We also weathered a very difficult juncture. In October 2019, Chile then fell to its knees in our streets. For months, there was an outbreak of violence. Chaos reigned and disorder prevailed. All of that brought consequences. With it, investment plummeted, employment ground to a standstill and homicide levels rose to an extent that Chile had never seen in modern history as a result of the rising tide of organized crime. And that all happened until very recently. Until now. Distinguished. I've come to this forum to tell you that Chile is back, and that is no slogan. It is the very reality of a country that today begins to stride towards development. Our government took office with one conviction. Order does not run counter to freedom. Order is one of the preconditions of freedom. The freedom to walk home worry free and to not be a victim of crime. The freedom to run a business and not be stymied by the action of the state. The freedom to invest and not find ourselves in a situation where the rules of the game are continually changing. We have been in government for six years and we're getting our house in order. Today, Chile is a safer, more competitive country and a nation with far less red tape.
Mr. president, one year ago I stood at this very podium and reminded this Assembly that if the United Nations is to remain humanity's surest hope for a just and peaceful world, it must have the courage to confront aggression and the will to engage fully with the defining question of our age. I also argued that we must be bold enough to undertake the institutional reforms necessary to strengthen the organisation, enhance its credibility and enable it to meet the challenges of a changing world. Indeed, I am pleased that the theme of this year's assembly, and I quote, Restoring Trust, Managing transformation, a United Nations that delivers for all, end of quote, acknowledges the need for this organisation to be fit for purpose, to respond to the challenges, and to seize the possibilities of our time. Today, we confront a climate catastrophe, an energy crisis, food insecurity, biodiversity loss, armed conflicts, and geopolitical tensions, the horror of genocide, a spiralling cost of living crisis, a mounting debt crisis, widening inequalities within and among nations, and, perhaps most troubling of all, a weakening of multilateralism itself. Yet if history has taught us anything, it is that even when the world seemed to stand at the precipice, humanity has never been entirely without the means to draw it back from the brink. We have ended wars that seem without end. We have confronted economic calamities that threaten the foundations of societies. We have overcome dangers that presented existential threats. Time and again, it has been our inventiveness, our courage, and above all, our willingness to act together that have opened a path where none seemed to exist. This is why I do not wish to linger or lament further upon the difficulties before us. I wish instead to turn our gaze toward the possibilities that lie beyond them. For within every crisis lies a summons to solutions, within every disruption an opportunity for renewal, and within every uncertainty, the possibility of shaping a better future.
There can be no sustainable peace in a world of widening economic disparities, where some states spend more on servicing their debt than on the health of their citizens and education of their children. This does not absolve developing countries of their responsibility to undertake reform, combat corruption and build institutions. But those efforts require a fairer and more equitable international economic order, one that offers them genuine opportunities to advance. Mr. president, our shared responsibility is equally evident in the face of the profound transformations our world is undergoing.
Second, we call on the next Secretary-General to provide strong leadership across the UN's development and human rights pillars. The authors of the UN Charter understood that peace and security cannot be sustained without creating the conditions for Member States to provide their citizens with prosperity and the full enjoyment of human rights. With significant changes in the global development cooperation landscape, we ask you to ensure that the UN is clear about where its comparative advantage lies, alongside the role of governments, regional organisations and international financial institutions. Citizens and donors expect the UN to operate as one, with agencies working together through a strengthened Resident coordinator system. We will work with you to ensure the UN is more coordinated and focused on strengthening local capacity and partnerships to address a country's development needs. The UN development system must remain relevant, responsive and accessible to all member states based on need rather than size, income level or location. We welcome progress in advancing the UN's Multidimensional Vulnerability Index, and want to see further work to ensure its practical application across the multilateral development system. In the face of contracting development finance flows and increasing debt levels, we need to ensure our ambitions are matched by more sustainable and predictable financing. This will inevitably involve moving beyond exclusive reliance on traditional sources and approaches. President, as Pacific Islands Forum leaders recently reaffirmed in Palau, climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing of Pacific peoples.
Last year OECD donors spent about $175 billion on development assistance... a 23% drop year-on year. And yet military expenditures approached $3 trillion.... capping 11 straight years of growth. All the while progress on the SDGs has stalled at just over a third of targets, and developing countries are now paying the price for supply chain disruptions they did not cause and cannot cure. The contrasts could not be more stark. We must better prioritize how our resources are spent by augmenting development assistance, addressing debt burdens, reforming the international financial architecture, fulfilling our Sevilla and Paris commitments. And implementing the programmes of action for LDCs, LLDCs, SIDs, as well as the AU’s Agenda 2063. Because where we have done so, the results are clear: Over the past decade, nearly one billion people have gained access to safely managed drinking water. Electricity now reaches 92 per cent of the world’s population. And internet access has risen from 40 per cent to 74 per cent. Behind these figures are healthier children, more resilient communities, greater opportunities for women and girls, and renewed hope. These gains show that accelerating the SDGs is possible when developing countries and development partners work in concert. This indeed is a shared responsibility. Developing countries must also intensify their own efforts through domestic resource mobilization and plug any leakage or corruption, including capital flight — A plague that, until recently, undermined development in my own country under a repressive, authoritarian regime.
Somalia also continues to confront international terrorism with determination and with the support of our international partners. We are strengthening our national security institutions, improving force generation, developing intelligence capabilities, and expanding security cooperation with our neighbors and the rest of the world. But the fight against terrorism in Somalia must not be understood as a Somalia's responsibility alone. We stand on the front line for a struggle that directly affects regional and international security. We therefore call for a predictable, sustainable support for Somalia's security transition, including an adequate financing for African Union mission in Somalia. The transition towards full Somali security responsibility must be properly resourced, phased and firmly anchored in capable Somali institutions. Following debt relief, Somalia's economy continues to grow on the foundations of strong reforms. Our real GDP growth this year is 3.1 despite all the global shocks we are experiencing.
Outstanding matters arising from the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, including the border issues and the final status of Abyei, also requires a peaceful engagement between South Sudan and Sudan. Mr. President, restoring trust also requires reform of institutions of global governance. The composition of the Security Council does not adequately reflect the realities of today. Africa, with 54 member states, remains without a permanent representation on the council. South Sudan therefore reaffirms its support for the common African position. Africa must be appropriately represented in both permanent and non-permanent categories. Similarly, developing countries must have a stronger voice in international financial institutions and decisions concerning development, financing, debt, climate and technology. Reforms do not weaken multilateralism. Reforms strengthen its legitimacy. Mr. President, 15 years after the independence, South Sudan remains a young nation undertaking the difficult work of building a state while consolidating peace and delivering development.
Now it's time for a woman to serve, a Latin American woman. Because, ladies and gentlemen, how can an organization that claims to speak on behalf of the whole of humanity never have had a woman leading the organizations? How can we represent all of the continents if, for 3 decades, we haven't let the third most populated continent have this role? The United Nations came to being with the promise that all human beings had their place in this house. Therefore, the time has come to fulfill the outstanding half. The time has come for a woman from Latin America to become United Nations Secretary-General. This is an historic debt that we must settle. And today, more than ever, when feminism is being attacked, when thousands of women are falling victim to machism, violence, and xenophobia, we must reaffirm this commitment. And I want it to be very clear: I'm not saying this because I think that women have anything to prove. I'm saying it because it is the world that needs to show itself that on the road to equality, there's no going back. In my country, ladies and gentlemen, in Spain, it was women who were the first to show us that security could not be achieved through force but through social progress. It was brave women like Clara Campoamor, the first to defend in Parliament the rejection of war as a way of interacting with the world, and opting instead for empathy and peace. That should always be what we do. If only more of the leaders that came up to this rostrum this week had even half the courage and lucidity of Clara Campoamor. Feminism, ladies and gentlemen, is one of the main forces of transformation and progress that the world has experienced in the last century. And it's time for this force to guide this institution in much more of a clear and robust way. And it's for these reasons, ladies and gentlemen, that I believe. I believe that in order to get off on the right footing in this new decisive step forward for the United Nations, the UN needs a female Latin American Secretary-General. And I believe, what's more, that in order for her not to be alone, she will also need the support of brave governments who are prepared to do things right, however high the price to pay may be. This, ladies and gentlemen, is the option and the way forward that Spain has chosen.
This transition should ultimately lead to free and fair elections, in which all Sudanese participate under international and regional observation, allowing our people to determine who governs them at the conclusion of the democratic transition. Sudan has joined the borrowers Platform in recognition of the importance of development financing. We are actively participating in its foundational work in preparation for its first session next October. This is undertaken in support of efforts to implement a roadmap for debt relief. Sudan also seeks to improve relations with international financial institutions, secure the lifting of its temporary suspension from the International Monetary Fund, and establish development partnerships that will enable it to manage the recovery stage. We wish to express our sincere gratitude to the Least Developed Countries Group for the confidence it has placed in us, and for electing us as vice chair of the group's International Coordinating Bureau by consensus. We shall work to advance its development interests and economic recovery and ensure a smooth and secure graduation from this category. In the same spirit, Sudan has been among the first countries to join the Global Alliance for South, South and Triangular Cooperation. This reflects our belief in the importance of strengthening solidarity, mutual benefit and horizontal partnership as an alternative to traditional vertical aid based relations. We hope that our membership will help leverage the considerable influence of this alliance in preparing the country for the post war period, including economic recovery and reconstruction. Mr. president, we reaffirm Sudan's openness to any sincere and constructive effort aimed at ending the war imposed on its people, thereby securing peace, preserving the unity, territorial integrity and political independence of the state and preventing the outbreak of another armed rebellion.
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Reform of global governance must also transform the international financial architecture: more equitable representation for developing countries in international financial institutions, fair treatment of debt, access to real financing for development, more equitable international trade and respect for national priorities. Mr. president, the AES Confederation remains resolutely committed to working alongside all Member states of the United Nations to achieve a more just, equitable international order with more solidarity based on the dignity of peoples, sovereign equality of states, international justice and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
We are strengthening our domestic revenue and enhancing the quality of public spending. But a country facing war, epidemics, poverty, and climate shock simultaneously cannot close this gap alone. At the same time, official development aid has fallen by more than 23% in real terms in 2025, which is the steepest annual contraction ever recorded. This contraction undermines development efforts and jeopardizes the prevention of crises whose consequences go far beyond national borders. ODA remains indispensable, but it will not be enough. The Seville Commitment must now translate into better access to concessional financing, better mobilization of multilateral development banks, and debt relief mechanisms that protect our state's ability to invest. Lastly, no financial architecture can be sustainable without tax justice. International cooperation must combat illicit financial flows, tax evasion, transfer pricing manipulation, and the laundering of revenue from natural resources. Stolen assets must be rapidly identified, frozen, and returned. Every penny recovered can fund a vaccine, a textbook, a well, or a road. Mr. President, the DRC knows that the trust it calls for restoring on the international stage is earned first through the commitments it keeps on its own soil. That is the goal of our efforts to consolidate peace, strengthen our institutions, and make our natural and human wealth the foundation of shared prosperity.
Mr. president, the Haitian crisis is also one of the most painful expressions of the divides of our age. This chaos is no accident of history. Its roots run through centuries of injustice, and the debt of independence remains the heaviest burden to bear. This is why we welcome the work of the mixed commission of Haitian and French historians, and we are very eagerly awaiting the publication of its report.
Believing that climate change is a major factor affecting development, security and stability, Tunisia emphasizes that addressing this challenge requires a genuine climate justice, particularly since developing countries bear severe consequences despite their limited historical responsibility for emissions. Accordingly, countries with the greatest responsibility must fulfil their commitments regarding climate finance while maintaining a clear distinction between climate financing and development financing. Tunisia believes that achieving climate justice, comprehensive development and pandemic preparedness and response requires reform of the international financial architecture to make it more equitable, inclusive and fair, thus ensuring developing countries have easier and fairer access to financing, and enabling them to invest in scientific research, technology innovation and digital transformation, thereby reducing their debt burdens, strengthening their resilience and empowering them to relying on their own capacities and shaping their future.
